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Why are some nascent groups able to organize sustained violent resistance to state repression, whereas others quickly fail? This article links the sustainability of armed resistance to a largely understudied variable—the skills to mount such a resistance. It also argues that the nature of repression experienced by a community creates and shapes these crucial skills. More specifically, the article focuses on a distinction between selective and indiscriminate state repression. Selective repression is more likely to create skilled resisters; indiscriminate repression substantially less so. Thus, large-scale repression that begins at time t has a higher chance of being met with sustained organized resistance at t +1 if among the targeted population there are people who were subject to selective repression at t‒1. The article tests this argument by comparing the trajectories of anti-Nazi Jewish resistance groups in three ghettos during the Holocaust: Minsk, Kraków, and Białystok. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article, a preliminary observation of the kopitiam (coffee shop) in Singapore, argues that the informal and seemingly apolitical kopitiam has engendered a form of political resistance that we have often failed to see. Using a case study, the article examines how local practices could reflect a hitherto neglected understanding of Singaporean politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the leadership qualities of Lieutenant Colonel Otto Skorzeny whose charteristic led to refer him as the "most dangerous man in Europe." It says that Skorzeny wa born on June 12, 1908 in Austria and joined the Austrian Nazi Party in 1931. It mentions that Skorzeny involved in planning the attack in the (Operation GREIF) Ardennes, Belgium in November 1944. Moreover, Skorzeny attempts to organize former SS members into an underground movement whose aim was to resist communism and help the evacuation of Western troops from Germany.

The article focuses on the current literature about the Islamic radicalization and Uighur insurgency in Xinjang Xian, China. It points out that the literature focuses on specific aspects of the insurgency and is inadequate to explain the causal mechanism of the Islamic radicalization. Furthermore, it highlights the policy implications on the Islamic radicalization at domestic and international levels.

The author focuses on the aspects of Lebanese film and video, which depicts an aesthetic uncertainty with imitative modes pf mediation. He mentions that the reflexive distrust of film and video's own apparatus becomes evidenced in the work of several filmmakers who emerge during the Lebanese civil war. He points out that the films that were made to be melodramas in Egyptian dialect and demonstrated increasingly liberal sensibilities, merging partial female nudity and hypersexualized. He notes that a mythologize nostalgia emerged about the past destruction, and depression that followed in effect surpassed the myth of the golden age.

The article discusses Cuba following the assumption of power in February 2008 by Cuban President Raúl Castro, examining whether there are realistic democratic alternatives to the autocratic rule of Castro. Castro's base of power, the article states, is the military which controls almost 60 percent of the economy through the management of key business enterprises. Other topics include civic opposition existing in Cuba in January 2009 and the history and the condition of that civic opposition in Cuba as of January 2009.

After the Soviet invasion of eastern Poland in September 1939, a network of Jewish underground organizations and active conspiratorial groups was established. Its objective was to resist the violent imposition of the Soviet system, to preserve Jewish culture and religion and, for those with a Zionist orientation, to work for the establishment of a Jewish homeland. The Zionist parties and organizations among them were particularly active, especially the youth groups. The fate of the Jewish population of Eastern Europe under the Soviet occupation of 1939-41 remains understandingly overshadowed by the tragic events of the Holocaust. As a result, the activities of this Jewish underground are not widely known and have received little attention from scholars. Only in recent years have historians researching the history of Jews in eastern Poland begun to look more closely at Jewish resistance and especially at Zionist activity under Soviet occupation. These scholars have, however, relied exclusively on the eyewitness accounts of the few survivors. At the same time, Polish and Russian historians conducting intensive research on the war-time Soviet occupation of eastern Poland have published contemporary Soviet documents that confirm the existence of this Jewish underground. The material currently available shows that the Jewish underground was more widespread than previously thought, and that the Soviet authorities viewed Jewish resistance groups, and indeed any clandestine activity, as a serious threat to their rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on the arguments of Governor George C. Wallace regarding the 1964 civil rights bill. Wallace has challenged the civil rights movement by protesting the civil rights legislation, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, that sent him off into the national politics. He opposed the public accommodation title of the bill that eliminate racial segregation because to him it is unconstitutional. There were only four sections in the bill that Wallace argued, besides public accommodation are the sections on nondiscrimination in federally assisted programs, equal employment opportunity, and miscellaneous. These sections that Wallace argued were said to be the most emotional to the civil rights movement.

In August this year it will have been 50 years since the armies of five Warsaw Pact states invaded Czechoslovakia. Nevertheless, new recollections of eye-witnesses, which help create and refine our picture of those events, continue to appear. At the time of the Prague Spring Ivo Masařík was 27 years old, had completed his university education and was working at the General Directorate of the Fire Service in Prague. He began keeping notes of what he had seen on the first day of the occupation, 21 August 1968, when he learned from the radio that troops were occupying the country. Like thousands of other citizens he took to the streets. He didn't become actively involved in the resistance against the occupiers but instead spent days crisscrossing central Prague, recording and photographing the unfolding occupation. During the day he observed and in the evenings he wrote notes, which literally constitute a first-hand account. Masařík's photographs from that time are being made public for the first time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that the plot to overthrow the U.S. government through a bloody revolution. The plot appears to be confirmed by the papers and documents taken over in a raid by police officials in New York on March 13, 1919. The two hundred suspects were brought to the criminal courts. Among the literatures taken over by the police were several books printed in Russian which urged to overthrow the U.S. government.