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Let me begin by thanking the members of the George F. Kneller Advisory Committee and you the members of the American Educational Studies Association for inviting me to give the annual Kneller Lectu...

Religion and nationalism are two terms that are closely related with one another. In Indonesia, the debate about religion and nationalism has narrowed down to two major issues: The first is the integration of religion and nationalism in the form of a religious state. The second is religious accommodation within the country. The Indonesian founding fathers have agreed to choose the accommodation model by making Pancasila as the foundation of the country, whose core is based on the universal values of religion, such as divinity, humanity, unity, deliberation and social justice. This research was conducted in Gorontalo city and applies qualitative method. Data collection was carried out using interview techniques and document studies. Interviews were conducted with informants ranging from religious leaders, historians, and academics. This paper aims to illustrate that the choice to accommodate religion in the country is the right action, given the national movement in Indonesia is based on religious movements. The independence movement in 1942 in Gorontalo was the culmination of the movement of nationalist movement such as Sinar Budi and Islamic-based organizations such as Syarikat Islam (SI), Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatus Sjafiiah, which had been carried out 10-20 years earlier.

This essay is the introduction to the special issue of Genealogy, &ldquo, For God and Country: Essays on Nationalism and Religion.&rdquo, It poses the question of what relationship, if any, nationalism has to religion, and then briefly reviews the history and current state of the scholarship on the topic. This essay then introduces the seven essays making up the special edition. It concludes by observing that, overall, the collection suggests that while religion and nationalism are more closely related than previously held, they nevertheless remain two distinct phenomena.

The Birhen sa Balintawak is the first indigenous representation of the ‘Virgin-with-child’ in the Philippines. Associated with the revolutionary movement of the Katipunan and promoted by Gregorio Aglipay, a revolutionary priest and a founding figure of the Iglesia Filipina Independiente, this representation of Mary is connected with the political and religious emancipation of the Philippines. This paper explores the construction of the masculinity of the child that accompanies its mother, arguing that its description and depiction both serve to uplift a particular kind of Filipino (revolutionary) masculinity by legitimizing it religiously and to interpret the Christian tradition in an equally indigenous as revolutionary sense. The paper draws on Aglipay’s 1926 Novenario of the Motherland as its central source.

Bodily movement has a deeper meaning than modern sport science might recognize. It can have religious undertones, and in modern societies, it is sometimes related to the building of national identity. In the study, two cases of bodily practice are compared. Norwegian ski has a relation to friluftsliv (outdoor activities) and is highly significant for modern Norwegian identity. Indian yoga is related to the traditional ayurveda medicine and to Hindu spirituality, and obtained an important place in the process of anti-colonial nationalism. The aim is to demonstrate how Norwegian skiing and Indian yoga as national body and movement cultures in different ways, show a complex connection between ‘ancient roots’ and modern transformations of cultural identity. Gliding on skis, sitting, and breathing in yoga make up the basis on which people have built identities of their collective ‘we’.

* Final published version available at: https://doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1315394 * Turkish nationalism has long presented a study in contrasts. The nationalist movement that created the Republic of Turkey sought to define the nation in explicitly civic and inclusive terms, promoting a variety of integrationist reforms. At the same time, however, those same nationalist politicians endorsed other policies that were far more exclusionary, expelling many religious and ethnic minorities from the new nation and imposing harsh restrictions on those who remained. The seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies has been mirrored by much of the scholarship on Turkish nationalism, which has often viewed Turkish nationality through the lens of the “civic/ethnic divide,” with various scholars arguing that the Turkish nation is exclusively civic or ethnic. This article seeks to transcend this dichotomous way of looking at Turkish nationalism. I argue that the policies previously seen as being exclusively civic or ethnic are in fact both examples of boundary-making processes, designed to forge a cohesive nationalist community. Seen through a boundary-making perspective, the seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies in its early years are not paradoxical at all, but represent a multi-dimensional effort to construct a cohesive national community that could replace the defunct Ottoman state.

Based on fieldwork with the Annamrita programme, a food-based social service of ISKCON or the Hare Krishna movement in India, I look at the intricate connection between food, faith, social service and institution building. Formally known as the ISKCON Food Relief Foundation, the Annamrita programme has partnered with the government’s midday meal scheme for school children. From the point of view of sociology of food and sociology of religion, I propose that food is a cultural, moral and emotional investment for ISKCON. I describe how a faith-based social service through the instrument of food becomes a mode of bridging and institution building. The governmentality of this food service and the sacred public–private partnership is a specific kind of cultural and macroeconomic intervention in a resource-limited setting such as India. Camouflaged and embedded in this programme is an element of cultural hegemony and a Krishna consciousness-governed nationalism, with the ideas of the nation as a sacred ...

Prejudiced attitudes and political nationalism vary widely around the world, but there has been little research on what predicts this variation. Here we examine the ecological and cultural factors underlying the worldwide distribution of prejudice. We suggest that cultures grow more prejudiced when they tighten cultural norms in response to destabilizing ecological threats. A set of seven archival analyses, surveys, and experiments (∑N = 3,986,402) find that nations, American states, and pre-industrial societies with tighter cultural norms show the most prejudice based on skin color, religion, nationality, and sexuality, and that tightness predicts why prejudice is often highest in areas of the world with histories of ecological threat. People's support for cultural tightness also mediates the link between perceived ecological threat and intentions to vote for nationalist politicians. Results replicate when controlling for economic development, inequality, conservatism, residential mobility, and shared cultural heritage. These findings offer a cultural evolutionary perspective on prejudice, with implications for immigration, intercultural conflict, and radicalization.

Pride of Place (PoP) is the positive emotion that people can have for the place they identify or associate themselves with. It is linked to one’s own place identity and attachment to one’s own place, whether at a local or broader geographical scale. Positive pride of where one comes from can elicit a series of behaviours that are of prosocial and caring character, a pride that is too extreme, however, can result in nationalism and antisocial behaviours (at least towards what is outside one’s own place). In this book chapter, the literature around the emotion of pride is reviewed, being it historically and religiously regarded as a vice, specifically in relationship to places within a religious context. Pride of Place and religion are discussed in relation to the affective, cognitive and conative aspect of people–place bonds.

Bu araştırma, iktidar ve merkezkaç güçlerin üzerinde hegemonik mücadele sürdürdüğü en yaygın popüler kültür ürünü olan sinemanın siyasi kültürümüzün ekseni etrafında hangi merhalelerden geçtiğinin izleğini sürme amacındadır. İncelemede başlangıcından itibaren milliyetçilik kuramlarının bir hülasası sunulmuş, bunun Türk sinemasındaki takibinin oluşturulması için sinema tarihimizde öne çıkan akımlar ve propagandaya konu olabilecek filmler ekseninde Türk sineması ve siyasi tarihimiz araştırılmıştır. Bu bağlamda 1960’a kadar olan dönemin önemli olayları ve filmleri ortaya konulmuş, bundan sonraki süreç 27 Mayıs-12 Mart için 92 film ve 12 Mart-12 Eylül darbeleri eksenindeyse 51 filmle iki dönem olarak incelenmiştir. Çalışmadaki sınıflandırma partilerden daha çok ideolojik bağlamda oluşturulmuş, bu anlamda Atatürk’ün sınırlarını çizdiği anlamda resmi ideoloji “Atatürk Milliyetçiliği”, Türklerin İslam öncesi Orta-Asya dönemine işaret eden siyasi simgesini Nihal Atsız ve ekibinde bulan “Bozkurt”, Türklerin İslam’ı yücelttiğini söyleyen Türklük ağırlıklı “Üç Hilal” ve İslam’ın Türklüğü yücelttiğini savunan İslam ağırlıklı “Türk-İslam Sentezi” ideolojilerinin izleğinin filmler ekseninde takibi yapılmıştır., This research aims to follow up the path of stages which cinema goes through around the axis of our political culture, as the most widespread product of popular culture over which the governments and central powers struggle for hegemony. The research offers an extract of the nationalist theories from their conception in order to establish their sequences in Turkish cinema by examining Turkish Cinema and our political history from the point of view of the prevailing trends and movies that may be subject to propaganda in the history of our cinema. Within this context, important events and movies of the period until the 1960s have been presented, the subsequent period have been examined as two periods from May 27th, 1960 to March 12th, 1971 with 92 films, and from March 12th, 1971 to September 12th, 1980 with 51 films. Classification in the research is established within an ideological context rather than parties. Reflection of the following ideologies have been examined in the aforementioned films; “Atatürk Nationalism” the official ideology based on the framework which is drawn by Atatürk; “Bozkurt” which indicates the pre-Islamic period of Turks in Central Asia that found its political symbol amongst NihalAtsız and his squad; “Three Crescents”, the theory that is weighed on Turkishness and claims that Turks have elevated Islam and “The Turko-Islamic Synthesis” which claims that Islam have exalted Turkishness.

A recent article has found nationalism to be negatively associated with government respect for several human rights. In this article, I replicate the original study’s findings, I demonstrate that these findings are robust to an alternate model specification, and I then extend the analysis to additional human rights not examined by the original author. Ultimately, I find that in comparison to when the chief executive is not nationalist, when the chief executive is highly nationalist, that state is less likely to be associated with high government respect for six ‘empowerment’ rights (i.e. the freedoms of assembly and association, electoral self-determination, speech, foreign movement, religion, and worker’s rights), and more likely to be associated with low government respect for these six empowerment rights. This study suggests that nationalism’s influence on human rights is greater than previous thought.

The emergence of religiously motivated terrorist attacks and the increasing xenophobia expressed in Europe concern religions in many ways. Questions related to religion also lie at the core of educational aims and practices used to create national cohesion and understanding about different types of values and worldviews. However, despite the topicality of the issue, we have little knowledge about the ways in which young adults experience religions in a secular state. In order to contribute to the discussion regarding the relationships between religion, nationality, security, and education, this study focuses on investigating how politically active young adults experience the role of religions in Finnish society. The qualitative data of this study were collected from young adults (18&ndash, 30-year-olds) through an online questionnaire distributed through political youth organisations. The content analysis of the responses (altogether 250 respondents) identified five main orientations towards religions. The findings highlight the importance of providing young people with education about different faiths and worldviews for reducing prejudices, especially those related to Islam. The findings also highlight the need to address in education and society the possible but not as self-evident relationship between violence and religion, and to do this more explicitly than is currently done.

Статья обосновывает причину появления национальной идеи среди еврейского населения в конце XIX в., которая послужила появлению сионизма и, как следствиеэтого, восстановлению государства Израиль. В статье показывается, что форма национального самосознания у евреев отличается от идеи религиозного объединения, а сам национализм возник не только изза антисемитизма в Европе, но и какчасть европейского исторического развития мысли. В статье отражены моменты проблематики в становлении национального самосознания у евреев не только впрошлом, но и в настоящем, которые непрерывно связаны между собой., The article gives grounds for the idea of the Jewish national identity among the European population in the late 19th century, which in its turn gave rise to Zionism as well as therecovery of the Israeli State. The article shows that the form of national Jewish identity differs from the idea of religious unification whereas nationalism is rooted not only in European antisemitism, but also was a part of the European thought development. The article deals with different problematic aspects of the Jewish national selfidentity formation notonly in the past, but also in the present times, which are inseparably connected., Научное мнение, Выпуск 7-8 2019, Pages 33-42

This paper uses data from a new question in the 2011 UK censuses of population to investigate national identities among ethnic and religious minorities. It focuses primarily on Scotland, while presenting comparative data for England and Wales. A robust comparison of national identities between different minorities in Scotland and with similar groups in other nations of Britain has previously not been possible because ethnic and religious minority groups represent a small proportion of Scotland’s population and are weakly represented in sample surveys. The new census question on national identity therefore offers an unprecedented opportunity for this kind of analysis. The analysis is used to critically evaluate previous claims of the existence of multicultural nationalism in Scotland and previous research that has suggested that Scottish identity is relatively inclusive of people in minority groups. The findings suggest that while Scottish national identity is relatively inclusive of minorities in some respects, the conclusions of previous research should be treated with some caution.

Today, radicalism ethnocentrism has become a primary source of violent armed conflicts inside the country and in some parts of the world and has entailed an attrition of nation-state's power. On the other hand, ethnic nationalism in some countries has targeted national integrity and the very foundation of the society. This paper seeks to respond to the question: What impacts does this ethnic scatteredness and diversity have on the order and security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? What solutions are there for the national integrity? That which is certain is the existence of various ethnic groups in Iran which have rarely caused conflicts and engagements; from the issue of Turkmen Sahra and Azarbayjan in the early Revolution to the strikes by Kurdish people in May 2010 which are all issues that have been effective on the public order and security of Iran. Therefore, it is necessary for Iran to adopt effective steps in the direction of national integrity while relying on converging components of the Iranian ethnic groups including shared religion, shared land, and also the issue of shared security. Of course, looking upon the 37 year old history of Iran, this demonstrates that the country has made huge progress in this regard. The methodology is descriptive-analytical and by using data and information, some solutions have been offered.

Bu çalışma, gelişmekte olan ülkelerde ve gelişen pazarlarda bulunan küresel firmalar bağlamında kültürel endoktrinasyon ile bunun rasyonel karar verme sürecine etkileri arasındaki bağlantıyı araştırmaktadır. Organizasyonlar, farklı kültürel geçmişlerden gelen paydaşlarla ve yerel yöneticilerle etkileşime geçme ihtiyacı duymaktadır. Bu nedenle bireysel ve toplu yaklaşımları oluşturan bireysel gereklilikleri anlayabilmek kararları ve onların etkilerini tahmin etmede yardımcı olacak ve süreçte yaşanabilecek aksaklıkları ve sapmaları önleyecektir. Bütünsel bir literatür taramasına dayanan bu tez, gelişen pazarlarda küresel firmaların karar verme sürecine etki eden din, milliyetçilik, kültürel kurumsallaşma, kültürel zeka ve değer yönelimleri kuramı gibi kültürel endoktrinasyon unsurlarını incelemektedir This research explores the connection between cultural indoctrination and its implications for rational decision making in the context of global firms in emerging markets and developing countries. As organizations are confronted with the need to engage with stakeholders and local managers from different cultural backgrounds, understanding cultural imperatives into individual and collective approaches to making a decision will help in anticipating decisions and their implications and also avoid flaws and deviations in the process. Based on an integrated literature review, this thesis examines the following factors included in cultural indoctrination: Religion, Nationalism, Cultural Institutionalization, Cultural Intelligence and the Values Orientation Theory on the decision-making process of global firms in emerging markets 150

Bu tez Türkiye'de `cemaat modernliği`nin uyum ve direnç dinamiklerinin neler olduğunu ve bu süreçte ne tür modern ve dinsel pratiklerin ortaya çıktığını, İslam'ın temel değer ve normlarını referans alan, kendilerini tarikattan ayrıştıran, geleneğin içinden bir İslami canlanmayı, yenileşmeyi öngören Nur cemaati üzerinden çözümlemeye çalışmaktadır. Gücünü 18. yy. Aydınlanma düşüncesinden alan Batı modernliği bilim ve teknolojinin dayandığı norm ve değerlere göre yeni bir toplum inşa etmeyi amaçladığı için nispeten otoriter ve katı bir seküler öze sahip olduğu söylenebilir. Bilimi ve aklı diğer tüm düşünce biçimlerine önceleyen 18. yy. modern düşünce sistemi, bireyi disiplin altına almış ancak diğer taraftan ekonomik kalkınma, demokrasi ve temel hak ve özgürlükler konusunda 18. yy. öncesine göre önemli ilerlemeler sağlamıştır. Nur cemaatinin kurucu lideri Said Nursi, modern değerlerin İslam'la uzlaşabileceğini ve modernitenin olumsuz yönlerinin ıslah edilebileceğini vurgulamıştır. Onun karşı olduğu modernitenin tek tipleştirici, pozitivist, materyalist ve dine yaşam alanı bırakmayan katı seküler özüdür. Bu tez çalışmasında, kendi içinde farklı grupları barındıran Nur Cemaatinin genel öğretisiyle ilişkili olan alt gruplar ele alınmıştır. Cemaat mensuplarının modernliği nasıl deneyimlediklerinin ve ne tür gerilimler yaşadıklarının en bariz mekânları olan metropol ve kentlerdeki farklı yaş, meslek ve eğitim gruplarından seçilen kişilerle derinlemesine görüşmeler gerçekleştirilmiştir. 2017 yılının temmuz ve ağustos aylarında yapılan saha çalışmasında Katılımcılara 'kartopu örneklem' yoluyla ulaşılmıştır. Sonuç olarak daha öncesinde kan bağına dayalı ve belirli bir mekânla sınırlı olan cemaatlerin, özelde dini cemaatlerin modernleşmeyle birlikte yok olup gidecekleri klasik sosyologlar tarafından varsayılmış olsa da modernliğin neden olduğu güvensizlik ortamı, parçalanmışlık, aşırı bireyselleşme, yalnızlık ve yabancılaşma gibi hoşnutsuzluklar her ne kadar gelenekselliğini yitirmelerine neden olsa da modernliğe uygun bir forma dönüşerek kendilerini yeniden var ettikleri görülmüştür. Nurcuların modernleşme konusunda `seçici` davrandıkları ve modernleşmenin tüm boyutlarını değil; `kısmi` boyutlarını ele alarak modernleşebildikleri, `modernliği yerlileştirdikleri` söylenebilir. Ayrıca Nur cemaatinin, İslami hassasiyetleri gözetmeye çalışarak popüler kültürün yönlendirdiği modern hayat tarzına ve tüketici kalıplarına adapte olma yönünde ciddi bir eğilim içerisinde oldukları söylenebilir. Nurcuların söylem düzeyinde her ne kadar seküler modernliğe karşı ciddi bir duruş sergilemeye çalıştıkları söylenebilse de pratikte seküler modernlikle gittikçe derinleşen ve karmaşık hale gelen bir ilişki içerisine girdikleri, sekülerleşmeyi ve dini pratikleri yerine getirmeyi birlikte yürüttükleri görülmüştür. Bu, aynı zamanda paradoksal bir duruma işaret etmektedir. Bu paradoksal durumun, Nur mensuplarının birçoğunun birbiriyle çelişebilecek davranış kalıpları geliştirmelerine de neden olduğu söylenebilir. This thesis tries to analyze what the dynamics of adaptation and resistance of `modernity of community` and looks into what kind of modern and religious practices have emerged in Turkeyin relation to the Nur Movement/Community which takes the fundamental values and norms of Islam as reference, separates themselves from religious orders (tariqat) and envisages an Islamic revival and renovation/modernization from within the tradition. It can be said that the Western modernity, which draws its power from the 18th century via the idea of Enlightenment, has a relatively authoritarian and rigid secular essence since it aims to build a new society according to the norms and values on which science and technology are based. The 18th century modern thought system, which prioritized the science and reason against all other forms of thoughts, has disciplined the individual, but on the other hand, haspaved the way significant progress on economic development, democracy and fundamental rights and freedoms compared to the pre-18th century. Said Nursi, founding leader of the Nur Community, emphasized that modern values can reconcile with Islam and that the negative aspects of modernity can be corrected. What he opposes is the rigid secular essence which is monotypic, positivist, materialist and that does not leave any room for religion (or religious life). In this thesis study, subgroups related to the general teaching of Nur Community which contains different groups within itself are discussed. In-depth interviews were conducted with people selected from different age, occupation and education groups in metropolitans and urban areas, the most obvious places in which one can observe how members of the community experienced modernity and what tensions they experienced. During the field work that were carried out in July and August of 2017, interviewees were conducted through 'snowball sampling' technique. Consequently, although it was assumed by classical sociologists that the communities that were previously based on consanguinity and limited to a specific space, especially religious communities, would disappear with modernization, it has been seen that discontents such as the environment of insecurity, fragmentation, ultra-individualization, loneliness and alienation caused by modernity have been transformed into a form suitable for modernity and recreated themselves even though these have caused them to lose their traditionality. It can be said the followers of Nur Movement/Community are `selective` with respect to modernization and have been able to become modern and have `nationalized modernity` by considering the `partial` dimensions of modernization, not all dimensions of it. Furthermore, it can be said that the Nur community are in a serious tendency to adapt to modern life style led by popular culture and consumer patterns by trying to take care of Islamic sensitivities. Although it can be said that even though the members of the Nur community try to show a serious stance against secular modernity at the level of discourse, in practice, it has been observed that they have entered into a relationship with the secular modernity which becomes increasingly deepened and complicated and they have carried out together the secularization and the fulfillment of religious practices. This also indicates a paradoxical situation. It can be said that this paradoxical situation has also caused many members of Nur community to develop behavioral patterns that may conflict with each other. 378

Islamic religion teachers have significant role in forming their student's religious views and attitudes, especially in the level of senior high school since high school student are in the middle of identity seeking process. But it can be threat if teacher religious attitude are lead to radicalism, while radicalism associated with anti-nationalism. This descriptive quantitative study conducted in Semarang city and involving 47 schools. Samples selected are 47 Islamic religion teachers. Results shows that 97.9% of them regard non-moslem as their comrades, and willing to cooperate in social activities (97.9%), economic (93.6%), and politic (74.5%). While in terms of nationalism, there are 2.1% respondents believe that NKRI (The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia) is not suitable form of state, and 4.3% judge that Pancasila is not the right ideology. And 8.7% suppose that Khilafah is the most appropriate form for Indonesia.

Tez çalışmasında Türkiye'deki mevcut siyasi partilerin milliyetçilik anlayışlarında dinin yerinin incelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Günümüzde milliyetçi söylemi oluşturan yedi siyasi partinin tüzüklerinin, ideolojik kısımlarının seçilmesi yoluyla araştırma yapılmıştır. Milliyetçilik kuramları doğrultusunda, Türkiye'deki milliyetçilik anlayışlarının siyasi parti tüzükleri yoluyla çözümlenmesi çalışmanın kapsamını oluşturmaktadır.Milliyetçiliğin ne olduğu, tarih içerisinde ne zaman ortaya çıktığı, nasıl gelişim gösterdiği, ne zaman sosyal bilimlere konu olduğu, üzerine yapılan tartışmaların ve araştırmaların neler olduğu, Türkiye'ye nasıl ve ne zaman girdiği ile milliyetçiliğin Türkiye'deki tarihsel dönüşümü çalışmanın konusu olacaktır.Milliyetçiliğin gerek Dünyada gerekse Türkiye'de tarihsel, siyasal ve toplumsal olarak yaratmış olduğu dönüşümlerden ötürü, sosyal bilimcilerin araştırma konusu olmuştur. Türkiye'de de milliyetçilik, milliyetçilik ve din üzerine çeşitli çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Ancak sosyal bilimlerin güncelliğini koruması ve ülkemizde milliyetçiliğin yeni evrelere girmesinden ötürü, güncel çalışmalara her zaman ihtiyaç olduğu söylenebilir. Ayrıca bu çalışma, Türkiye'de mevcut olan milliyetçi görüşleri, siyasi partilerin tüzüklerinde, milliyetçi kuramlar doğrultusunda inceleyeceğinden, milliyetçi olarak değerlendirilen görüşlerin, ne olduğuna dair de yeni bir fikir sağlayacaktır In this thesis study, the analysis of religion in the current political parties in Turkey is aimed. It is made with the regulations of seven political parties that form the nationalist discourse in present Turkey and selected ideological values of these parties. In accordance with the nationalism theories, the idea of this thesis is to study and analyze the understandings of nationalism in Turkey through the regulations of political parties.Definition of nationalism, its time of emerge in history, its growth, its time of becaming a subject to social sciences, the revelation of the nature of studies and arguements practiced on it, along with when and how it is included in Turkey and its historical transformation in Turkey will be the main topic of this paper.Both in the world and the Turkey, nationalism has been a research subject because of its ability to create historical, political and social transformations. Also in Turkey, there's been various researches done about nationalism, nationalism and religion. But, because of the always-updated status of social sciences and nationalism's always-evolving nature in our country, it can be said that up to date researches are always needed as well. Besides, this study will provide a new idea about the opinions which are defined as nationalistic and its identity through the paper's style of analyzing with the regulations of political parties and nationalistic theories on the present nationalistic opinions in Turkey. 133

Batımodernleşmesinin etkileri karşısında Osmanlı ve Cumhuriyet aydını, tehdit edicimeydan okumaya bir cevap üretme gayretine girmiştir. Özellikle Osmanlı'nın sondönemlerinden başlamak üzere pek çok siyasal fikir "kurtuluş" olmaümidiyle tartışılmıştır. Dönemin zor koşulları karşısında farklı sentezler veyorumlarla aydınlar Batı medeniyeti karşısında nasıl tavır alınacağına dairciddi görüşler ortaya koyarak mücadele etmişlerdir. Özellikle bu çalışmanınkonu edindiği Yusuf Akçura ve fikirleri, dönemin öne çıkan düşünce akımları vekültürel durumunu anlama noktasında önemlidir. Bu bağlamda çalışmanın problemiYusuf Akçura düşüncesi ve din ilişkisini anlamaktır. Amacımız ise Akçura’nınTürkçü düşünce geleneğindeki konumuna bağlı olarak dönemin sosyal ve siyasalşartlarının dini anlama ve yorumlamada ne tür farklılıklar ortaya çıkardığınıortaya koymaktır. Akçura özelinde Türkçülük akımının Osmanlı’nın ana akımdüşünceleri içerisinde güçlü bir yer edindiği, Akçura’nın şahsi hayatınınfikirlerinde dengeli bir milliyetçilik vurgusu ortaya çıkardığı nihayetAkçura’nın düşünsel altyapısının özgünlüğü dikkat çalışmada dikkat çekensonuçlar arasındadır., The Ottoman and Republican intellectuals have sought to produce aresponse to a threatening challeng in the face of the effects of westernmodernization. Many political ideas have been debated in the hope of "salvation",especially starting from the last days of the Ottoman Empire such as Turkism,Othmanism, Islamism, Westernizm. With different syntheses and interpretationsin the face of difficult conditions, the intellectuals struggled by expressingserious opinions on how to stand against Western civilization. In particular,Yusuf Akçura and his ideas are important in understanding the current state ofthought and cultural situation of the period. The problem of paper is tounderstand Yusuf Akçura’s thoughht and religion. Our aim is to reveal thedifferences in the social and political conditions of the period depending onAkçura's ideas in the tradition of Turkism. Akçura's intellectualinfrastruc-ture of Akçura is one of the remarkable results in the study of Turkism,in which the Ottoman Empire had a strong place in the mainstream thinking andalso Akçura's personal life emphasized a balanced nationalism in his ideas.

Division of people according to their different national and geographic features is not at all unnatural. However, in such divisions no group whatsoever can be especially prominent in the sense that it must necessarily be granted political power. The community which has sovereignty and political power in the Islamic cognitive tradition is called al-milla. Of course, al-milla here does not mean a nation, but a common path chosen by members of society in the light of intuitive and rational knowledge, which leads to the essences of ontological reality. Conversely, in the modern West, a nation draws on sensitive and emotional knowledge of folk bias and as such becomes a measure of political sovereignty. In fact, the nation is nowadays man's new social me, which in no way manifests sublime ontological realities, but creates reality itself. Therefore, in this paper we insist that nationalism is quite a new ideology of the modernistic era, which has never before in the history of human thought been credible. To show how a nation can be a measure and source of truth, values and rights, in this paper we use analyses of modern rationalist philosophers and German romantics. We will also explain that in the cognitive stage of Islam such an ideology must be clearly disproved. In religious traditions, kinship, financial and other material privileges are considered possible causes of the collapse of society. True privileges are only the nobility and purity of soul. The source of bliss, peace and harmony should be seen exactly in them and not in the national states that are the cause of conflicting identities, interests, territorial aspirations and suffering. Yet, many non-Western societies, including ours, are still in the race over who will be a more extreme supporter of the ideology of nationalism.

Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun son döneminden Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'ne varan tarihsel süreç içerisinde kapitalist düzen ve doğurduğu emperyalist politikalar sonucu, Osmanlı içerisindeki aydınların kafası oldukça karışıktır. Avrupa kaynaklı çeşitli ideolojileri öğrenebildikleri ölçüde kendi geleneksel yapılarına uyarlamaya çalışan aydınların bocalaması eklektik bir düşünce biçimini ortaya çıkarmıştır. Elbette söz konusu aydınların amacı Osmanlı'nın devamlılığını sağlamak ve devleti bu çıkmazdan kurtarmaktır. Ancak temel problem, Avrupa'dan gelen fikri akımları toplumla harmanlayamamaktır. Bu durumda Türkçülük, İslamcılık ve Osmanlıcılık karşısında söz konusu problemi aşacak niteliktedir. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin kuruluş felsefesi olma sürecinde ve yeni devletin fikri temellerinin atılmasında önemli katkısı olan Türkçülük, teşkil ettiği pozisyon itibariyle hep polemik konusu olmuştur. Bu çalışmada, dönemin önde gelen Türkçü aydınlarının ve `Pantürkizm'in Babası` olarak bilinen Yusuf Akçura'nın fikirleri, objektif olarak, sosyolojik bir perspektifle ele alınmaya çalışılmıştır.Anahtar Kelimeler: Yusuf Akçura, Osmanlıcılık, Ġslamcılık, Türkçülük, din (Ġslam), toplum, milliyetçilik, sosyal bütünleĢme As a result of the capitalist order and it`s creation the imperialist politics, from the last period of the Ottoman Empire to the historical process of reaching the Republic of Turkey, the mind of the intellectuals in the Ottoman Empire is quite complicated. The fallacy of intellectuals trying to adapt their own traditional structures to the extent that they can learn from various European-originated ideologies reveals an eclectic way of thinking. Naturally, the aim of the intellectuals is to ensure the continuity of the Ottoman Empire and to save the state from this impasse. However, the main problem is that it can not blend intellectual currents come from Europe with their society. In this case, Turkism is the kind that will overcome Islamism and Ottomanism.Turkism, which is a significant contributor to the establishment philosophy of the Republic of Turkey and to the dissolution of the foundations of the new state, has always been a polemical issue in terms of its position. In this study, Yusuf Akçura's ideas, known as the leading Turkist intellectuals and `Father of Pan-Turkism`, were tried to be treated objectively with a sociological perspective.Key Words: Yusuf Akçura, Ottomanism, Islamism, Turkism, religion (Islam),society, nationalism, social integration 120

Bu çalışma milliyetçilik ve eğitim ilişkisine odaklanarak Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi ders kitaplarında Türk vatandaşının nasıl temsil edildiğini anlamaya çalışır. Bunun için dersin zorunlu hale getirildiği 1982 yılından 2015'e kadar okutulan kırk iki kitabı söylem analizi yöntemiyle inceler. Çalışma, devlet ile din arasındaki ilişkiyi ve İslam'ın vatandaşın üretimi için nasıl araçsallaştırıldığını ele almaktadır. Eğitim bu ilişkinin gözlemlenebileceği en önemli alanlardan biri olarak ele alınmaktadır ve Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi dersine vatandaşlık tanımındaki İslami özellikleri yansıtması bakımından özel bir önem verilmiştir. Bu bakımdan ders kitapları vatandaşlık temelli tartışma ve mücadeleler ile uluslararası gelişmeler dolayımıyla incelenecektir. Öte yandan, muhafazakar ve dini değerleri benimseyen Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde yapılan program reformları ve sonucunda basılan kitaplardaki vatandaşlık tanımı devamlılık ya da kırılma ekseninde değerlendirilecektir. This thesis focuses on the relationship between nationalism and education and tries to understand how Turkish citizen is represented in Religious Culture and Morality textbooks by conducting discourse analysis on forty two selected books since the course's being compulsory in 1982 until 2015. The study deals with the relationship between state and religion and how Islam is instrumentalized for the reproduction of the citizen. Education is considered as one of the crucial venues that this relationship can be noticed and Religious Culture and Morality has a further importance since it is the only subject which reflects the Islamic characteristic of the citizenship definition. Hence, the books are going to be examined due to the debates and struggles on citizenship and international developments about the issue. Also, the programme reforms and consequently published books during the Justice and Development Party government, which embraces conservative and religious values, is going to be scrutinized to understand a continuation or a rupture in the definition of the citizen. 163

Bu çalışmanın amacı Türkiye ve İsrail'in devlet inşa süreçlerinin din, devlet ve milliyetçilik ilişkileri ekseninde karşılaştırılmasıdır. Bu iki devlet konuya ilişkin literatürde demokratik, seküler ve modern olarak tanımlanmakta ve İsrail'in bu bağlamda Orta Doğu bölgesinde istisnai olduğu öne sürülmektedir. Ancak konuya dair sağlıklı bir analiz yapabilmek için bu iki devleti temel alan sekülerizm tartışmalarının her iki ülkenin de kendine özgü milli ve tarihsel bağlamlarından koparılmaması gerekmektedir. Bu amaçla bu çalışmada, bu iki ülkenin sekülerleşme süreçlerinde benimsedikleri benzer ve farklı yollar irdelenince, İsrail devletinin bölgede istisnai bir örnek teşkil etmediği ve bu iki devletin sekülerlik süreçlerinin düşünülenden daha fazla bir paralellikte seyrettiği ve ortak yönleri olduğu iddia edilmektedir. Bunun yanı sıra, iki devletin kuruluşunu müteakip gerçekleştirilen milli kimlik inşası sürecinde dinin göz ardı edildiğine dair fikirler öne sürülmüştür. Bu çalışma bu tartışmalar çerçevesinde din-devlet ilişkilerinin tarihsel, kurumsal ve anayasal eksende karşılaştırılması yolu ile iki devletin kurucu ideolojisinin seküler bir temele dayanmasına rağmen, milli kimlik ve ulus inşası sürecinde dine dayalı bir kimlik tanımı yapıldığını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Buna göre, her iki ülkede, kuruluş sürecinde belirgin olan dinin rolünü azaltmaya yönelik çabanın yerini dinin kıstas olduğu bir milli kimlik inşasına bıraktığı görülecektir. The intention in this study is to make a comparison of the relationship between the state, religion and nationalism in the State of Israel and the Republic of Turkey during their state-building processes. Existing literature analyzing the relationship between the state and religion in Israel and Turkey reveals that both have been conceived as secular, democratic, modern states, and Israel can be put forward as exceptional case in the Middle East. That said, there is a need to include the issue of secularism in the national, historical contexts of both states to gain a better understanding of the issue. To this end, this study delineates the similar and different paths followed by the State of Israel and the Republic of Turkey concerning their experiences with secularism, and argues that, contrary to general assumptions that emphasize their uniqueness in the region; the two share various similarities and indeed are not unique. It has been argued further that religion was neglected by the state elite during the construction of a national identity in both countries. This study seeks to challenge this bias by making a comparative historical, constitutional and institutional analysis of the relationship between the state and religion in the State of Israel and the Republic of Turkey, and argues that although the state elite in both countries started out as secular, relied on religion to define the boundaries of the national identity during the state-building period. 192