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Since the 19th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Xi Jinping has continued to dominate the political stage. Having succeeded to abolish the two-term limit for the presidency in March 2018, he has consolidated even more his power, restructuring several Party and state agencies and promoting many supporters to key positions. He has also privileged very conservative policies, raising questions about China's reform and open-door strategy. However, in the summer of 2018, in the context of a growing trade war with the US, his opponents have launched an offensive that has highlighted deepening divisions within the Party leadership and among the elites. While today Xi is more contested than before, his detractors have remained unable to weaken him, let alone to use the trade war with the US, to force him to radically change course., Author(s): Jean-Pierre Cabestan [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (Aff1) 0000 0004 1764 5980, grid.221309.b, Department of Government and International Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University, , Kowloon Tong, Hong Kong Introduction Since the [...]

How do authoritarian leaders insulate their regimes from the contagion effects generated by cross-national waves of popular protest? This article compares the strategies of leaders in four authoritarian regimes--Azerbaijan, China, Russia, and Saudi Arabia--and their responses to the color revolutions and the Arab uprisings. This comparison reveals that these countries have developed an elaborate and similar toolkit to defend the authoritarian status quo and that vigilant autocrats take preemptive measures even when popular uprisings erupt in geographically distant regions or within very different political systems., 'It is not easy being a dictator today. ' James Dobson (2012: 2) The durability of so many authoritarian regimes in the face of the global spread of democratic governance [...]

Existing studies about the 1975 constitution in the English literature, mostly conducted shortly after its announcement, are primarily interested in how the document differs from the constitutions of 1954 and 1978. The current study is instead primarily interested in the dynamics and process of drafting the 1975 constitution. Although the document reflects the radicalism of the Cultural Revolution, it was also the result of political compromise. The roles of Mao and the party, the concept of 'dictatorship of the proletariat,' and the belief in communist internationalism were all toned down because of the preceding events that occurred. The fate of the 1975 People's Republic of China constitution was closely linked to Zhang Chunqiao, the key person in charge of drafting the document. Although many of Zhang's ideas as reflected in the 1975 constitution were communistic, the way that the politics was conducted then was not. Unlike the more commonly used method of textual analysis from a comparative perspective, this study used materials that emerged after the Cultural Revolution to document the dynamics of drafting the constitution. Keywords Zhang Chunqiao * Constitution * Cultural Revolution * Class struggle * Marxism * Paris Commune, Introduction For many, the 1975 Chinese constitution was the epitome of Maoist radicalism demonstrated in the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). Great changes have taken place since then: the post-Mao capitalism-oriented reform [...]

A U.S.-based geographer investigates how decentralization, a central component of China's fiscal reforms in the 1980s and 1990s, has altered the foundation of underlying economic inequalities among its regions. More specifically, the paper examines the evolution of China's fiscal system during the reform era and corresponding changes in the character of central-local fiscal relations. It focuses on analyzing how patterns in regional fiscal disparities at multiple geographic levels have changed over time, laying the groundwork for further research on China's uneven regional development. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: E620, H770, O18.8 figures, 90 references. Key words: fiscal decentralization, fiscal system, China, fiscal disparity, regional inequality, scale, revenue, expenditure, Shandong Province. DOI: 10.2747/1539-7216.51.6.744

How the link between village elections and public goods investment acts as a version of pork barrel politics in rural China is discussed. Analysis of unique survey data set from almost 2,450 randomly chosen villages shows that provision of public goods increases if village leaders are elected. Their reelection also depends on whether they did more public projects during their terms of office.

The Chinese Communist Party's initiative for community development and improving its reputation is presented. Data on the background and careers of township cadres in Xuanwei county, Yunnan province and the reform trends in the appointment and selection system in China are addressed. The two partly contradictory trends in cadre selection used in China namely exams and consultations are examined.

The article offers the socio-demographic outline of the Korean scholarly community of contemporary Chinese politics. Scholarly outputs in the field of contemporary Chinese politics with the help of monographs, referred journal articles and doctoral dissertations produced by Korean scholars are assessed and need for more advancement is suggested.

The different ways in which the Chinese media can be controlled is discussed. A regime of uncertainty is considered to be a deliberate strategy used by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to control the Chinese media.

A study was conducted to examine the potential role of civic environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in China's democratization. The origins, structures, and functions of these NGOs are analyzed based on interviews with 31 NGO officials. Findings indicate that these NGOs have been less successful in influencing government decisions.

A study was conducted to investigate the extension of social rights and social security coverage to intra-national migrants in China as a public governance issue. Findings reveal the difficulties encountered in the local implementation of policy directives issued by the central government.

The credit rating agencies provides a good barometer for the Chinese government's overall attitude towards private authority. The implementation and adoption of a rating system is a desire to improve the weakening of the financial sector of the Chinese economy.

The article explains the power seized with violence which has to be maintained with violence in the course of founding of the Chinese Communist Party. It further explains Mao Zedong's policies and practices and the interactions between China's central and local authorities.

The research on the rural China depicts the village leaders are the sources of trouble and obstacles to justice. The article contributes to an emerging research agenda on rural conflict in China by locating the position of direct appeals to higher authorities.

The article explains local governments who are responsible for dealing with many of the instances of resistance in China and use of suppression as a mode of response. The analysis also shows the weak legal position as the action of the Chinese citizens often violates their laws and government regulations.

The rural protest leaders in rural China and their multitasking activities are discussed. The efforts of the government to control the influence of the protest leadership in rural China are mainly emphasized.

Chinese political scenario in 2007 with preparations and negotiations of the Seventeenth Party Congress and the first Plenary Session of the new Seventeenth Central Committee is reviewed. The General Secretary, Hu Jintao's scientific development concept was integrated into the Constitution with the emphasis on building socialism with Chinese characteristics.

The article evaluates the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) approach to the private sector. The various strategies adopted by the CCP to integrate itself with the private sector are assessed.

The shift of the People's Republic of China to neo-liberalism and its accumulation by dispossession, by marketing previously uncommodified activities, rather than the accumulation of capital are analyzed.

The balance of power between central and local government control of China's public security system is discussed. The prevalent decentralized and local control exerted by Party officials over the police is seen to hinder the establishment of the rule of law in China.

The limited reform enacted in China's courts and their likely present and future role in the Chinese political arena are discussed.

The article discusses about qipao that has strongly re-emerged and although it is no longer worn as an everyday dress, it has gained new consumer types, creative interest, renewed global recognition and powerful symbolic meanings.

The most important international development in post-Cold War is the vast improvement in Sino-Cuban relations having survived the impact of the collapse of Soviet communism and the wave of global liberalization. Though Beijing has promoted its approach towards legitimizing the one-party regime through engaging in economic reforms and opening the world to Havana, Fidel Castro has expressed his doubts about the future of socialism in China.

The international community is wondering if China will abide by the prevailing international rules as it rises as a major power in the world. By examining the rise of the popular slogan, 'link up with the international track', at different levels of Chinese public discourse, analyzing its meaning and application, and assessing the major controversies over the slogan shows that Chinese thinking about following international rules varies across time, sectors and issue areas.

Increased interaction within the Pacific region on the part of China that is expected to increase the country's 'soft power' over the other countries of the area is discussed. The impact of China's potential economic, political and strategic motivations on the U.S. is discussed.

A senior American Sinologist and noted specialist on the geography of China out-lines a series of most significant challenges facing that country as it continues its spectacular economic rise in the early 21st century. The main theme of his observations is China's ability to cope with internal challenges viewed as the key to likely success in the future. In addition to a number of demographic, environmental, and economic issues, the author discusses the possibility of change in the political system dominated by the Chinese Communist Party, which plays a distinct role in the relationship between economic reform and political emancipation. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: HI0, I31, J10, O15, P20. 3 figures, 1 table, 28 references. Key words: China, economic development, political reform, pollution, gender adjustment, population aging, income inequality, resource competition.

The gender contestations in the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP's) central power structure is examined on the basis of the archival research and interviews. It is argued that formation of the conservative line was a result of strategic maneuvers by the top women's federation leaders and Deng Xiaping with the goal of sustaining a gender-based organization in a time of political disturbance and the importance of informal relations in the formal decision-making process is emphasized.

The process of writing and re-writing history in the People's Republic of China (PRC) trying to give an answer to the loss of ability of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to define a master narrative for post-1949 Chinese history and the inability of other forces to replace the CCP historiography with an alternative dominant interpretation is analyzed. It is observed that China, which is going through a period of normalization, does not have a master narrative authoritative enough to be imposed on or accepted by the people.

The Chinese cultural production during the Mao era is explored, by emphasizing on the evolving relationship between artists and the party-state. An analysis of Mao-era films, especially the spectacular Great Leap Forward production of Lin Zexu, in terms of their political thrust and reception in the difficult -to -predict world of the People's Republic, is presented.

The factional conflict and escalating violence in Beijing University during 1966-1968 are analyzed. It is observed that the conflicts were bitter and personal no because they expressed differences between status groups, but due to the fact that the rivals knew one another so well, and because the consequences of losing in this struggle were so dire.

The aspects of the Chinese political system and the Chinese state during 1958 to 1965 are discussed using newly available Chinese sources. The formal legal process where the use of courts was extensive throughout the pre-Cultural Revolution period is highlighted and it is demonstrated that much more was going on within the Chinese state than was widely appreciated.

The consultative and sophisticated approach of China's political process along with diversified and competitive political actors followed the introduction of a market economy and governance according to law policy. The politics of lawmaking in the provincial people's congresses in China are analyzed with a view to illuminating the changes that the reform era brought to the political processes.

China's new development strategy seeks to combine populist authoritarianism in the political realm with a shift in economic policy that focuses more on the sustainability and quality to economic growth rather than its speed. Rising social tensions have fed into tightening party control over state and society.