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Previous research has found that words are identified most quickly when the eyes are near their center (the Optimal Viewing Position effect). A study was conducted to determine whether this same phenomenon is observed during reading, as revealed by a relationship between fixation position in a word and the duration of the fixation. An analysis of three large existing corpora of eye movement data, two from adults and one from children, showed a surprising inverted Optimal Viewing Position curve: mean fixation duration is greatest, rather than lowest, when the eyes were at the centers of words. From this phenomenon, we suggest an alternative explanation to the fixation duration trade-off effect in word refixations [O'Regan & Lévy-Schoen, Attention and performance XII: the psychology of reading (1987)]; the phenomenon also contradicts expectations of both oculomotor and cognitive theories of eye movement control. Attempts to test alternative explanations led to the discovery of another phenomenon, the Saccade Distance effect: mean fixation durations vary with the distance of the prior fixation from the currently-fixated word, being longer with greater distances. The durations of fixations in reading are complexly determined, with influences both from language and perceptual/oculomotor levels.

Three experiments were performed to verify O'Regan's (1979) [Perception & Psychophysics, 25 (6), 501-509] finding that in reading, the eye moves further forward when going towards the word 'THE' than when going towards a three-letter verb. The experiments were performed in French instead of English, and compared the plural article 'les' with different three-letter verbs. It was confirmed that the eye did indeed move about 1.5 letters further in the case of the article 'les'. Further investigation of the phenomenon suggested that the effect was present even when the prior fixation duration was short: Only when prior fixation was around 200 ms or less, and additionally when the eye started from a launch position that was far from the word, was there a suggestion that the 'les'-skipping effect disappeared.

The optimal viewing position phenomenon discovered by (O'Regan, J. K., Lévy-Schoen, A., Pynte, J., Brugaillère, B. (1984). Convenient fixation location within isolated words of different length and structure. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and performance. 10 (2), 250-257) is characterized by a minimization of gaze duration on a word and maximization of word recognition rates when the eye fixates a word near its center. Subsequent studies (Holmes, V. M., & O'Regan, J. K. (1987). Decomposing french words. In J. K. O'Regan, & A. Lévy-Schoen, Eye movements: from physiology to cognition, North-Holland, Amsterdam, 459-466; O'Regan, J. K., & Lévy-Schoen, A. (1987). Eye movement strategy and tactics in word recognition and reading. In M. Coltheart, Attention and performance XII: the psychology of reading, Erlbaum, Hillsdale N.J., 363-383) have shown that lexical structure can affect the location of the optimal viewing position. In this paper we show that the optimal viewing position is near to the position which minimizes word ambiguity arising from incomplete recognition of the letters in the word. This conclusion is supported by a statistical analysis based on inter-letter correlations in English and French word corpuses.

Word recognition performance varies systematically as a function of where the eyes fixate in the word. Performance is maximal with the eye slightly left of the center of the word and decreases drastically to both sides of this optimal viewing position. While manipulations of lexical factors have only marginal effects on this phenomenon, previous studies have pointed to a relation between the viewing position effect (VPE) and letter legibility: When letter legibility drops, the VPE becomes more exaggerated. To further investigate this phenomenon, we improved letter legibility by magnifying letter size in a way that was proportional to the distance from fixation (e.g., TABLE). Contrary to what would be expected if the VPE were due to limits of acuity, improving the legibility of letters has only a restricted influence on performance. In particular, for long words, a strong VPE remains even when letter legibility is equalized across eccentricities. The failure to neutralize the VPE is interpreted in terms of perceptual learning: Since normally, because of acuity limitations, the only information available in parafoveal vision concerns low-resolution features of letters; even when magnification provides better information, readers are unable to make use of it.

McConkie, Kerr, Reddix, & Zola [(1988). Vision Research, 28, 1107-1118] demonstrated that the distributions of landing sites on a word tended to be gaussian in shape. They provided a detailed account of the behaviour of the eye once a target had been selected and a saccade initiated, but said little about the process of target selection itself. The purpose of this study was to take as a starting point the landing site distributions of McConkie et al., in particular the residuals derived from fitting the gaussians to the empirical data, and to explore by computer simulation a number of saccade targeting strategies in order to discover candidates that best accounted for the residual data. Our results indicate that the strategy that gives the best fit involves targeting the longest word in a right parafoveal window extending 20 characters to the right of the currently fixated word. The implications of this finding for models of reading are discussed.

The purpose of the present study was to compare the oculomotor behavior of readers scanning meaningful and meaningless materials. Four conditions were used--a normal-text-reading control condition, and three experimental conditions in which the amount of linguistic processing was reduced, either by presenting the subjects with repeated letter strings or by asking the subjects to search for a target letter in texts or letter strings. The results show that global eye-movement characteristics (such as saccade size and fixation duration), as well as local characteristics (such as word-skipping rate, landing site, refixation probability, and refixation position), are very similar in the four conditions. The finding that the eyes are capable of generating an autonomous oculomotor scanning strategy in the absence of any linguistic information to process argues in favor of the idea that such predetermined oculomotor strategies might be an important determinant of eye movements in reading.

Eye movements were recorded while subjects read passages of text repeatedly (Experiment 1) and while normal text and strings of homogeneous letters were fixated (Experiment 2). Text repetition decreased fixation durations and increased saccade size, presumably because it decreased attention demands. Irrespective of repetition, however, no distinct distribution of brief (express) fixations emerged. In Experiment 2, fixation durations were shorter and saccades were larger when strings of homogeneous letters were "read," indicating that this condition decreased attention demands. Again, however, no distinct distribution of express fixations emerged. These findings pose problems for the view that attentional processes determine the occurrence of brief (express) fixation durations in reading. Supplementary analyses of Experiments 1 and 2 suggested that visuospatial processing affected fixation durations, irrespective of linguistic processing demands.

Two experiments are described that measured lexical decision latencies and errors to five-letter French words with a single higher frequency orthographic neighbor and control words with no higher frequency neighbors. The higher frequency neighbor differed from the stimulus word by either the second letter (e.g., ASTRE-AUTRE) or the fourth letter (CHOPE-CHOSE). Neighborhood frequency effects were found to interact with this factor, and significant interference was observed only to CHOPE-type words. The effects of neighborhood frequency were also found to interact with the position of initial fixation in the stimulus word (either the second letter or the fourth letter). Interference was greatly reduced when the initial fixation was on the critical disambiguating letter (i.e., the letter P in CHOPE). Moreover, word recognition was improved when subjects initially fixated the second letter relative to when they initially fixated the fourth letter of a five-letter word, but this second-letter advantage practically disappeared when the stimulus differed from a more frequent word by its fourth letter. The results are interpreted in terms of the interaction between visual and lexical factors in visual work recognition.

During isolated-word reading, within-word eye-movement tactics (i.e., whether the eye makes one or more fixations on the word) depend strongly on the eye's first fixation position in the word; there exists an optimal landing position where the probability of having to refixate the word is much smaller than when the eye first fixates other parts of the word. The present experiment was designed to test whether the optimal landing position effect still exists during text reading, and to compare the nature and strength of the effect with the effect found for isolated words. The results confirmed the existence of an optimal landing position in both reading conditions, but the effect for words in texts was weaker than it was for isolated words, probably because of the presence of factors such as reading rhythm and linguistic context. However, the effect still existed in text reading; within-word tactics during text reading are dependent on the eye's initial landing position in words. Moreover, individual fixation durations were dependent on within-word tactics. Thus, the initial landing position in words must be taken into account if one wishes to understand eye-movement behavior during text reading. Further results concerned the effects of word length and word frequency in both reading conditions.

Current models of word recognition generally assume that word units orthographically similar to a stimulus word are involved in the visual recognition of this word. We refer to this set of orthographically similar words as an orthographic neighborhood. Two experiments are presented that investigate the ways in which the composition of this neighborhood can affect word recognition. The data indicate that the presence in the neighborhood of at least one unit of higher frequency than the stimulus word itself results in interference in stimulus word processing. Lexical decision latencies (Experiment 1) and gaze durations (Experiment 2) to words with one neighbor of higher frequency were significantly longer than to words without a more frequent neighbor. This neighborhood frequency effect is discussed in terms of the different types of candidate selection process postulated by contemporary models of visual word recognition.

When a word is visually presented in a naming or comparison task in such a way that the eye is initially fixated at different locations within the word, a very strong effect of fixation location is found. The effect appears as a U-shaped curve. Naming time and total fixation time (gaze duration) have a minimum for an initial fixation location between the third and fifth letter of the word (for words that are 5-11 letters long). When initial fixation location deviates from this optimum position, times increase at the surprisingly fast rate of 20-30 ms per letter of deviation. By manipulating the internal lexical structure of the words, we show that at least part of the fixation location effect is caused by mechanisms related to ongoing lexical processing. This is demonstrated by the fact that the fixation location effect takes a different form when the most informative part of a word (as determined by dictionary counts) occurs at the beginning or the end of the word.