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Sociologists have studied the causes and consequences of collectively blaming and negatively portraying Muslims, but less attention has been paid to how collective blaming and negative descriptions affect researchers' categorisations of such vilified groups. Drawing on 22 months of fieldwork with Muslim men in Norway, I elucidate how racialisation can influence interactions in field research when studying a controversial subject with a racialised group. I identify three patterns in which racialisation affects field interactions: accepting a racialising view, defending the racialised group and developing a shared story between a researcher and participants. I argue that, in this case, desires to present positive views of Islam and Muslims, attempts to distance oneself from religious extremism and attempts to categorise radicalised Muslims as neither Norwegians nor Muslims illustrate racialisation's influence. My findings suggest that racialised understandings enter field interactions but remain opaque unless the researcher reflects upon their own and participants' positionality and membership in a racialised group. I conclude that shared experiences of racialisation between a researcher and the participants deepen the researcher's understanding while limiting enquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been an unprecedented increase in interest in the study of radicalisation. To comprehend this phenomenon, numerous political science and sociological perspectives are emphasised to determine social movement conceptualisations. Using British Muslim youth as a case study, the goal of this article is to explore the themes of identity, resistance, racialisation, and mobilisation as antecedents to Islamist radicalisation. In other words, the few young Muslims who have turned to radicalism have done so due to fractures in their gendered sense of status and belonging at the local, national, and international levels. In this article, I conduct a theoretical and conceptual review of five distinct stages of Islamist radicalisation in the context of the United Kingdom, all of which are influenced by local, national, and international concerns. This discussion supports the argument that these waves of radicalism result from identity fragmentation in local communities and worsen as a result of international events. In the British context, the dangers of radicalism are determined by the intersections of local, global, and international events, or at the micro, meso, and macro levels, and these indicate the greatest risks linked to this phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper questions the opportunities that Yellow Vests as a Networked Social Movement (NETSM) created for politically underrepresented groups. Without a clear authority structure and a formal organisation, NETSMs challenge traditional leadership understandings. Nonetheless, their ability to determine precision in setting goals, demands, and strategies is disputed in the NETSM literature. Considering both aspects, the paper evaluates Yellow Vests' success in bridging two underrepresented groups inclined to radicalisation. The study rests on 77 interviews with young-adult French citizens who support Radical Right movements (n=40) or self-identify as Muslim in the public sphere of Paris and Lyon (n=37). I argue that Yellow Vests' baseline arguments (e.g., against the pension reform and tax hikes) were precise enough to be shared by our interlocutors. Meanwhile, our interlocutors left the group boundaries sufficiently imprecise so that the movement could reach beyond their parochial identities. Bringing the two features together, the movement opened up new (e.g., class-based) radicalisation possibilities other than those relying on the Islamist and nativist vocabularies. After analysing this combination of precision and imprecision in the context of several unresolved problems, I conclude that the movement's vulnerability emanates from its failure to refine the combination that initially symbolised a shared future imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Some research suggests a higher prevalence of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) among terrorist offenders in comparison to the general population. However, the literature does not achieve consistency in terms of an evidential and theoretical basis that individuals with ASD are especially susceptible to terrorism engagement. Through a case-series analysis, this paper discusses the interplay between ASD and radicalization. We examine how core ASD traits may increase one’s susceptibility to adopting radical ideology, and how internet exposure may contribute to the radicalization process. We comment on how vulnerability may lead to risk, distinguishing between these concepts, and argue that while individuals with ASD may not experience an increased risk of terrorism engagement, traits associated with ASD may increase one’s vulnerability to becoming radicalized when exposed to extremist material online. In considering psychiatric and legal issues, we then make recommendations by examining two notorious Canadian cases. Both individuals were reported to have ASD and received life sentences as a result of committing mass murder, with one individual targeting women, and the other targeting the Muslim population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author examines in the article various aspects of antisemitism as a species of Xenophobia in the modern world. He tries to answer the question of what is the uniqueness of this phenomenon? Indeed, as a rule, it is mentioned even in international documents along with general manifestations of Xenophobia and Racism. The author shows that antisemitism is unique in the sense that it differs from other varieties of Xenophobia in its universal character. Indeed, antisemitism is characteristic of all types and forms of Xenophobia, it is an instrument of Islamism, as well as left and right Radicalism. The fight against antisemitism largely depends on the degree of integration of a number of non-Jewish population groups, such as migrants and Muslims, and its level largely depends on external factors to which the Jews of the diaspora are not directly related, such as the political and military situation. In the Middle East (the socalled «new antisemitism»). At the end of the article, the author answers the question why the fight against modern antisemitism is important for the general confrontation of Hatred, and also gives recommendations for the successful confrontation of this kind of Xenophobia in modern conditions.

Objectives: This study aims to demonstrate the extent of the Holy Qur’an’s interest in building thought and its keenness to protect it from any influences. These verses in the Holy Quran build aciculums of facts faraway from deviation and study of myths. It treats the reasons deviation which make human deviation not just for person but for all society which threat Muslims and their security and thoughts in order to denigrate the fact of Islam which depend of the average thinking, feeling, behavior not allow and warning of violence and height or default dissolution of the duties that excuse Alwasatya Curriculum and moderation for both sides, Excessive duties its deviation which lead to bad things. Methods: In my study, I have employed a descriptive approach based on analysis to examine and explain the causes of intellectual deviation and how the H In my study, I have employed a descriptive approach based on analysis to examine. Results: I have reached explain the causes of intellectual deviation and how the Holy Qur’an addresses them through systematic, scientific principles. The Qur’an, free from falsehood, equips Muslims to confront misguided and deviant ideas, fortifying their sound thought. This fortification enables them to effectively counter any erroneous ideologies.oly Qur’an addresses them through systematic, scientific principles. The Qur’an, free from falsehood, equips Muslims to confront misguided and deviant ideas, fortifying their sound thought. This fortification enables them to effectively counter any erroneous ideologies. Conclusions: The conclusion was that the Muslim is able to confront and fight deviant and misguided thoughts because he has built his sound thought and fortified it, and thus he has become able to confront any deviant thought. Keywords: The Holy Quran, Thought, Deviation, Extremism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prison radicalization poses a significant and evolving threat in Bangladesh's correctional facilities. This research article delves into the conditions fostering radicalization, including corruption, overcrowding, violence, and the lack of essential amenities. Drawing on extensive analysis of secondary data and expert interviews, this article argues that these conducive conditions have transformed Bangladeshi prisons into breeding grounds for radical ideologies, allowing militants to establish networks and plan attacks within and beyond prison confines. This article also points out the transformation of prisoners, even those with minimal radical tendencies, into militant leaders, along with the shift of non‐radical individuals toward extremism. Moreover, it underscores the lack of de‐radicalization programs within the current prison system as a crucial gap in countering this escalating issue. Furthermore, the research identifies societal denial, limited post‐release opportunities, and mistreatment by security forces as factors exacerbating radicalization post‐incarceration. As such, this study emphasizes the urgent need for comprehensive strategies to address prison radicalization. Related Articles: Awan, Imran. 2012. "'I Am a Muslim Not an Extremist': How the Prevent Strategy Has Constructed a 'Suspect' Community." Politics & Policy 40(6): 1158–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00397.x. Heinmiller, B. Timothy, Matthew A. Hennigar, and Sandra Kopec. 2017. "Degenerative Politics and Youth Criminal Justice Policy in Canada." Politics & Policy 45(3): 406–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12204. Spalek, Basia. 2010. "Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to 'New Terrorism.'" Politics & Policy 38(4): 789–815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00258.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Uncontrolled migration sweeping Europe is a priority of the political leadership led by a number of European states such as France, Italy, as well as their allies in the United States. The climate crisis in Europe also plays an important role here, which can be resolved, according to Germany, with the help of future “new citizens” who arrived from countries in Africa and the Middle East, exclusively with a Muslim population. What are the migration and immigrant policies in EU countries? How is the immigration policy of European countries being transformed? A detailed analysis of the current state of affairs in Europe is based on official data from the national statistical services of Germany, France, Great Britain, the Ministry of European Integration of the Republic of Serbia, the Department of Civil Liberty and Immigration of the Italian Republic, as well as international organizations - the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), Eurostat, World Bank. The article examines the security problem in connection with the penetration of radical Islam along with refugees. The authors reveal the consequences of the migration crisis in Europe and make an attempt to answer the question: is the reception and integration of refugees an act of humanity or a problem of national security for EU countries.

This article employs cultural repertoire theory to investigate how 84 Muslim men in Norway make meaning of adopting or rejecting political violence. Previous studies have addressed political violence among Muslims, but little attention has been paid to how its adoption and rejection involve self-ascription and ascriptions by others. The participants made meaning by drawing on stories about their past, exclusion and belonging, in addition to religious worldviews and political knowledge, including boundaries of class, crime, violence, race, religion and gender. Muslims are informed by mainstream ascriptions of them as extreme others and inherently radicalized in their meaning-making. This finding has important implications for how Muslim radicalization should be understood and countered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author examines in the article various aspects of antisemitism as a species of Xenophobia in the modern world. He tries to answer the question of what is the uniqueness of this phenomenon? Indeed, as a rule, it is mentioned even in international documents along with general manifestations of Xenophobia and Racism. The author shows that antisemitism is unique in the sense that it differs from other varieties of Xenophobia in its universal character. Indeed, antisemitism is characteristic of all types and forms of Xenophobia, it is an instrument of Islamism, as well as left and right Radicalism. The fight against antisemitism largely depends on the degree of integration of a number of non-Jewish population groups, such as migrants and Muslims, and its level largely depends on external factors to which the Jews of the diaspora are not directly related, such as the political and military situation. In the Middle East (the so-called "new antisemitism"). At the end of the article, the author answers the question why the fight against modern antisemitism is important for the general confrontation of Hatred, and also gives recommendations for the successful confrontation of this kind of Xenophobia in modern conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious extremism has become a prominent issue widely discussed worldwide today. Numerous studies from various perspectives have been conducted by scholars from both the Western and Eastern traditions to understand and identify solutions to the problem. Although the issue of religious extremism is considered somewhat sensitive due to its subjective classification, sometimes based on the biases of the evaluators, the Islamic perspective on progressive fiqh issues needs to be analyzed and highlighted as one of the efforts to address the phenomenon of extremism. This aims to prevent greater harm to the Muslim community and, consequently, preserve religion, life, intellect, honor, and wealth as desired by Islamic law (maqasid Sharia). This article employs a qualitative approach using a descriptiveanalytical method, which seeks to critically describe the substance of various concepts and theories related to the moderate concept according to Ibn Ashur. The primary data sources are Ibn Ashur's written works discussing the Maqasid Sharia. Additionally, literature related to religious extremism will be utilized. This article is expected to contribute to the understanding and handling of religious extremism by integrating the principles of Maqasid Sharia from Ibn Ashur's perspective. The purpose of this article is to identify and analyze the significance of Maqasid Sharia in the context of combating religious extremism based on Ibn Ashur's perspective. It also aims to provide new insights into efforts to combat religious extremism by detailing the importance of Maqasid Sharia according to Ibn Ashur's thoughts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Aspects of Islamic Radicalization in the Balkans after the Fall of Communism" is a comprehensive book that provides a deep analysis of Islamic radicalization in the Balkans. The book challenges stereotypes and offers insights into the diverse and complex realities of Muslim communities in the region. It covers topics such as the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, the influence of foreign fighters, and the role of the Balkan Muslim diaspora in Europe. The book emphasizes the importance of integration and deradicalization strategies in addressing extremism and securing the future of the region. [Extracted from the article]

This article argues that countering violent Islamist extremism in the southern Philippines requires greater employment of proactive Alternative Narratives (AN) rather than more reactive Counter-Narratives (CN). It offers the "4 M Way" of employing Alternative Narratives so as to achieve Information Dominance over countervailing violent extremist ideology. Properly executed, the 4 M Way could gradually steer vulnerable Muslims away from violent Islamist ideological rigidities toward the flexible beliefs that have long been part of the lived realities of Bangsamoro region--and essential for peace and stability in Muslim Mindanao. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to develop a ‘religious conservatism’ scale tailored for university students, employing the Rasch Analysis approach in a four-step process. Firstly, a psychometric scale comprising 29 unidimensional items was formulated based on a thorough literature review. Secondly, items generated from literature studies underwent validation, resulting in the retention of 23 items after eliminating irrelevant ones. Thirdly, a psychometric analysis was conducted using the Rasch Model Approach with a sample of 549 randomly selected students from three universities in Sumatra, Indonesia. In all, 15 items met the Rasch Analysis criteria, with unnecessary items removed because of logit value overlap. Fourthly, an empirical comparison of study results based on gender and student categories (first-year, second-year, junior and senior) was performed, revealing insights into the average logit level of student conservatism. As a result, the study identified the highest logit score based on gender criteria and student categories, contributing valuable information on the nuanced aspects of religious conservatism among university students. The development of this scale provides a valuable tool for future research exploring the dynamics of religious conservatism within the university context. Contribution: This research introduces a meticulously validated psychometric scale designed specifically for assessing religious conservatism among Islamic university students. Setting it apart from comparable studies, this scale demonstrates distinct advantages, such as its precise focus on the Islamic context, rigorous psychometric validation process, elimination of irrelevant items and contextual applicability within university settings. By providing researchers and educators with a more accurate tool, the scale facilitates a deeper understanding and targeted approach to addressing religious conservatism among Muslim students in Indonesia.

Research on the new crime-terror nexus has focused on examining the confluences of criminal and jihadist milieus. This article contributes to this research, using insights from criminological theory and analyzing data from interviews with Muslim men who have been exposed to jihadism and have a background in street life and crime. We propose that the connection between street crime and jihadism can be seen in three decisive points of confluence: places, bodies, and narratives. We show how specific places (e.g. prisons) enable the encounter between particular bodies (e.g. violently competent bodies) and the engagement or disengagement with certain extremist narratives (e.g. stories of redemption through violence). The crime-terror literature emphasizes that these points of confluence are sources of radicalization. We expand upon this by arguing that they may also serve as venues for resisting or rejecting politico-religious extremism. The study demonstrates that radicalization is only one possible outcome of the confluences between street culture and jihadism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international volume "Aspects of Islamic Radicalization in the Balkans After the Fall of Communism", published in 2023 by the Peter Lang Publishing Group represents a genuine assessment of the Islamic fundamentalism way spread in the Balkans since communism fall, among the Muslim population, which add to the already existing literature. The studies included in this volume bring to the fore specific issues regarding certain geographical areas: Kosovo, Albania, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Romania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, and Serbia, as well as holistic approaches within the role of Islam in the Balkans and the related connections with the historical, religious, political, economic, and social aspects in terms of radicalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the profiles of those who engaged in Islamophobic language/extremist behaviour on Twitter during the COVID-19 pandemic. This two-part analysis takes into account factors such as anonymity, membership length and postage frequency on language use, and the differences in sentiment expressed between pro-social and anti-social tweets. Analysis includes comparisons between low, moderate and high levels of anonymity, postage frequency and membership length, allowing for differences in keyword use to be explored. Our findings suggest that increased anonymity is not associated with an increase in Islamophobic language and misinformation. The sentiment analysis indicated that emotions such as anger, disgust, fear, sadness and trust were significantly more associated with pro-social Twitter users whereas sentiments such as anticipation, joy and surprise were significantly more associated with anti-social Twitter users. In some cases, evidence for joy in the suffering of others as a result of the pandemic was expressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A group of 227 respondents, about half Muslims, half non-Muslims, evaluated different sets of 24 vignettes about beliefs, intending to 'predict' whether the person described in each vignette would be or not radicalized. The respondent also selected the likely emotion to be felt. The results suggest a low basic belief in the radicalizability of the described person according to non-Muslim respondents and a firmer fundamental belief in radicalizability by the Muslim respondent. The non-Muslim respondent differentiated strongly among the different elements in terms of prospective radicalization indications and linked three emotions to the vignettes (belong, identify, master). The Muslim respondents did not differentiate among the different elements of perspective signals to radicalization and linked only one emotion to the vignettes (secure). Unlike the emergent mindsets from other Mind Genomics studies, there do not appear to be mindsets concerning radicalizability, only a degree of differentiation rather than pattern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of globalisation on the one hand and nationalisation on the other, the question of tolerance of ambiguity, i.e. of tolerating cultural ambiguity and vagueness, is of particular importance. This qualitative study investigates what tolerance of ambiguity means in a group of 50 young Turkish Muslims living in Germany. A high tolerance of ambiguity is mentioned much more frequently in the interviews than a low tolerance of ambiguity with tendencies towards (religious) radicalisation. Appreciation of different cultures and lifestyles and a certain resilience to discrimination go hand in hand with a high tolerance of ambiguity. However, it is also possible that despite high tolerance of ambiguity, the corresponding attitudes remain ambivalent. A lack of support, difficult interpersonal conflicts (especially in one's own family), and a turn to religion occur together with expressions of low ambiguity tolerance. The casuistic representations deepen the impression that high ambiguity tolerance is favoured in triadically structured families functioning as a collective, whereas early traumatic experiences and emotional distance in crises promote low ambiguity tolerance, especially in adolescence. The results underline the importance of high tolerance of ambiguity on the part of both the host country and the migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both academic and public policy accounts often draw a link between perceived anti-Muslim discrimination and support for violent Islamist extremism. However, robust empirical evidence is lacking. Such a link would be particularly worrying, given that anti-Muslim discrimination has been on the rise in the West. Are Muslims living in the West who experience or perceive anti-Muslim discrimination more likely to support violent Islamist extremism? This article tests this association with the help of five large-N nationally representative surveys of Muslims living in the US and the UK. In addition, the article also tests whether Muslims' support for violent extremism increases when the experience or perception of anti-Muslim discrimination combines with (1) young age and (2) low identification with the majority population. The results are inconclusive, indicating that the link between anti-Muslim discrimination and support for violent Islamist extremism is likely more complicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aqidah is the theological foundation of Islam, and among its requirements for a Muslim is understanding and practicing the concept of al-wala' wa'l-baro'. However, this concept is often misunderstood in practice. This research aimed to clarify al-wala' wa'l-baro' as a normal ideology without any radical elements, using a qualitative literature review approach. The results show that 1) al-wala', which signifies loyalty to fellow Muslims, is a normal concept.; 2) Additionally, al-baro' refers to turning away from neglectful elements, but Muslims can still act humanely towards polytheists as long as they are not openly fighting against Islam.; 3) Furthermore, Islamic education plays a vital role in instilling aqidah without any radical elements. The findings of this study also provide a new perspective on Islamic education by reinterpreting the concept of aqidah without any radical elements. This research contributes to the discourse on aqidah, al-wala' wal baro', and Islamic education, providing insights that can help in promoting a balanced understanding of these concepts and countering misinterpretations that may lead to radical ideologies, thereby contributing to the intellectual discourse on contemporary Islamic studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the nature of terrorism has remained unchanged despite perceived shifts. Over four decades of data collected in America show that right-wing violence has consistently posed the most pernicious threat. Despite media claims of objectivity and neutrality, we contend that law enforcement and the media targeted the Muslim community while being aware that the real threat emanates from the activities of right-wing groups. Employing Islamophobia as our conceptual framework and critical theory as our philosophical lens, we illuminate the mechanisms of exclusion by highlighting the Eurocentric historical roots of Islamophobia, with particular attention to the United States. Moreover, we expose those who benefit from raising the specter of a 'clash of civilization.' This study examines the disparities between the existing threat of Muslim-based violence and the terror threat of right-wing groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Combatting what it calls "radical Islamic extremism," the Communist Party of China (CPC) has launched a social engineering program in Xinjiang, the western region of China, where more than 1.8 million Uighurs, Kazakhs, Hui, and other non-Han groups--mostly practitioners of Islam and racialized as Muslim--have been imprisoned without due process. Human rights groups are calling this the worst ethnic cleansing since the European Holocaust, but the CPC has claimed the right to clamp down on "terrorists" and "separatists" by "deradicalizing" them in "vocational education and training centers." Placing this campaign in a historical context, we argue it demonstrates how the CPC is implementing a colonialist version of "triumphant modernity." To illustrate how activists are responding, we draw on accounts shared by refugees to document "the rhetoric of catastrophic witnessing." This protest rhetoric debunks China's arguments while advocating for indigenous rights and securing international support. The article builds on the genre of social justice activism within communication scholarship to add new international depth to our efforts to map strategies for advocating for justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deadliest attacks of September 11, 2001, are remembered for the atrocities they caused, killing thousands of people, and drastically changing the global dynamics. This article intends to understand how the spirit of terrorism, in the wake of 9/11, incites fear and rage throughout the entire world while associating the "Muslims" with extremism. Keeping Bush's idea of "Us and Them", this study aims to explore the causes of the extended gap between the two civilizations of the modern day as represented in the novel Falling Man by Don DeLillo. It also examines how the writer exposes each character with their different viewpoints to show how they respond to the 9/11 tragedy. By using Huntington's concept of a "Clash of Civilizations" and Baudrillard's "The spirit of Terrorism," this research analyses the post-9/11 novel Falling Man to reveal the ideological differences between Muslims and non-Muslims. This study concludes that DeLillo, through the perspectives of Nina and Martin, explores how the 9/11 terrorist attacks were a response to American culture's hegemony, and challenges the claims that the attackers were not Muslims and that Islam does not support or condone such extremist actions. DeLillo has successfully portrayed the Muslim and non-Muslim characters thus underscoring the causes and repercussions of terrorism. In order to foster harmony and peace, we need to draw attention to the fact that our young people are turning into extremists and are trapped by the cogent discourse made by radical organizations. Thus, in order to safeguard fundamental human rights, a more distinct and peaceful civilization needs to be created. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In line with the growing religious, political and social violence around the world, this study evaluates the psychometric properties of a new scale for Detecting Extremism and Religious Radicalism (SERR), a self-report measure of extremism and religious radicalism. Method: Factor analyses, validity and reliability data were collected using a sample of 1985 participants from 58 different cities around Spain who self-identified as actively practicing their religion. Results: Statistical analyses of SERR scores yielded acceptable internal consistency scores (? > .74) and confirmed key factors associated with radicalism and extremism. The structure of the scale was confirmed as two-dimensional (?2(64) = 361.22, p < .001, CFI = 0.976, TLI = 0.970, RMSEA (90% CI) = 0.089 (0.080 - 0.098), SRMR = 0.064). Scores for the extremism dimension correlated significantly and positively with scores for the same factor on the Activism and Radicalism Intention Scales (r = .32, p < .001, n = 139). Conclusions: The SERR demonstrates adequate reliability and validity for evaluating the degree of extremism and radicalism in Christian/Catholic and Muslim believers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India is the largest democracy globally; however, right-wing populism has led to a dramatic shift in India's political landscape, particularly for religious minorities and Dalits. Discrimination, abusive slurs, or news of violence against people in this group should not be tolerated even for a single day. "Hindutva" ideology, or "Hindu nationalism," advocates violence against Muslims and views them as outsiders and potential threats to the country's security. That has created a sense of feeling unsafe for Muslims in their own country and an unending wave of intolerance spread by the progenies of the RSS. In light of the Holy Quran and Gandhian approach, this paper defines the type of religious intolerance and how it is spreading and damaging the social fabric of the society and suggests ways to combat religious intolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study conducted an online experiment to examine whether news frames could cause radicalisation. In the study, 248 participants (age: M = 22.89, SD = 6.77) read and summarised news articles which contained either positive news frames (depict Islamist extremist groups as avengers of the Muslim communities), negative news frames (depict the groups as barbaric), or neutral news frames (news unrelated to Islamist extremism). The analysis revealed an effect of the positive news frames on the acceptance of Islamist extremism, specifically on the attitudes toward Muslim violence by others. The results indicate that news-framing content that narrates the goodness of Islamist extremist group could be a factor in the radicalisation process through media. It is recommended news content regulation is improved especially during times of crisis which could increase the public's vulnerability to extremism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to study the process of violent radicalization in El Puche, a marginal neighborhood of Spain with a high percentage of disenfranchised Muslims. Particularly, we explore whether this neighborhood exhibits the factors proposed by the 3N model of radicalization: needs, networks, and narratives. We present two studies in which we analyze these factors. In the first study, we compare needs and networks between Muslims (N = 47) and Christians (N = 45). In the second study, we analyze the interrelation of these factors in a sample of Muslims (N = 111). We found that people's association with radical networks mediates the relationship between the quest for significance and radical narratives. We conclude that need, network, and narrative are interconnected, and illustrate some of the dynamics that foster social exclusion and radicalization, leading to supporting violence in this type of urban environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of the global War on Terror, governments, including in Australia, have increasingly encouraged teachers to spot students 'at risk' of radicalisation, thereby turning schools into sites of surveillance. Despite their important intended goal, these programs have been criticised for leading to over-reporting, misinterpretation, and the stigmatisation of Muslim students who have been disproportionately affected by such surveillance practices. In a climate of Islamophobic suspicion that constructs Muslims as 'potential terrorists', such outcomes are not surprising, leaving young Muslims vulnerable to discrimination and stereotyping. This article provides a critical reading of Complainant 201822 v Australian Capital Territory (Represented by the Education Directorate) concerning a young Muslim student who was wrongly reported by his school to public authorities due to his supposedly suspicious behaviour. Using the decision as a case study, the article discusses how young Australian Muslims have been caught in a vicious cycle in which anti-terror laws, policing, and surveillance foster their stereotyping as 'potential terrorists'. At the same time, the decision illustrates how the law offers little protection against the significant harms caused by this manifestation of systemic Islamophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moderation is considered favorable deed in all aspects of life, so the holy religion of Islam has advised its followers to observe it in all parts of their lives. This has characterized Muslims moderate followers as Allah has also declared that He has made Muslims a moderate nation so that they may be witnesses to the people and the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) be a witness to the Muslims. Meanwhile, extremism and deficiency are frowned at as they cause destruction and annihilation of human beings like the former nations who were overwhelmed and destroyed by extremism and deficiency. The present article represents a detailed discussion of both extremism and deficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary research shows that programs developed specifically to counter violent extremism (CVE) in Muslim communities can worsen the underlying issues linked to offending. This can be destructive to the young individuals those programs target and undermine social cohesion. An impediment to CVE programs is that Muslim youth are often reluctant to participate in them. Through four years of ethnographic research with Ahlus Sunnah wal Jama'ah Association of Australia (ASWJ), a so-called 'hard-to-reach' Salafi Muslim organization, this paper helps build greater awareness of factors leading to poor responsivity in CVE programs. I propose alternative approaches to CVE that begin by focusing on trust and relationship-building to better understand how to support communities dealing with youth at-risk of offending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are obviously several ways to explore the issue of Islamic radicalism in Southeast Asia. Instead of focusing on explicit violence such as those carried out by jihadi groups or those associated with them, this research article chooses to examine three empirical cases of Muslims' expression of "restrictive Islam" that have taken place in the public sphere in both majority and minority Muslim contexts of Southeast Asia. They are: Muslims' calling for the removal of an elected Chinese Christian governor of Jakarta on account of blasphemy in Indonesia; Muslims' cow head protest to intimidate Hindus in Malaysia; and some Muslims' thrashing of pillows at a hospital for COVID-19 patients as an expression of vehement faith-based refusal and protest in Buddhist Thailand against health protocols issued by Thai officials in the current fight against the pandemic in Southern Thailand. This article argues that the "restrictive" lives that some Muslims lead in Southeast Asia today have to assume a negotiated form that is a mixture of "high artificiality", recently adopted from a version of purist Islam they claim to be authentic, and the "pure normality" resulting from a combination of political reality informed by existing forms of governance in these countries and the legacy of how historical Islam arrived in this land. The result is that the "restrictive Islam" espoused by many Southeast Asian Muslims could not be overly "extreme" or "radical" but tends to appear in a somewhat "negotiated" form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociology & Technoscience / Sociología y Tecnociencia is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Escuela Universitaria de Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Religious radicalism in the form of violent extremism is against the principles of human rights and democracy. Religious radicalism also opposes the existence of the modern state of Indonesia and, arguably, also of other Southeast Asian countries. The global political commitment initiated by the United Nations, namely Responsibility to Protect, states that several countries in Southeast Asia, such as the Philippines, are at high risk of atrocities. Civilians in Marawi in the Philippines have experienced atrocities carried out by the Maute family-led militant group backed by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). In 2017, for more than five months, the restoration of regional security and stability in Marawi by the Philippine security apparatus caused many casualties. This study aimed to identify, map and analyze the narrative structure of the goals and backgrounds of the actors involved in the Marawi case and its impacts on Muslim communities in Indonesia. The research focused on a narrative analysis that united various factors contributing to violent religious extremism. This study employed a narrative perspective that was multidimensional, consisting of the narratives of marginalization, invitation, symbolic violence, and violent extremism. It demonstrated that the narrative of marginalization and calls for Jihad served as the basis of solidarity among the members of the Maute militant group in Marawi. The narrative aimed at solidarity for jihad in Marawi had more influence on groups belonging to ISIS, such as Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT), Jamaah Ansharut Daulah (JAD), and East Indonesia Mujahideen (MIT). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muslim converts are overrepresented in Islamist terrorism compared to non-convert Muslims – Why? To explore possible explanations, we probed aspects of radicalism and Islamic religiousness within relevant populations. Specifically, we surveyed 356 American Muslim adults, of which 177 were self-identified converts, with the Activism and Radicalism Intention Scale (ARIS: Moskalenko & McCauley [2009]. Measuring political mobilization: The distinction between activism and radicalism. Terrorism and Political Violence, 21(2), 239–260. https://doi.org/10.1080/09546550902765508) and the Psychological Measure of Islamic Religiousness (PMIR: Abu Raiya et al. [2008]. A psychological measure of Islamic religiousness: Development and evidence for reliability and validity. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 18(4), 291–315. https://doi.org/10.1080/10508610802229270). We used the ARIS because terrorism is rare, but radicalism and activism are more common. Activism and radicalism engagement may correlate with terrorism engagement, though they are neither necessary nor sufficient antecedents. We found that converts, compared to non-converts, demonstrated higher intent to engage in activism and radicalism on the ARIS, and that they experienced greater Religious Struggle and lower Fear of Punishing Allah Reappraisal (PAR) on the PMIR. We also found that both of these PMIR factors partially mediated the relationships between conversion and activism/radicalism. We propose that this is because converts feel a pressure to prove their faith, especially when they believe Allah punishes unfaithfulness. We discuss these findings in light of current psychology and political mobilization literature and then offer suggestions for future research on the relationships between conversion, radicalism, and religious experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does anti-Muslim rhetoric by Western politicians breed radical attitudes among European Muslims? This article explores this question by conducting an experimental study in Bosnia – a European democracy, where, unlike the rest of Europe, Muslims are neither immigrants nor socio-economically disadvantaged. This helps clearly identify the radicalization potential of Western rhetoric alone, absent contextual factors such as social inferiority. Experimental evidence with Bosnian Muslims from five surveys (with a total of 2,608 participants) suggests that rhetorical attacks on Islam by Western politicians do not strengthen individuals' Muslim identity, cause higher levels of animosity toward the West or lead to condoning the use of violence. The study also finds that pro-Muslim rhetoric, while increasing positive views of the West, does not affect individuals' strength of Muslim identity or their radical sympathies. These results have important implications for the sources of radicalization and efforts to curb radical tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de Alcalá is the property of Dykinson SL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Al-Frahids Arts is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the process of deradicalization, the reintegration of former jihadist detainee places as the most dilemmatic agenda to conduct. It raises a problematic situation between the issue of security and restoring the former jihadist detainees's human rights. But, the struggle in the reintegration process not only occurs to the state and host community but also to the former jihadist detainees itself. This paper focuses on the story of former jihadist detainees in Solo region who have different experiences in their reintegration process and their strategies to encounter the problem as an effort to erase the radical thinking and start a new life. Solo Region was chosen because it receives a 'stigmatization' as a cultivation region for religious radicalism because of its record on radical Muslim's web and figure such as Abubakar Baasyir (the founder of Islamic radical group namely Jemaah Islamiyah). It also becomes a growing place for Islamic radicalism groups such as Jamaah Ansharut Daulah (JAD) and Jamaah Islamiyah which contributed toward Makassar's Cathedral bombing, Bali bombing I and II and Laskar Jihad and Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia which tried to enforce Islamic value in Indonesia. The data of this research was gained by conducting an in-depth interview with four former jihadist detainees in Solo region who are willing to be interviewed under the pseudonym. Also, exposure some references as the secondary data. This article found that a sustainable, gradual, and comprehensive reintegration process in social, ideological, political, and economic aspects could support the effort of former jihadist detainees in the Solo region to establish a new life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some argue that religiosity is one of the main causes of religious extremist violence, such as suicide attacks, while others propose that adverse circumstances associated with religiosity like perceived religious discrimination are responsible. Directly comparing these two perspectives, we investigated how religiosity (personal importance of religion, prayer frequency, religious service attendance, religious fundamentalism) and perceived religious discrimination predict support for suicide attacks in 2 samples of Muslim Americans (N1, 1,050; N2, 1,033). We found that most participants did not support religious extremist violence. Perceived religious discrimination, but no aspect of religiosity, was associated with increased support for suicide attacks. Therefore, support for suicide attacks among Muslim Americans does not seem to be predicted by religiosity but, rather, by perceived religious discrimination, which might be experienced at a greater rate by religious minorities. Reducing discrimination might be an effective general strategy to prevent religious radicalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the evolution of the paradigm of the antiterrorist strategy and its most recent manifestation in Europe: policies for prevention of violent extremism (PVE). By means of a wide-ranging survey of the literature evaluating the PVE at the European level, the article is concerned with the main political and social consequences of these policies as they are described in the academic literature. By focusing on abstract, ideological elements -- extremism -- and concentrating on the related ideologies, the result of the PVE is a prevention policy that penetrates and securitises social, domestic, and private spheres, while also incorporating new security-related actors. As it will be shown, this logic turns out to be problematic and, in some cases, counterproductive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article situates the debate on the United Kingdom's Prevent policy in the broader framework of the global paradigm for countering violent extremism (CVE), which appeared at the end of 2015. It argues that omission of a nuanced focus on the social, cultural, economic, and political characteristics of radicalised people has led to a tendency to introduce blanket measures which, inadvertently and indirectly, have had harmful results. Moreover, although Prevent has been the fundamental element of the British government's counterterrorist strategy since 2006, it confuses legitimate political resistance of young British Muslims with signs of violent extremism, thus giving credence to the argument that Prevent is a form of social engineering which, in the last instance, pacifies resistance by reaffirming the status quo in the country's domestic and foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study proposed victimisation-by-ingroup consciousness as a novel concept, which denotes that intragroup violence or wrongdoings by some group members victimise other members of the same group and may elicit sense of physical, material, cultural and psychological sufferings among the victim members. Applying this concept to the context of religious radicalism, this study revealed that among a sample of Indonesian Muslims (N = 810), the perceptions of physical, material and cultural sufferings positively predicted psychological suffering. This sense of psychological suffering turned out to motivate participants to perceive intragroup violence as illegitimate. This perceived illegitimacy of intragroup violence ultimately facilitated participants to report less emotional, attitudinal and intentional radical tendencies to support terrorists. Finally, we found as expected that Islamic blind patriotism negatively predicted, but constructive Islamic patriotism positively predicted participants' victimisation-by-ingroup consciousness. These empirical findings broadly suggest that accepting the deficiency of the ingroup may be beneficial for tackling Muslims' radical tendencies, but this prospect depends on modes of Muslims' emotional attachment to their own group. We close by discussing the theoretical and practical implications of those empirical findings, as well as limitations and practical implications of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]