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Purpose: This paper introduces the special issue on Race and Accounting and Accountability. In so doing, it explores racism in its historical and contemporary forms, the role of accounting and accountability in enabling racism and racial discrimination and also efforts of redress and resistance. Design/methodology/approach: We reflect on several critical themes to demonstrate the pervasive and insidious nature of racism and, review the literature on race and racism in accounting, focusing on studies that followed the seminal work by Annisette and Prasad (2017) who called for more research. We also review the six papers included in this special issue. Findings: While many overt systems of racial domination experienced throughout history have subsided, racism is engrained in our everyday lives and in broader societal structures in more covert and nuanced forms. Yet, in accounting, as Annisette and Prasad noted, the focus has continued to be on the former. This special issue shifts this imbalance – five of the six papers focus on contemporary racism. Moreover, it demonstrates that although accounting technologies can and do facilitate racism and racist practices, accountability and counter accounts offer avenues for calling out and disrupting the powers and privileges that underlie racial discrimination and, resistance by un-silencing minority groups subjected to discrimination and injustice. Originality/value: This introduction and the papers in the special issue offer rich empirical and theoretical contributions to accounting and accountability research on race and racial discrimination. We hope they inspire future race research to nurture progress towards a true post-racial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars, policymakers, and advocates have long bemoaned the Supreme Court's colorblind Fourth Amendment jurisprudence. The Court has alternatively ignored or condoned racially discriminatory searches and seizures, allowing government agents to engage in widespread racial profiling. Proposed reforms have typically focused on doctrinal solutions that would limit police discretion or called for the reversal of Terry v. Ohio. This Article provides a comprehensive doctrinal, regulatory, and legislative solution to racial discrimination in police investigations. It proposes a novel solution: adopting recent jury selection reforms aimed at preventing racism in jury selection to combat racial profiling in searches and seizures. Several states, including most prominently Washington and California, have adopted new procedures to combat the analogous problem of racial discrimination in jury selection. These states mandate the rejection of a peremptory strike where a reasonable observer, guided by lists of presumptively invalid justifications, could find that the strike was motivated by racial bias. This Article proposes that criminal legal system actors, regulators, and legislators should incorporate these principles to combat racial discrimination in searches and seizures. Central to this Article is a doctrinal solution whereby trial courts, guided by lists of presumptively pretextual justifications, should suppress evidence if a reasonable observer could conclude that the search or seizure was the product of racial profiling. Although not a panacea, this proposal is a tangible, viable prophylactic to racism in stop and frisk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction discusses responses to ethno-racial discrimination in a hostile political environment, colour-blind France. The article presents the current characteristics of the French case, including data measuring ethnoracial discrimination. We outline the on-going role of state institutions and their agents in disqualifying minority claims, but also the recent turn against Islam and the hostility towards new movements against structural racism. We discuss how colour-blindness constrains both local policies and movements. We examine the consequences for individuals that experience discrimination and the collectives that fight against it. We highlight the various strategies that they adopt such as discretion, infrapolitical mobilization as well as tactical re-framing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, 848 Moroccan railway workers had the French national train company convicted for national origin discrimination. In the French context, this fight and the judicial outcome are remarkable. The absence of class action and the colour blind environment have historically limited mobilization against racial discrimination. This article examines the conditions of this success despite the institutional context. Some peripheral actors tried but failed to impose a racial and post-colonial framing. Only the "national origin discrimination" framework enabled the achievement of the legal case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Race-neutrality has long been touted in American law as central to promoting racial equality while guarding against race-based discrimination. And yet the legal doctrine of race-neutrality has perversely operated to shield claims of racial discrimination from judicial review while protecting discriminators from liability and punishment. This Article critiques the doctrine of race-neutrality by examining the law’s response to white vigilantism in the much-publicized criminal trials of Kyle Rittenhouse and that of Ahmaud Arbery’s assailants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Illuminating how biomedical capital invests in white and Asian American populations while divesting from Black surplus populations, this article proposes recent Asian American dystopian fiction provides a case study for analyzing futurities where healthcare infrastructures intensify racial inequality under terms that do not include race at all. Through a reading of Chang-rae Lee's On Such a Full Sea (2014) and other texts, the article develops the term studious deracination to refer to a narrative strategy defined by an evacuated racial consciousness that is used to ironize assumptions of white universalism and uncritical postracialism. Studious deracination challenges medical discourse's "color-blind" approach to healthcare and enables a reconsideration of comparative racialization in a moment of accelerating social disintegration and blasted landscapes. Indeed, while precision medicine promises to replace race with genomics, Asian American literature is key to showing how this "postracial" promise depends on framing racial inequality as a symptom, rather than an underlying etiology, of infrastructures of public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on observations and on interviews conducted in a préfecture and in a municipalité of the Paris periphery, this article analyzes how republican universalism operates as a "particularizing" tool that enacts Whiteness. Starting from the paradoxical situation in which White state officials are reluctant to engage with the notion of racial discrimination when they are keen to ascribe racial categories to people of color, I argue that race blindness is in fact a form of White blindness to racialization. People of color who subscribe to the ideology of colorblindness tend to adopt a position whereby their loyalty toward the requirement of race blindness is supposed to protect them from suspicions raised by the racialized identity they are assigned to. But in practice, this stance internalizes the way they are viewed by Whites. The article concludes by discussing the link between White race blindness and the failure of republican policies against racial discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is the core and intended function of borders to discriminate. Descriptively, their purpose is to differentiate or distinguish among different categories of persons, sorting those who may enter and belong from those who may not. But it is also a core function of modern borders to discriminate in the normatively prejudicial sense—they allocate fundamental human rights differentially on the basis of race, gender, class, national origin, sexual orientation, and disability status, among others. In this essay, I briefly sketch what I have described elsewhere as the contemporary system of racial borders: border regimes that variously allocate and curtail mobility and migration on a racial basis, largely relying upon facially race neutral mechanisms. Second, I reflect on the increasing prevalence of digital technologies in border regimes and their enforcement, with an emphasis on their racial implications, drawing from my recent report to the UN General Assembly on racial discrimination in digital border enforcement. The contribution of this essay is thus to reflect on the co-constituting and mutually reinforcing effects of racial borders and digital borders, which require specific attention together as digital racial borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most tragic examples of extreme racial violence occurred in Greensboro, North Carolina, on November 3, 1979, when the multi-racial Communist Workers Party (CWP) planned a demonstration to protest against the notorious Ku Klux Klan (KKK). As protestors gathered for the "Death to Klan" march, a group of Nazis and Klansmen drove through the protest site in a nine-car caravan. The Nazis and Klansmen unloaded eighty-eight seconds of gunfire into the crowd killing five Communist Workers Party members. That same hatred and violence in Greensboro perpetuated by neo-fascists appeared again on August 12th, 2017, in an eerily identical fashion when Heather Heyer, a thirty-two-year-old, White woman, was killed in Charlottesville, Virginia. Heyer lost her life after white supremacist, James Fields, Jr., plowed his car into demonstrators protesting at a "Unite the Right" rally that had been orchestrated by white nationalists. In an instant following Heather Heyer's murder, Charlottesville became reminiscent of Greensboro and 2017 blatantly mirrored the dawn of the 1980s, a troubling period of racial conflict and frayed politics. The case study of Morningside Homes illuminated a disregard and invisibility that black communities often suffered at the hands of law enforcement, city officials, white supremacists and other community members. The tragedy of Charlottesville illustrated not only the continuation of that invisibility, but also the traditional hindering of political organizing as a result of trauma, fear, and distrust of those sworn to protect the communities in which they serve. Despite how progressive America attempts to position itself, local histories continue to reflect national divisions of race and politics that relentingly facilitate rage, violence, and white supremacy in an alleged Post-Racial Society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I present a framework for diversity as a racial ideology that rearticulates the logic of civil rights. Diversity ideology is, in part, a co-optation of calls for race consciousness that challenged color blindness: it highlights race and other axes of difference to achieve a color-blind ideal of fairness where race will no longer matter. In this way, diversity ideology creates space for minor acknowledgment of structural inequality in the abstract. This is an important difference from color-blind racism, which explains inequality as a function of the past, individual "racist" bad apples, or the failings of people of color. The logic of diversity ideology is based on four tenets (diversity as acceptance, diversity as intent, diversity as commodity, and diversity as liability) that frame an amorphous diversity as the answer to racial inequality, while centering white people's desires and feelings. These conceptualizations of diversity are devoid of power and history, which is how systemic whiteness is reinscribed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because the ideology of colorblindness swings between the visual and the verbal, it sharply magnifies the challenges black artists already confront in navigating between the problems of image and the problem of language. I submit that, in the post-Reagan contemporary period, the proliferation and diversification of "black graphics" (works that function to make blackness visible by foregrounding text and/as image) indicate the heightened stakes of black artistry within a social context dominated by colorblindness. By examining how different artists have negotiated this context, we stand to enrich our comprehension of contemporary black culture and the innovative modes of resilience demanded of—and produced by—those who are determined to represent their vision of a world in which black freedom is becoming/possible. This essay takes up two such artists: Hank Willis Thomas and Renee Gladman, each of whom began developing their artistic practice within this period. In Thomas's work, we have the output of an artist who is deeply concerned about the ongoing impact of racial discrimination upon black people—indeed, who creates startling conceptual art of bold visual immediacy, intended to promote awareness and understanding of the absurdity and injustice of racism. At the heart of both the absurdity and injustice, in his view, is the fact that we—all of us—continue to attribute to the construct of "race" a reality it does not have. To what extent is this stance informed by the logic of colorblindness, and what might the implications of that logic be for his art? On a different note, Gladman's abstract, intellectually knotty art can also be understood as the product of a creative practice intended to explode the limitations placed upon black people. That said, one of the challenges her work presents is determining whether, when, and how her racial subjectivity informs art that does not often invoke "blackness" in the ways our society has encouraged us to expect. What do the "colorblind" stand to miss in works that seem to embrace its mandate of eschewing racial markers? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Context: Seeking to avoid litigation or a legal threat, many postsecondary institutions are responding to a legal and policy environment that seeks to end the consideration of race in education policies by adopting race-neutral policies and practices in admissions, even when not explicitly required to do so by law. Yet, such responses may introduce new barriers and challenges for administrators seeking to promote inclusive campus environments and support students of color, not only within admissions but in other areas of campus life after students enroll. Understanding the consequences of these institutional responses is critical for those addressing the potential limitations a race-neutral approach puts on diversity-related policies and practices. Purpose/Objective: In this study, we examine how key players charged with implementing diversity-related policies and practices understand legal developments around affirmative action and the institutional responses to these developments, in particular, how they influence their efforts to support racial and ethnic diversity. To explore the wide-ranging influence of the current race-neutral policy climate, we focus our study on a public flagship university that has opted to employ race-neutral admissions policies and practices as a matter of institutional policy--not by law. Participants: Informed by a bottom-up policy implementation framework, we examine the influence of the legal environment from the perspective of administrators who are tasked with carrying out the institution's mission as it relates to diversity. We particularly target administrators who are engaged in outreach and recruitment efforts and who help support students after they enroll. Research Design: In this qualitative study, we draw from document analysis and semistructured interviews of 13 administrators charged with implementing diversity policy at a public flagship institution to investigate how this legal and policy climate has shaped racial diversity work in areas outside admissions. Findings: Our findings illustrate how a colorblind approach in policy-making takes hold through seemingly innocuous practices and responses that are called race neutral. These practices, which start in admissions, spill over into other areas of university policy, and shift the nature of diversity-work. Conclusions: Findings point to the importance of intentional efforts to implement diversity policy through a race- and racism-conscious lens, develop narratives that counter distorted narratives about racial discrimination, and address legal terms and definitions that do not reflect a realistic understanding of inequality or discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A seismic shift in the racial landscape of the United States occurred in 2016. The prevailing discourse about a "postracial America," though always, in the words of Catherine Squires a "mystique," was firmly and finally extinguished with the election of Donald J. Trump. Race, in the form of racial prejudice, erupted in Trump's political rhetoric and in the rhetoric of his supporters. At the same time, the continued significance and consequences of racial division in America were also being asserted for politically progressive ends by the increasingly prominent #blacklivesmatter movement and by the newly opened National Museum of African American History and Culture on the National Mall in Washington, DC, not far from the White House. This article tracks the resurgence of race in the US cultural landscape against the racially depoliticized myth of the "postracial" by focusing first on the HBO television series Westworld, which epitomizes that logic. The museum, which opened its doors against the backdrop of the presidential campaign, lodges a scathing critique of the very notion of the postracial; in fact, it signals the return of race as an urgent topic of national discussion. Part of the work of the museum is to materialize race, to move race and white supremacy to the center of the American national narrative. This article points to the way the museum creates what Jacques Rancière calls "dissensus," and thus becomes a site of possibility for politics. The museum, in its very presence on the Mall, its provocative display strategies, and its narrative that highlights profound contradictions in the very meaning of America, intervenes in what Rancière calls "the distribution of the sensible" and thus creates the conditions for reconfiguring the social order. In part, it achieves this by racializing white visitors, forcing them to feel their own race in uncomfortable ways. The article suggests that this museum, and the broader emerging discourse about race in both film and television, offers new ways to think about the political work of culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay contends that a 1950s-1970s shift from coercion- based to "consent"-based modes of US racial ordering corresponded to a contemporaneous shift from naturalistic to "post-naturalistic" modes of US racial identification. My sketch of these transformations points to the limitations of critical theories that work with naturalistic conceptions of race for understanding post-civil rights era US racial politics. While anti-black racism continues to tend toward naturalistic articulations, other racial exclusions and dominations tend to be enacted on post-naturalistic grounds. I conclude that the United States is a post-naturalistic racial rather than a post-racial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colorblindness and multiculturalism offer divergent prescriptions for reducing racial tensions. Colorblindness encourages looking beyond racial differences, whereas multiculturalism encourages recognizing them. We introduce a new construct, perceived intentionality of racial discrimination (PIRD)—individuals' beliefs about how intentional discrimination is—to help explain when and why colorblindness versus multiculturalism will be preferred, and potentially more effective, for improving race relations. We first establish the distinctiveness of the PIRD construct and assess its stability over time and across intergroup contexts (Studies 1–2). We then observe that greater PIRD predicts beliefs that colorblindness versus multiculturalism will improve race relations (Studies 2–5), in part because unintentional (versus intentional) discrimination is perceived to stem from ignorance and misunderstanding versus knowingly treating racial groups unequally (Studies 4, 5b). Evidence also suggests that PIRD may shape the actual merits of colorblindness and multiculturalism for improving race relations via encouraging donations (Study 6), positive interracial interaction intentions (Study 7), and comfort with discussing race following the widely-publicized shooting of a Black teen (Study 8). Taken together, our empirical findings demonstrate the usefulness of PIRD for understanding, predicting, and influencing individuals' preferences for colorblindness versus multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Supreme Court's equal protection jurisprudence is decidedly postracial. The Court has restricted the Equal Protection Clause to intentional discrimination, by the government, concluding that the Constitution does not prohibit private acts of discrimination and rejecting challenges based on disparate impact, even when rigorous statistical analysis indicates that race is likely a factor. It has held that remedying the effects of past societal discrimination is an insufficient basis for race-specific remedies such as affirmative action. It has also ended remedies of this sort designed to combat previous state-sponsored racial discrimination, such as court-ordered desegregation measures in the schools and the preclearance provisions of the Voting Rights Act. Constitutional litigation currently provides little or no recourse to address racial disparities in outcomes that are not demonstrably caused by intentional governmental racial discrimination, and race-specific remedies face a level of judicial scrutiny that is especially difficult to satisfy. This Article asks what can be done under these circumstances to ameliorate racial inequality in a manner that is politically feasible and does not run afoul of constitutional limits. It argues that "postracial remedies" are a necessary component of an effective strategy to combat racial disparities in areas such as wealth, incarceration, education, and housing. Postracial remedies seek pragmatic solutions for the economic, social, and structural problems that disproportionately burden blacks in the United States. These remedies are not race specific because they do not treat people differently based on race, but they are race sensitive because they target the manifestations of racial inequality and recognize the salience of race in today's political and legal environment. This approach, which seeks legally achievable remedies, is also consistent with "antibalkanization" perspectives associated with "race moderates" whose civil rights equal protection jurisprudence is motivated, in part, by a concern with preserving social cohesion. Although postracial remedies are necessary within this postracial ethos, pursuing them does not require acceptance of the postracial narrative or the abandonment of advocacy to combat ongoing racial discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1930s, federal housing policies and individual practices increased the spatial separation of whites and blacks. Practices such as redlining, restrictive covenants, and discrimination in the rental and sale of housing not only led to residential segregation by race but also continue to shape Whiteness and frame narratives about what constitutes Blackness. Despite the judicial and legislative victories of the civil rights movement, including the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas decision, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968, residential segregation persists and in many cases has grown. Claims of a postracial society notwithstanding, the continued segregation of Blacks and Whites exacerbates racial wealth inequality, racial achievement gaps, and racial profiling. Using White racial frame and critical race theory, we explain the persistence of residential segregation amid growing ethnic diversity in the United States. We also demonstrate why current efforts to narrow racial gaps in wealth, education, and the criminal justice system have failed. Finally, we discuss several important tenets that must guide efforts to curb the epidemic of death by residential segregation in America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes up the questions: (a) How do Black female adolescents define racism?, (b) What kind of experiences with racism to they report having in schools?, and (c) How can these perspectives and experiences inform educational reform efforts? The in-depth analysis of 18 student surveys and interviews revealed that most of the definitions of racism centered on prejudice, discrimination, and differential treatment; and most of the experiences the girls described regarding racism in school illustrated issues of prejudice, discrimination, and differential treatment as well as stereotypes, labels and low teacher expectations. Critical Race Theory, Critical Race Feminism, and Black Feminist Thought were used as interpretive theoretical frameworks. Implications for teacher education, secondary education and broad reform efforts are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the strategic absence of discourse about race within the portrayed interracial relationships, the writers, creators, and producers of the modern TV medical drama Grey's Anatomy strategically portray a racially progressive, postracial, and color-blind society. By utilizing Scott's (1993) absence as presence, the creators, writers, and producers situate the characters as race neutral or White and enable the dismissal and forgetting of racism's long history and its impact on the current structures that produce and reproduce racial inequality. By doing so, they obviate contemporary racism's presence and its influence at both the societal and individual levels, thus contributing to postracism (Ono, 2011). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the conflicting understandings surrounding the recognition of anti-black racism in Mexico, drawing from an analysis of the 2005 controversy around Memín Pinguín. We ask what is at stake when opposition arises to claims of racism, how racial disavowal is possible, and how is it that the racial project of mestizaje (racial and cultural mixture) expresses a form of Mexican post-racial ideology. We argue that the ideology of mestizaje is key for unpacking the tensions between the recognition and disavowal of racism. Mestizaje solidifies into a form of nationalist denial in moments when racism is openly contested or brought up. It becomes a concrete strategy of power that is mobilized to simplify or divert attention in particular moments, such as with the Memín Pinguín controversy, when the contradictions within the social dynamic are revealed and questioned. Here is where Mexico’s “raceless” ideology of mestizaje overlaps with current post-racial politics. We explore state, elite and popular reactions to the debate to discuss how such public displays reflect an invested denial of race and racism while, at the same time, the racial status quo of mestizaje is reinforced. This, we argue, is the essence of post-racial politics in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An overwhelming facet of race literature suggests that American society has entered an era of colorblindness; where instead of perpetuating racist ideology through blatant discriminatory legislation, racial differences are either understated or ignored entirely. These new racial processes are reflected in the policies of major social institutions, but also within popular culture. Yet, as made evident by the success of comedians such as Chris Rock and Dave Chappelle, stand-up comedy challenges acceptable racial discourse, placing race in the forefront. Comedy persists as a facet of popular culture where racial difference is made apparent, yet ironically the art of comedy is usually overlooked by sociologists. What is lacking in the humor research is an understanding of how comedy creates an environment where race can be spoken about directly, and often times harshly. Through the analysis of focus groups, this study finds evidence to suggest that racial and ethnic comedy serves to both reinforce and wane racial and ethnic stereotypes, similarities, and differences. After watching stand-up comedy clips of popular comedians, black and white respondents show both agreement and disagreement on the following: (1) the offensiveness of ethnic comedy, (2) stereotypes and perceived truths, and (3) the utility of ethnic comedy in everyday interactions. These findings are helpful in understanding how comedy serves as one of the few openly racialized facets of popular culture as well as uncovering some of the ways in which race works within the culture of a self-proclaimed colorblind society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This article takes the Nietzschean dictum that history must 'serve life' as a point of departure for an analysis of the American institution of Black History Month. Many continue to place great faith in the power of historical education to solve problems of race in America. Against this common-sense view, this article argues that the excessive historicization of the problem of racism is at least as oppressive as forgetting. The black history propagated during this month has mostly been a celebration that it is history and thus a thing of the past. The article makes the claim that it is precisely a surfeit of black history that has encouraged the view that racism is vanishing in the river of time. The constant demand to view American racism through a historical frame has led to the perception that racism is a problem that must be historically transcended rather than solved. In other words, it is through the widespread dissemination of black history during Black History Month and elsewhere that the historical category of the post-racial era has been constituted. The postracial era is not, as is so often claimed, a denial of historical context. On the contrary, it is an assertion that the horrors of racist discrimination were once real but are now over and done with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Color-blind racism is an ideology that allows persons of the dominant socially defined race (European Americans) to claim that racism is no longer the central factor determining the life chances of persons of non-European descent (particularly dark-skinned individuals of African descent). They argue that instead of the ongoing institutional and individual racism of American society, nonracial factors such as market dynamics, naturally occurring phenomena, and the cultural attitudes of minorities themselves are the main causal factors of their social subordination. Concurrent with the rise of this ideology has been the scientific determination that the human species does not really contain biological races. Thus, many color-blind racists have co-opted this fact to further argue that racism can no longer exist, since we have no biological races. This article will not only outline the nature of human biological variation, why that variation does not justify the classification of biological races within the species, but also why this fact has absolutely nothing to do with the ongoing racial discrimination faced by persons with dark skins in the United States. Furthermore, it will explain why membership in a socially defined race has real biological consequences including reducing the mental and physical well-being of the socially subordinated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The politics of affirmative action are currently structured as a litigious conflict among elites taking polarized stances. Opponents call for colorblindness, and defenders champion diversity. How can marginalized activists subvert the dominant terms of legal debate? To what extent can they establish their legitimacy? This paper advances legal mobilization theory by analytically foregrounding the field of contention and the relational production of meaning among social movement organizations. The case for study is two landmark United States Supreme Court cases that contested the University of Michigan’s race-conscious admissions policies. Using ethnographic data, the paper analyzes BAMN, an activist organization, and its reception by other affirmative action supporters. BAMN had a marginalized allied-outsider status in the legal cases, as it made a radical civil rights claim for a moderate, elite-supported policy: that affirmative action corrects systemic racial discrimination. BAMN activists pursued their agenda by passionately defending and, at once, critiquing the university’s policies. However, the organization’s militancy remained a liability among university leaders, who prioritized the consistency of their diversity claims. The analysis forwards a scholarly understanding of the legacy of race-conscious policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the reproduction of colorblindness discourse in selected post-1994 South African studies in economics, education, literature, philosophy, and sociology. It argues that the presence of dominant racial ideologies in this scholarship is emblematic of an active investment in maintaining racialized privileges. As it illustrates some of the rhetorical mechanisms that inform the articulation of colorblindness discourse at large, it shows that unpacking colorblind rhetoric is itself necessary if we are to make sense of the research emphases, arguments, logics, and findings of a significant body of South African scholarship on race published since the advent of democratic rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Workplace discrimination has grown more ambiguous, with interracial interactions often perceived differently by different people. The present study adds to the literature by examining a key individual difference variable in the perception of discrimination at work, namely individual color-blind attitudes. We examined relationships between 3 dimensions of color-blind attitudes (Racial Privilege, Institutional Discrimination, and Blatant Racial Issues) and perceptions of racial microaggressions in the workplace as enacted by a White supervisor toward a Black employee (i.e., discriminatory actions ranging from subtle to overt). Findings showed that observer views on institutional discrimination fully mediated, and blatant racial issues partially mediated, the relationships between racial group membership and the perception of workplace microaggressions. Non-Hispanic Whites endorsed color blindness as institutional discrimination and blatant racial issues significantly more than members of racioethnic minority groups, and higher levels of color-blind worldviews were associated with lower likelihoods of perceiving microaggressions. Views on racial privilege did not differ significantly between members of different racial groups or affect microaggression perceptions. Implications for organizations concerned about promoting more inclusive workplaces are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on color blind racism issues in France that gave rise to bias and discrimination against ethnic minority in the state. Topics discussed include the influence of France's race-neutral policies on prevention of bias and discrimination, migration from former French colonies in Northern and sub-Saharan Africa and the causes and impacts of segregation in the suburban communities nearby French cities. It mention the French antidiscrimination laws.

The article offers an introduction in which the editors discuss race relations in a 'postracial' period in the U.S. and introduce the essays in the January 2014 issue. Topics include political philosophy and theory in racial debates, historic racial disparities, and enduring inequality during the Presidency of Barack Obama.

The racialization of space is the subject of a huge body of literature, most recently in George Lipsitz’s (2011) How Racism Takes Place. But less has been done on the ways in which time could be racialized. Inspired by provocative treatments of the subject in writings by Michael Hanchard (1999) and Lawrie Balfour (2011), I suggest in this paper that we need to explore the workings of a “White temporal imaginary” analogous to Lipsitz’s “White spatial imaginary,” which likewise serves to protect White racial privilege from the threatening encroachments of racial justice. Using Eviatar Zerubavel’s (2003) Time Maps as a jumping-off point, I argue accordingly for the recognition of a “White time,” a “sociomental” representation of temporality shaped by the interests and experience of the White “mnemonic community.” The concept is obviously one of potentially very general usefulness, but in this essay I seek to apply it specifically to the dominant discourse on justice in political philosophy, as framed for the past forty years by John Rawls’ ([1971] 1999c) “ideal theory.” The relevance to the postracial theme of this issue is that, because of the peculiarity of philosophy as a discipline, it can claim it was always, or always-already, postracial, dealing as it ostensibly does with the (timeless) human condition as such. By making ideal theory—the normative theory of a perfectly just society—central to the conceptualization of social justice, by never exploring how radically different actual societies are from the ideal of society as “a cooperative venture for mutual advantage,” an exclusionary sociohistorical framework is established that makes the Euro-time of the West—abstracted out of the West’s relations of domination over people of color—the Greenwich Mean Time of normativity, while the alternative non-White temporality of structurally unjust societies requiring rectificatory racial justice remains a subject permanently untimely. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

I critically examine the eliminativist theories of race or racism, and the behavioral theory of racism, which provide the theoretical foundation, respectively, for the nominalist and substantive conceptualizations of the idea of a post-racial era. The eliminativist theories seek to eliminate the concepts of 'race' or 'racism' from our discourse. Such elimination indicates a nominalist sense of the idea of a post-racial era. The behavioral theory of racism argues that racism must be manifested in obviously harmful actions. And because such harmful actions are not prevalent today, this implies that we are in a post-racial era in a substantive sense. I conceptualize some subtle forms of racism that are prevalent today, which cannot be captured by the behavioral theory, but can best be captured by doxastic theories of racism. I conceptualize a substantive idea of a post-racial era, and then argue based on such conceptualization, that we are not in a post-racial era because subtle forms of racism are still prevalent today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of interview data illustrates how White adoptive parents rationalize choices regarding adoptee race. Parents who were willing to adopt children of color stressed unwillingness to adopt Black children. The preference for adopting multiracial children goes against the prevalent method of racial classification, hypodescent, by defining multiracial as distinct from Black, assuming that multiracial children would not experience racism. Those who adopted children of color also relied on racial classifications of hypodescent and challenged color-blind ideology by recognizing the importance of race. They also defined race in terms of perceived race versus birth parent racial identity. Findings have implications for how agencies, social workers, and counselors portray various groups as well as prepare, counsel, and support adoptive and multiracial families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racial microaggressions are brief, everyday interactions that send denigrating messages to people of color because they belong to a racially minoritised group. Compared to more overt forms of racism, racial microaggressions are subtle and insidious, often leaving the victim confused, distressed and frustrated and the perpetrator oblivious of the offense they have caused. Drawing on the counter‐narrative aspect of critical race theory that stresses the importance of understanding the role of race in the world through the experiences of people of color, I demonstrate the subtle but powerful ways in which racial microaggressions can manifest within a fictional academic setting and the consequences for those involved. It is argued that while engagement with overt forms of racism, notably through the recording of racist incidents, remains crucial towards the fight for race equality, this has tended within both education and wider British society to obfuscate understanding of these more nuanced, everyday forms of racism with which those of color must contend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the processes of racialization imposed on Sa’moan youth through policy and practice in one urban, US school district and at one high school in particular. Specifically, I use the methodological practices of defamiliarization and counter‐storytelling to examine the contradictory practices of racialization and the simultaneously oppressive and transformative potentials these practices catalyze. The analysis of this process is framed by the Critical Race Theory concepts of colorblindness and Whiteness as property, which powerfully illustrate how this racialization both disrupts and reifies reigning local and national racial norms and hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of post-racial theory (PRT) in both social and political spheres of dominant American hegemony has illustrated a desire among academic circles to move past race and racial categories in social analysis. However, absent within post-racial rhetoric is critical language on how to abolish racism and racial inequality. (Samad 2009) It is my contention that the application of post-racial theory in social and legislative arenas will fail to eliminate many of the economic or curriculum based inequities within public school education. Furthermore, I contend that the aim of post-racial theory to deconstruct race as a tool for social analysis will exacerbate current achievement gaps and guarantee that equity in terms of school funding and quality of non-racist teacher instruction for non-white students may not be achieved or even addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the legitimate claims on the harmful effects of racism on post-racial society during the administration of U.S. President Barack Obama. It offers information on the historical experience of black people in the U.S. that includes racial discrimination and subjugation. It examines the interpretation of the election of Barack Obama by the African American community.

The article focuses on post-racialism and colorblindness which evolved from a history of legislation. It also deals with Critical Race Theory (CRT) which helps to understand the relationship between race, law and social power. It presents the role of racism and discrimination in the U.S. According to CRT, racism is endemic in the U.S.

The author reflects on the continued existence of racial discrimination in the U.S. He recognizes that many Americans believe that the country has entered post-racialism and entered the promise land of colorblindness following the election of President Barack Obama. However, the author claims that discrimination still exists and post-racialism is more than just fiction due to the increasing rate of mass incarceration in the criminal justice system in the country.

In my Responses, I take up the various definitional and justificatory challenges that Anita Allen, Anthony Appiah and Bill Lawson raise to my defense of affirmative action and I try to build bridges and remove the apparent disagreements between our views. In the process, I have found a way to replace race-based affirmative action with a non-race-based program which retains all the benefits that a race-based program can provide and secures additional benefits as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professor Sterba argues for two interesting and provocative positions regarding affirmative action. First, affirmative action programs are still needed to ensure diversity in educational institutions of higher learning. Secondly, the proponents and opponents of affirmative action are not as far apart as they seem to think. To this end, he proposes a position that would give weight to race as a category for affirmative action that can withstand the challenges of affirmative action opponents while giving the needed support for affirmative action proponents. It is his contention that both sides can support arguments for diversity affirmative action. This paper raises concerns about the ability of arguments for racial diversity to resolve or bring together opponents and proponents of affirmative action. It is argued that the negative social climate, regarding the social and intellectual merits of black Americans, works against the acceptance of affirmative action programs. In sum, it is argued that Professor Sterba's position continues to put the social onus of changing racial attitudes on blacks with little or no effort on the part of whites other than allowing blacks admittance to formerly segregated educational institutions to interact with white students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly social scientists, including education theorists, find themselves having to fight an almost invisible racism that is masked by the racist undertones of the dominant discourse and practice of colorblindness. A continuous emphasis on colorblindness gives precedence to the role of race, diverting attention away from other forms of discrimination which can become the basis for exclusion. I would argue that for such acts of marginalization, difference-blindness may have more explanatory power. This paper discusses Greek-Cypriot teachers' perceptions of the integration of immigrant children in a Greek-Cypriot public primary school through the framework of difference-blindness. The discussion shows that despite their good intentions, teachers utilized a difference-blind ideology to rationalize practices of social exclusion of non-Cypriot students in what was considered an 'integrated' school environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the election of Barack Obama as the forty-fourth President of the U.S. It suggests that the election of Obama does not signal a post-racial world or discrimination is no longer a factor in voting or other aspects of economic and social worlds. Moreover, it claims that his election has had a more subtle effect on issue relating to race and discrimination.

This study examined whether explicit and implicit biases in favor of Whites and against Asian Americans would alter evaluation of a litigator's deposition. We found evidence of both explicit bias as measured by self-reports, and implicit bias as measured by two Implicit Association Tests. In particular, explicit stereotypes that the ideal litigator was White predicted worse evaluation of the Asian American litigator (out group derogation); by contrast, implicit stereotypes predicted preferential evaluation of the White litigator (in group favoritism). In sum, participants were not colorblind, at least implicitly, toward even a 'model minority,' and these biases produced racial discrimination. This study provides further evidence of the predictive and ecological validity of the Implicit Association Test in a legal domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's view regarding the mitigation of racial inequality in art education in the U.S. The author discusses her efforts, with the assistance of other art educators in implementing the institutionalization of multiculturalism, to overcome racism, through the reinforcement of colorblind society. However, the author cites the challenges in eradicating racial discrimination and cites its occurrence even in schools and institutions. Furthermore, the author also denotes the contemporary art's relevance in modifying colorblind racism.

Despite an enormous and persistent black-white wealth gap, the ascendant American narrative is one that proclaims that our society has transcended the racial divide. The proclamation often is coupled with the claim that remaining disparities are due primarily to dysfunctional behavior on the part of blacks. In such a climate it appears the only acceptable remedial social policies are those that are facially race neutral. However, even without the capacity to redistribute assets directly on the basis of race, our nation still can do so indirectly by judiciously using wealth as the standard for redistributive measures. We offer a bold progressive child development account type program that could go a long way towards eliminating the racial wealth gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the idea of post-racial society in the context of coalition-building strategies between Latinos and African Americans during the Civil Rights Movement in the U.S. It notes the unequal access to employment issue as a means to evaluate the usability of past civil-rights strategies as a starting point to address inequalities in light of post-racial ideologies. It examines the usefulness of structural-racism and intersection as a base for building a Latino and African American coalition.

The article explores the American social construction of Arab identity in post-racial period. It analyzes the abusive treatment of U.S. soldiers to Arab prisoners at Abu Ghraib and its impact on the country's promotion of post-racialism. It cites the essay by Sherene Razack questioning the worth of the U.S. to achieve a profound sense of racial superiority while disrespecting human rights and creating public racial violence to the prisoners. It suggests that America's relationship with other nations and its promotion of post-racist and post-nationalism should be evaluated. Several interviews on the dehumanization and objectification acts of the American soldiers to the detainees are also mentioned.