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Multilevel analysis of individual heterogeneity and discriminatory accuracy (MAIHDA) is a new approach to quantitative intersectional modelling. Along with an outcome of interest, MAIHDA entails the use of two sets of independent variables. These include group demographics such as race, gender, and poverty status as well as strata which are constructs such as Black female poor, Black female wealthy, and White female poor. These constructs represent the combination of the demographic variables. To operationalize the approach, an initial random intercepts model with strata as a level 2 context is specified. Then, another model is specified that includes the strata as well as the demographic variables as level 1 fixed effects. As such, it is argued that MAIHDA uniquely identifies the additive and intersectional effects for any given outcome. In this paper we show that MAIHDA falls short of this promise: the strata are an individual-level composite variable not a level 2 context. Rather than being analogous to neighborhoods as contexts, strata are analogous to socio-economic status which is a combination of individual-level demographic variables, albeit often presented as a group-level characteristic. The result is that the demographic variables are inserted in both level 2 and 1. This duplication across the levels in MAIHDA means that there is a built-in collinearity across the levels and that the models are mis-specified and, therefore, redundant. We conclude that single-level models with the demographic variables and interactions or with the strata as fixed effects are still the more accurate models for quantitative intersectional analyses. • There has been limited analysis of the MAIHDA method. • We compare MAIHDA to traditional HLM. • We show that strata are a level 1 composite variable not a level 2 context. • We identify duplication and collinearity in this approach. • We advocate for single level models in quantitative intersectionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although a large literature has documented racial inequities in health care delivery, there continues to be debate about the potential sources of these inequities. Preliminary research suggests that racial inequities are embedded in the curricular edification of physicians and patients. We investigate this hypothesis by considering whether the race and skin tone depicted in images in textbooks assigned at top medical schools reflects the diversity of the U.S. population. We analyzed 4146 images from Atlas of Human Anatomy , Bates' Guide to Physical Examination & History Taking, Clinically Oriented Anatomy, and Gray's Anatomy for Students by coding race (White, Black, and Person of Color) and skin tone (light, medium, and dark) at the textbook, chapter, and topic level. While the textbooks approximate the racial distribution of the U.S. population - 62.5% White, 20.4% Black, and 17.0% Person of Color - the skin tones represented - 74.5% light, 21% medium, and 4.5% dark - overrepresent light skin tone and underrepresent dark skin tone. There is also an absence of skin tone diversity at the chapter and topic level. Even though medical texts often have overall proportional racial representation this is not the case for skin tone. Furthermore, racial minorities are still often absent at the topic level. These omissions may provide one route through which bias enters medical treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical evidence points to a persistent Black-White racial gap in police-caused homicides. Some scholarship treats the gap as denoting criminal justice exposure either in terms of involvement in crime or living in a high-crime context. By contrast, health scholarship typically points to the importance of racism including the attitudes, institutional practices, and overall structures that operate to privilege one group over another. Still, given the demographics of US society, the Black-White racial contrast overlooks the 25% of Americans who are neither Black nor White: Native Americans, Latinos, and Asians. The question of how the groups should be organized vis-a-vis the current Black-White model and theories arises. An answer is not straightforward. There is a rank-ordering to the groups' mortality rates as well as an exponential increase in the number of possible comparisons. In this paper we systematically review the literature on race and police-caused homicide with a particular focus on studies that attempt to move beyond the Black-White model. We find that studies on race and police-caused homicide either make no comparison between the groups, or, alternatively, use a White-non-White, a Black-non-Black, and/or a Black-Native American-Latino vs. White-Asian comparison. We use data on group-specific mortality rates to examine the strengths and limits of each of these practices. The limits are the selection of counterfactual gaps, the selection of smaller gaps, and/or the omission of larger gaps. To address these limits, we propose that a Black-Native American vs. Latino-White-Asian model best captures the higher and lower mortality rates in police-caused homicide data. • Mortality rates from police-caused homicide vary by race and ethnicity. • The Black group has the highest rate followed by the Native American, Latino, White and Asian groups. • The literature makes one of several contrasts between these groups. • These are White-non-White; Black-non-Black, or Black-Native American-Latino vs. White-Asian. • Black-Native American vs. Latino-White-Asian contrast best reflects the groups' mortality rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Visual media have long been instrumental in the production of international borders as sites of spectacle. Such projects involve careful delineations of who may enter and under what conditions. In Canada, this representation often centres on a dialectical relationship between a welcoming and generous, multicultural nation and a threatening foreign immigrant Other. We adopt a visual content analysis approach to examine Border Security: Canada's Front Line, a documentary series produced for the National Geographic Channel that follows the daily activities of Canadian border security agents. Because this series is sponsored by the Canadian Border Patrol Agency, it provides an ideal case with which to interrogate the State's agenda in representing home, Other and risk. Given previous scholarship on the dialectical representation of Other and Canadian multiculturalism, we expected to find similar juxtapositions on Border Security. Rather, our analysis reveals a carefully managed representation of colour and nation-blindness that supports a construction of Canada in opposition to the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although it is generally accepted that political trust is reflective of satisfaction with the performance of the incumbent administration, this is only considered true for White Americans. Because their trust reflects a larger discontent with the political system, Black Americans, it is held, do not respond in the same way in the short term. This argument has yet to be tested with over-time data. Time matters. Not only does the race gap in trust change over time but the impact of partisanship and political winning is, by definition, time-dependent. The results of an analysis of the 1958–2012 American National Election Studies data show that Black Americans and White Americans are equally likely to tie short-term performance to trust in government. However, the relationship between partisanship and political trust and, therefore, system discontent, clearly differs for the two groups. Aggregate models that do not take race-partisan sub-group differences into account will therefore be misleading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Generalized trust in other Americans has never been so low. Explanations of this decline draw attention to the role of generational replacement and to period effects stemming from macro-level economic and political changes. In this paper, I consider generational and period trends in trust for black and for white Americans. Although race is considered one of the most important predictors of levels of trust, few studies have analyzed how race relates to larger generational and period trends of decline. General Social Survey data is used to test whether the decline thesis applies equally to black and to white Americans’ trust levels. I consider both the widely used index of generalized trust and the individual items comprising this index. The results show that although the war baby generation (1935–1944) of white Americans was more trusting than other generations, there has been no corresponding variability across generations for black Americans. At the period level, while there has been a decline in generalized trust and each of its sub-components for white Americans, the period-based trends for black Americans are more variable across measures. The use of a general index to study trends for black Americans masks important period-based trends. The decline in trust is related to race and what is missing from most accounts of the race gap in trust is a discussion of structural forces that advantage white Americans and hence inflate their trust levels. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]