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Employment had risen to historically high levels in Britain before the coronavirus crisis; however, whereas work is traditionally conceptualized as a route out of poverty, this is no longer necessarily the case. Participation in non‐standard or low‐income work such as zero‐hour contracts, involuntary part‐time work and self‐employment is increasingly a feature of the labour market and in‐work benefits which top‐up low incomes have been pared back. This case study undertaken in the period before the coronavirus crisis takes a multi‐disciplinary approach in relation to three key questions: are working women resorting to food bank use in times of financial hardship?; to what extent is this a function of non‐standard working practices?; and is welfare reform a contributing factor? A three‐strand approach is taken: a synthesis of literature, an analysis of national data and in‐depth interviews with stakeholders involved with referrals to or delivery of emergency food provision within northern Britain. The findings highlight a growth in precarious employment models since the 2008/2009 recession and how this intersects with increasing conditionality in welfare policy. We contribute to the debate by arguing that ideological driven policy fails to acknowledge structural deficiencies in labour market demand and misattributes responsibility for managing precarious working patterns onto individuals who are already struggling to get by. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many families, child care is a necessity for economic self-sufficiency, as without it caretakers cannot enter and stay in the workforce. However, for many low-income families, child care expenses are so high that they often cannot afford it without government support. Also problematic is that government-supported child care benefits are incrementally lost as a family’s income increases, but often before sufficient income can be sustained to replace that support. This is known as the child care cliff. The focus of this study was to understand how families make decisions about child care and government support when facing this cliff. This article details a mixed-methods study that revealed that families use a combination of resources to make up their income package that they need to manage everyday survival, including government benefits, wages, and social supports. Also, though the cliff effect is a significant barrier to moving from government supports to self-sufficiency, there are multiple other barriers that add to the very real reasons that families have to carefully strategize to survive. The most helpful things for families in strategizing were a flexible job and solid social support networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Universal Credit will radically change the UK's system of welfare benefits and tax credits for people of working age. Universal Credit will be paid on a monthly, rather than a fortnightly, basis. This article examines the evidence for the widespread concern that moving to a monthly payment system will be detrimental for low income households and reviews the government's proposals for providing claimants with budgeting support. The conclusion is drawn that, for some claimants, monthly payment of Universal Credit is likely to make money management easier, but for low income households whose current preferences and habits are to budget on a weekly or fortnightly basis, monthly payment of Universal Credit risks undermining the money management strategies which they find effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of welfare reform, many poor people have exhausted their benefits and must now live with less government support. While all of these former welfare recipients are struggling, some are experiencing housing problems that are quite severe. This article uses survey data on former welfare recipients who have used up the maximum time limits for receiving welfare to better understand three core explanations for rural housing problems among the poor: community, individual, and family factors. We estimate models to weigh the relative effects of these factors on the likelihood of experiencing several housing outcomes, finding that rural location is the most consistent predictor of housing outcomes, predicting home ownership, and whether families reside in low-quality housing. We also find that individual and family factors affect the type of housing one has. We conclude that housing policies must be tailored to improve specific housing outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of dramatic levels of economic volatility and massive changes in welfare policies, scholars in this decade worried anew about whether our official poverty measure, adopted in the 1960s, is adequate. Poverty's causes continued to be debated, with demographic factors often pitted against policy and maternal employment changes. Some scholars focused on events that trigger spirals into poverty or poverty exits. The literature on consequences of poverty featured new techniques for identifying underlying processes and mechanisms. Researchers also explored “neighborhood effects” and focused on poverty deconcentration efforts. Finally, scholars produced a voluminous literature on the efforts to reform welfare and their subsequent effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia's welfare model – targeted payments alongside low but progressive taxation – exemplifies the targeted approach, prioritizing the needs of poorer citizens within the constraints of low taxation. But does this approach match the welfare orientations of Australia's voters? Does the public hold other views about welfare, emerging out of competing interests in welfare debates? We consider results of two questions included in the Australian Survey of Social Attitudes 2005. The first question asks respondents about four welfare goals that outline competing welfare orientations: targeting poverty, expanding health and education, enforcing the welfare rules and reducing welfare. The second question asks about four taxation goals drawing on similar orientations as established for welfare: targeting tax cuts, taxing for welfare, enforcing tax rules and reducing overall tax. Asking about both enables us to tell whether voters approach tax and welfare ‘consistently’ and to see whether, in Australia's case, there is a preference for Australia's targeting model. We reach three conclusions: (1) voters hold diverse preferences about welfare and taxes, but the targeted model has a relatively strong voter base; (2) voters hold ‘pro-welfare’ orientations, choosing poverty reduction and expanding public services over both paternalism and cutting welfare, and (3) multivariate analysis indicates a level of consistency in welfare and tax orientations among voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This three-year longitudinal study investigated whether low-wage employment was associated with improved psychological and parenting outcomes in a sample of 178 single mothers who were employed and unemployed current and former welfare recipients both before and subsequent to the passage of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996. Participation in employment predicted fewer depressive symptoms and less negative parenting style over time. Employment at time 1 was associated with a reduced likelihood of receiving welfare in the interim between times 1 and 2, less financial strain at time 2, and (through these) a decrease in mothers' depressive symptoms at time 2. Fewer depressive symptoms at time 2, in turn, predicted less negative parenting style, net of the mothers' earlier demographic, mental health, and parenting characteristics. Mothers with higher education attainment were more likely to be employed (and to earn more) at both time points. Implications of these findings for welfare policies are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary goal of welfare reform is to move recipients from welfare to work. Several factors influence tile employment of welfare recipients. The purpose of this content analysis is to offer a comprehensive understanding of employment characteristics and important personal, family, and employment characteristics that either promote or deter employment among current and former welfare recipients. Social workers need a comprehensive understanding of these factors in order to design policy and social work interventions. This article is a content analysis of the results of empirical research studies. Implications and recommendations are offered based on the review of empirical research on current and former welfare recipients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a new framework for describing well-being and hardship among low-income families. We describe previously unmeasured costs of being poor as latent, those costs that are hidden and not counted in other poverty measures, and sequential, those costs that are consequential and have subsequent cost implications. Using data from in-depth interviews with cash assistance recipients and working poor heads of household, we explore latent and sequential costs of poverty related to health. Families experience a wide variety of latent and sequential costs associated with their dental, vision, and general health needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The creation of welfare-to-work programs across the country has led to a number of questions about the effectiveness of this reform effort and the experiences of welfare recipients. This study of seventeen welfare recipients in the state of Oregon reports on what the welfare-to-work experience is like for women in two types of communities, one rural and one urban. Our findings suggest that women in both communities share similar frustrations, but overall assess the welfare- to-work program ideology positively. Women in the rural community do report more personal challenges in finding and keeping a job based on the lack of public transportation, limited job prospects in the rural area, and dissatisfaction with the education and job skill training available to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), a part of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, changed the philosophical ground and rules and regulations that apply to low-income families with children who seek federal income support. TANF recipients have less flexibility in charting their life courses than AFDC recipients had. This article presents the findings of a study that investigated how TANF leavers, in comparison with AFDC leavers, fared economically after they left the cash assistance rolls. The major finding is that the income status of AFDC leavers increased considerably, but that of TANF leavers declined. The authors argue that TANF leavers fared less well economically because their decisions about whether to work, to engage in work-related activities, and to leave cash assistance rolls were under stricter control. The data sources for this study were the 1993 and 1996 Survey of Income and Program Participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During welfare reform, Congress passed legislation barring legal immigrants who entered the United States after August 1996 from Medicaid for five years after immigration. This legislation intended to bar only new immigrants (post-1996 immigrants) from Medicaid. However it may have also deterred the enrollment of legal immigrants who immigrated before 1996 (pre-1996 immigrants) and who should have remained Medicaid eligible. To compare the Medicaid enrollment of U.S.-born citizens to pre-1996 immigrants, before and after welfare reform, and to determine if variation in state Medicaid policies toward post-1996 immigrants modified the effects of welfare reform on pre-1996 immigrants. Secondary database analysis of cross-sectional data from 1994–2001 of the , Annual Demographic Survey of March Supplement of the Current Population Survey. Low-income, U.S.-born adults ( N=116,307) and low-income pre-1996 immigrants ( N=24,367) before and after welfare reform. Self-reported Medicaid enrollment. Before welfare reform, pre-1996 immigrants were less likely to enroll in Medicaid than the U.S.-born (OR=0.55; 95 percent CI, 0.51–0.59). After welfare reform, pre-1996 immigrants were even less likely to enroll in Medicaid. The proportion of immigrants in Medicaid dropped 3 percentage points after 1996; for the U.S.-born it dropped 1.6 percentage points ( p=0.012). Except for California, state variation in Medicaid policy toward post-1996 immigrants did modify the effect of welfare reform on pre-1996 immigrants. Federal laws limiting the Medicaid eligibility of specific subgroups of immigrants appear to have had unintended consequences on Medicaid enrollment in the larger, still eligible immigrant community. Inclusive state policies may overcome this effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports the results of an in-depth, descriptive study of long-term welfare recipients. A random sample of 284 respondents, all of whom had received public assistance for at least 36 months, were interviewed. Results illustrate personal barriers to self-sufficiency, including physical health problems that prevent work, severe domestic violence, educational deficits, substance abuse, learning disabilities, child behavior problems, generalized anxiety disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, and clinical depression. Study findings underscore the complex, persistent, and multiple difficulties experienced by this population and suggest that for some welfare recipients, long-term (even lifelong) financial supports and social services may be in order. Implications for policy and programming are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996 dramatically transformed the structure and goals of the public welfare system in the United States. The vast body of research and evaluation generated by the 1996 welfare reforms largely overlooked nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) despite their substantial historical and contemporary involvement in the delivery of social services to low-income populations. Therefore, this paper presents a unique assessment of PRWORA's implications based on the perspective of 90 social service NGOs operating in the Detroit metropolitan area. Examination of their services, staffing, budgets, and clients reveals many changes experienced by NGOs between 1996 and 2000 related to the welfare reforms. Overall, the findings suggest an increased role for social service NGOs in the “public” welfare system as well as concerns regarding their capacity to adequately fulfill this growing responsibility in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]