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New communication technologies express the transformation of traditional communication technologies in parallel with technological development. New media tools, such as propaganda tools in political elections, have become widespread in recent years. The use of social media in political elections has gained significant importance in recent years. Social media platforms provide an environment where political campaigns, candidates and voters can interact, and information sharing occurs quickly and widely. Candidates and political parties use social media platforms to deliver campaign messages, announce their policies, and communicate with voters. Through visual and written content, videos, live broadcasts and posts, candidates directly interact with voters and mobilize their supporters. Social media is an effective tool for spreading political propaganda and reaching large audiences with political information. Candidates and their supporters share various social media content to influence voters, defend their policies and persuade voters. Social media platforms gauge voters' opinions and preferences through surveys and feedback. Candidates and political parties seek feedback on social media to identify voters' expectations and concerns, shape their campaigns accordingly, and improve their policies. TRNC 2020 Presidential Elections is an essential topic for political science and international relations thesis studies. These elections provide a rich source for examining the political atmosphere of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, the election process, competition between candidates, election results, and political transformations. By discussing the use of social media in the 2020 TRNC Presidential elections, this research examined how the candidates used social media channels and what the reflections were by revealing the political communication languages of the propaganda and the differences it created in social perception. Qualitative research methods and scanning models will be used in the research. The candidates' use of social media in the 2020 TRNC Presidential elections was examined with their propaganda languages and statistics obtained in new media.

It is widely believed that we are facing a problem, even a crisis, caused by so-called "echo chambers" and "filter bubbles." Here, David Coady argues that this belief is mistaken. There is no such problem, and we should refrain from using these neologisms altogether. They serve no useful purpose, since there is nothing we can say with them that we cannot say equally well or better without them. Furthermore, they cause a variety of harms, including, ironically, a tendency to narrow public debate within predetermined limits.

The release of the fourth United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report in February 2007 prompted a flood of responses from political leaders around the globe. Perhaps nowhere was this more apparent than in Australia, where its release coincided with the first sitting week of the Australian Parliament, in an election year. The current study involves a discursive analysis of climate change rhetoric produced by politicians from the major Australian political parties in the period following the release of the IPCC leading up to the national election. Data include both transcripts of parliamentary debate and statements directly broadcast in the media. The analysis focuses on the various ways in which the issue of climate change was invoked and rhetorically managed by each of the two parties in the lead up to the election. In particular, it focuses on the ways in which appeals to the 'national interest' and 'lifestyle maintenance', both regular features of political rhetoric, were mobilized by both parties to discursively manage their positions on the climate change issue. Implications of the ways in which such appeals were constructed are discussed in relation to the discursive limits of the ways in which the issue of climate change is constructed in public debate.

The multinational tobacco companies responded to arguments about the social costs of smoking and hazards of secondhand smoke by quietly implementing the Social Costs/Social Values project (1979-1989), which relied upon the knowledge and authoritative power of social scientists to construct an alternate cultural repertoire of smoking. Social scientists created and disseminated non-health based, pro-tobacco arguments without fully acknowledging their relationship with the industry. After the US Surgeon General concluded that nicotine was addictive in 1988, the industry responded by forming "Associates for Research in the Science of Enjoyment" (c.1988-1999), whose members toured the world promoting the health benefits of the use of legal substances, including tobacco, for stress relief and relaxation, without acknowledging the industry's role. In this paper we draw on previously secret tobacco industry documents, now available on the Internet to show how both of these programs utilized academic sociologists, political scientists, anthropologists, psychologists, philosophers and economists, and allowed the industry to develop and widely disseminate friendly research through credible channels. Strategies included creating favorable surveys and opinions, infusing them into the lay press and media through press releases, articles and conferences, publishing, promoting and disseminating books, commissioning and placing favorable book reviews, providing media training for book authors and organizing media tours. These programs allowed the tobacco industry to affect public and academic discourse on the social acceptability of smoking.

The so-called media agenda has a great influence on the issues considered to be important by society. In this article, based on the Informe Quiral (Quiral Survey), the author analyses the coverage of health issues in Spanish press. In Spain, media concentration causes a clear tendency to information homogeneity and thus, health issues are rarely dealt with in an independent way or in its own specific space or by specialized professionals. The main chronic issues the Spanish press has followed during the years included in the survey have been: cancer, sexuality and reproduction, aids, drugs (including tobacco), mental disorders and nutrition-related issues. Politicians or individuals with political and technical posts are the sources which carry the burden of informing about health issues (49%). On the other hand, the more specialized sector is the source of information in only 26% of the cases. In order to improve health information, the author suggests establishing communication platforms and closer collaboration between the specialized sector and the media, fostering mutual knowledge of all professional groups taking part in the process and ridding health information of all political influences.

"Like the 1930s, the 1980s were characterized, in France, by a profound economic, social, and moral crisis.... The far right exploited the general mood of anxiety to place immigrants in the center of the debate, blaming the immigrant communities for the country's problems.... In the 1930s, the group designated as most dangerous was the Jews; in the 1980s, it was the North Africans. As a result, the extreme right urges that borders be closed, that access to citizenship be restricted, that as many foreigners as possible be turned away. Although racist ideas were commonly expressed in the 1930s, they are no longer openly espoused today, with the exception of certain fringe groups. But, aside from this difference and the origin of the groups perceived as most threatening, the modus operandi of the xenophobic process has varied little in 50 years." (SUMMARY IN ENG AND SPA), (excerpt)

Within the socio--hygienic survey it was found that in acquiring health--promoting information most Leningrad people gave their preference to TV and radio broadcasting and also to feature films and cartoons. Popular lectures were regarded as the least preferable means.

In April 1972, "Postal History International" published an article of mine concerning anti-vaccination caricature envelopes, which has led to some correspondence with readers and the discovery of several related items. It seems appropriate, therefore, to summarise the information in these pages, in the hope that this may bring forth knowledgeable comment from others. Details of any foreign propaganda of this sort would be particularly welcome. Meanwhile, this articles summarises what is known of the Society responsible for at least some of the British envelopes, and fills in a little of the historical background. The assistance of Mr. Ritchie Bodily is gratefully acknowledged, while the historical information was culled from the Newspaper Library of the British Museum at Colindale. Certain errors in the initial article can now be corrected, notably as to the name and location of the "persecuted man of Truth".

State dental directors were surveyed in spring 1984 regarding fluoridation and fluoride programs. Forty-four states reported existing fluoride mouth-rinse programs in schools; 22, fluoride tablets in schools. About 90 percent of directors felt that support for fluoride programs by state departments of health and constituent dental societies either had remained the same or increased over the previous five years. Approximately half felt the antifluoridation movement to be as strong as five years earlier. About one-third indicated a shift in focus by water fluoridation opponents to include other fluoride systems. Most felt this shift occurred during 1981-82. Information was reported on 255 individual challenges to fluoride programs. Results of this survey indicate that expenditure of considerable resources and effort continues to be necessary to ensure the longevity of public fluoride systems.

Since Grand Rapids became the first community to adjust the fluoride content of its water supply, individuals and groups have objected to water fluoridation. Early opponents of fluoridation were often members of fringe groups or were associated with the health food movement, were chiropractors, or were Christian Scientists. Once these individuals and groups began exchanging ideas and experiences, national groups were formed for the sole purpose of fighting fluoridation. While most of these organizations lacked sufficient funding or expertise to have much impact outside of the communities where they were based, some national multi-issue organizations appeared that were well funded and that focused on antifluoridation as one of their goals. Through exploitation of society's current phobias about health and disease, these national groups have become increasingly successful in negatively influencing the public about the effectiveness, safety, and economy of community water fluoridation. Their tactics range from community actions aimed at local governmental bodies, to well-organized local referenda, to litigation in state and federal courts, to lobbying state legislatures and the US Congress. Specific legal, community organizational, and political tactics employed by the antifluoride groups are reviewed and classified.

Well-planned, new initiatives are required to preserve fluoride uses, especially water fluoridation. Discussed are barriers to fluoride promotion, evidence about public and health-care providers' knowledge and opinions about fluoride use and decision making, implications of sources of public information on fluorides, consequences to professionals and the public of being misinformed about fluorides, and four general strategies for promoting fluorides under varying conditions. Educational and political initiatives must be appropriate to state needs and conditions. Four broad categories of actions include: diagnosis and planning for education/promotion; public and professional education under both noncontroversial and controversial conditions, political persuasion where required, and changing the context of fluoridation decision making to prevent public referenda on public health measures.

Propaganda in all its forms is the culture of a mass society. The media transmits propaganda to form public opinion and recreate the human being. Reversing the Western ideal of a rational and free individual, the media creates a childish conformist ensconced in the peer group, who acts unconsciously.

This article examines race-based propositions and the movidas used to garner electorate support for these initiatives, which amount to the "tyranny of the majority" trampling on the rights of the minority as has happened so many times during our nation's history in the name of democracy. Specifically, the passage of Proposition 227 in California is analyzed for the tactics and strategies used to ensure that support for the initiative was garnered. Suggestions are made for how communities of color can work together to counter these legal and political attacks that use half-truths and propaganda to gain widespread support.

Social revolutions, which frequently use the press as a propaganda weapon, have been rare in Latin America despite the striking social inequalities of the region. Only three classic socioeconomic revolutions have unfolded in the hemisphere--in Mexico in 1910, in Bolivia in 1952, and in Cuba in 1959. Bolivia attempted to effect radical reforms through the democratic process, until the military seized the revolution in 1964. The press was decisive in fomenting and implementing the Bolivian National Revolution (1952-1964), guided by the political group known as the Movimiento Nacionalists Revolucionario (MNR). It is this phenomenon that this study examines. The Bolivian National Revolution would not have succeeded if the MNR had not aroused and sustained the social conscience of the small middle class through newspapers and literature. "La Nacion," official newspaper spokesman of the revolution for 12 years, declared, "Traditionally, the MNR is a party of journalists. The founding staff was (in 1941) almost totally composed of newspapermen. As the years passed, those men occupied high functions in the government and in diplomacy, but almost always as a consequence of their activity displayed in the press." (TO)