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As European societies become continuously more diverse, understanding the dynamics of minority rights endorsement becomes increasingly crucial. This paper investigates the variations in citizen support for minority rights and how these endorsements differ across various minority groups and purposes. This study focuses on minority organized supplementary schooling for minoritized youth in Flanders, Belgium as a case study for examining the endorsement of rights. Using new observational evidence, we first show that there is significant variation in citizens' opposition to community education. Subsequently, we conduct a survey experiment to unravel what explains public opposition to certain minority-organized initiatives, but not others. Specifically, we examine the causal effect of the organizing ethnic community (i.e. Italian, Chinese, or Moroccan) and the school's stated purpose (i.e. heritage language training or math tutoring) on public support. The study reveals that public approval of such minority-organized spaces is not uniform across initiatives. It is influenced by the perceived cultural threat posed by specific minority groups and the nature of the initiative. This research is the first to comprehensively examine public perceptions of minority-organized spaced. The findings indicate that deeper research into the support for minority rights and freedoms is imperative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European fiscal integration is highly controversial and is assumed to lead to a Eurosceptic backlash among the public. Yet, in a historical decision in July 2020, European governments agreed on the ambitious recovery package 'Next Generation EU', establishing an unprecedented fiscal stabilisation capacity to address the economic and healthcare challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic. We study the mass politics of European fiscal integration in a survey experiment on public support for a European Pandemic Recovery Fund (PRF) in five European countries in 2020. We find remarkably high support for a joint European fiscal instrument, which, however, is sensitive to policy design. While cross-country differences reflect collective self-interest, citizens' left-right orientations, their EU positions, and perceived economic risk from COVID-19 structure differences within countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) is an unlikely case for responsive policy-making. Yet, in recent years scholars have found that the EU's overall decision-making output is correlated with the average preferences of the European citizens toward European integration. Despite recognizing the value of this systemic approach, we argue in this contribution that studies of EU responsiveness should explicitly acknowledge the multi-dimensionality of responsiveness in the EU by addressing the multiplicity of actors, institutions and publics involved. This actor-oriented perspective directs the focus of responsiveness research to the input stage of EU policy-making. This contribution calls for research that a) theoretically situates the responsiveness of actors in specific institutional venues in a broader perspective of multi-dimensional EU responsiveness and that b) empirically links different forms of input responsiveness to one another and to policy outputs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]