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This article examines the 2009–2015 peace process between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). It draws from conflict resolution literature to present the five transformers framework that...

The aim of the article is to analyse the dramatic decline of voters’ support for Spanish Socialist Workers‘Party (PSOE), a long-term established political party, between 2008 and 2011 parliamentary elections. It focuses on the government policy of PSOE during the outbreak of economic and financial crisis and attributes the drop of support to the conflicting roles of PSOE as a representative of voters‘interests on the one hand and as the governing party with corresponding responsibility to the state and also to the international community on the other hand. Moreover, it links the decision-making on the national level to the supranational level. The austerity policy, pursued by PSOE in given period, was heavily influenced by the EU institutions, and made impossible to comply with the electoral promises, concentrated on the improvements in employment and social policy. The drop of support pursued the PSOE in 2011, 2015 and 2016 parliamentary elections. Therefore, the party is a case study of the decline of social democratic parties in Europe, however temporary in her case.

The paper presents a diagnosis of the Brazilian media scenario during the Workers Party (PT, 2002-2016) governments, arguing that public funding policies are related to media concentration. It will discuss the results of an extensive public data collection that helps in clarifying the issue. The article concludes that the PT governments were not active in addressing the problem of concentration of publicly funded funds, promoting increased investments in government advertising in the media without, however, redistributing these funds along with the process of renewing of the Brazilian media system. O artigo apresenta um diagnóstico do cenário midiático brasileiro durante as gestões do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT, 2002-2016), argumentando que as políticas públicas de financiamento relacionam-se a concentração midiática. Serão discutidos os resultados de uma extensa coleta de dados públicos que ajudarão a lançar luz sobre a questão. O artigo conclui que, no que compete à desconcentração das verbas de financiamento público, os governos PT não foram ativos no enfrentamento do problema, promovendo aumento dos investimentos em publicidade governamental em mídia sem que, no entanto, a redistribuição dessas verbas acompanhasse o processo de renovação do sistema midiático brasileiro. O artigo apresenta um diagnóstico do cenário midiático brasileiro durante as gestões do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT, 2002-2016), argumentando que as políticas públicas de financiamento se relacionam com a concentração midiática. Serão discutidos os resultados de uma extensa coleta de dados públicos que ajudarão a lançar luz sobre a questão. O artigo conclui que, no que compete à desconcentração das verbas de financiamento público, os governos do PT não foram ativos no enfrentamento do problema, promovendo o aumento dos investimentos em publicidade governamental em mídia sem que, no entanto, a redistribuição dessas verbas acompanhasse o processo de renovação do sistema midiático brasileiro.

This article critically assesses Brazil’s role in the South American regional integration process. My hypothesis is that despite the rhetoric of Brazil’s Workers’ Party (PT) governments about a ‘ne...

Analysis of Brazil’s political and economic crisis tends to emphasize the economic ‘errors’ that President Dilma Rousseff’s Workers’ Party (PT) government inherited from her predecessor Lui...

The Poviat Committee of the Polish Workers ‘Party in Mrągowo was established on July 13, 1945. In December 1948, after joining the local organization of the Polish Socialist Party, it transformed into a Poviat Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party in Mragowo. This structure functioned until mid-1975, when it was dissolved. After the liquidation of the district committee, all party organizations from the area of the abolished Poviat were subordinated to the Provincial Committee of the PZPR in Olsztyn. The total number of party members in the Poviat was systematically increasing from less than 1500 at the time of the establishment of the PZPR, to over 2600 at the time of the Poviat’s liquidation. The last reliable data from 1988 regarding the number of PZPR members was 1800. The largest party organization had the PZPR Mu�nicipal Committee in Mrągowo, gathering 40–50% of all party members in the aforementioned area. The PZPR organization in Mrągowo experienced two major organizational crises: in 1956 and in the years 1980–1982. The second of them brought losses, which proved to be impossible to mitigate. Individual branches lost up to 20% of their members, there was chaos in the organization and there were no people willing to perform party functions. The disintegration of the organization was halted in 1984–1986. In the last years of the PZPR (1987–1989) only its superior structures, i.e. committees, were active. The basic branches ceased operations well before the formal dissolution of the party.

O artigo analisa o espaço das fundações partidárias no Brasil. Esse domínio de atuação é percebido como veículo e reflexo de processos de politização. O estudo está alicerçado em dois eixos: 1) a configuração (estrutural e sociográfica) dessas entidades e a relativa autonomia ou dependência que possuem vis-à-vis às organizações partidárias; 2) as intersecções possíveis entre lógicas e domínios políticos e intelectuais a partir da exploração desse âmbito específico de atuação. São, então, cotejados dados referentes à emergência e à cronologia de criação das fundações partidárias, à estrutura organizacional das mesmas (sites; sedes; setores; divisão de tarefas/papéis; exigências de especialistas variados; produtos como livros, revistas, cursos; receitas; etc.) via informações disponíveis na internet, bem como ao perfil social, político e cultural dos presidentes e ex-presidentes. Foi examinado ainda especificamente o caso da Fundação Perseu Abramo do Partido dos Trabalhadores.

RESUMO Líderes petistas utilizando o slogan “choque de gestão” e defendendo políticas como avaliação de desempenho, premiação por resultados e transferência de serviços para organizações sociais não são encontrados facilmente, uma vez que são conceitos e instrumentos vinculados ao PSDB, seu principal adversário político. Este artigo apresenta administrações municipais petistas que revisam o tradicional discurso antirreforma do partido. São usados dados de uma pesquisa que buscou identificar prefeitos do PT alinhados aos princípios gerenciais. Para verificar a adesão de administrações petistas à APG, o estudo avaliou até que ponto implementaram políticas vinculadas a essa agenda. A pesquisa definiu cinco princípios básicos da APG: Planejamento; Meritocracia; Parcerias e contratualização; Participação e cidadania; Eficiência e modernização. Esses eixos contemplam 20 políticas de gestão, que formaram o questionário norteador das 10 entrevistas do estudo. A partir da pesquisa sobre a aplicação da agenda da APG em cinco administrações do PT, constatou-se que prefeitos da legenda, diante dos problemas urbanos das cidades, dos entraves da burocracia pública e do aumento das demandas sociais, aos poucos implementam políticas associadas aos adversários com a finalidade de tornar a máquina pública mais eficiente e oferecer serviços mais qualificados ao cidadão. A novidade trazida por este artigo é uma revisão do discurso petista. Essa mudança de postura não se dá sem tensionamentos com setores da legenda e do funcionalismo público, mas aponta para uma tentativa de revisão do posicionamento do partido. ABSTRACT PT leaders using the slogan “managerial shock” and defending public policies such as performance evaluation, bonus for results and transfer of services to social organizations are not found easily, once this concepts and policies are linked to PSDB, its principal political adversary. This article shows PT mayors that make a review of PT’s antireform speech. The article presents data from a search, which identified PT mayors lined up to managerial principles. To evaluate the accession of PT’s local governments to Managerial Public Administration, this search evaluated Managerial Public Administration policies implementation. The search considers five principles of Managerial Public Administration: Planning; Meritocracy; Management Contracts and partnerships; Participation and citizenship; Efficiency and modernization. These principles include 20 policies, and these policies are part of the questionnaire used to interview 10 mayors and staff members of five PT local governments. It was found that, in contact with urban problems, public bureaucracy barriers and increasing of social demands, PT mayors are implementing policies to modernize the management and make it more efficient and effective to citizen. The novelty brought by this article is a review of PT’s antireform speech. This posture change is characterized by constraints, tensions and conflicts with party groups and public servants. But it has signs pointing out to the construction of a new view on Managerial Public Administration by PT.

While the responsibilities of the states in the internal political area consist of the organization, administration and protection of volkish life, the party has the responsibility to lead the German people in all areas of their common expression of life and to educate them to fulfill their political and biological responsibility.

This review essay critically examines the evolution of scholarly literature on Brazil'sPartido dos Trabalhadoressince the PT's founding in 1980. We periodise the relevant literature into four phases, examining the foundation of the PT, the party's early experience in subnational government, its transformation and moderation in the late 1990s, and finally its experiences in national government since capturing the presidency in 2002. After detailing strengths and weaknesses of this research, we also examine the trajectory of the PT in light of recent comparative work on the so-called ‘left turn’ in Latin America. We conclude by offering an agenda for future research on the PT.

Focusing on the Workers’ Party administrations (2003-2016), we claim that, among other crucial ideas and interpretations, the framing process of the Brazilian nuclear program by the ruling elites can be understood through the notion of a mendes-pimentelense nexus. To support that claim, Section II discusses the developmentalist thinking in Brazil. Section III, presents a historical overview of the role of the armed forces in issues of national development, defense, and nuclear technology. Section IV proposes the notion of a defense-development nexus as an analytical approach to the issue. Finally, some concluding remarks are pointed out.

The Kurdistan Workers Party (Partîya Karkêren Kurdistan, PKK) was formally established on 26–27 November 1978, announcing its name and existence in July 1979 (Akkaya 2016: 220), but it has often been looked upon as a latecomer in the family tree of parties politicising the Kurdish issue that emerged in the 1970s. In fact, a process of group formation had started years before, as early as 1972–73 (Jongerden and Akkaya 2011). By the time the PKK was established as a party in 1978, it already had a committed cadre with strong convictions. The process of group formation had started in Ankara after the 1971 coup and the elimination of the cadre of the revolutionary left; its organisation was built throughout the Kurdistan region in Turkey from the end of 1975, with the 22 participants at the 1978 founding congress considered delegates, each responsible for a particular region.

Does party organization still matter? Much of the party literature suggests that politicians, who can use substitutes like mass media to win votes, lack incentives to invest in party organization. Yet it remains an electoral asset, especially at lower levels of government. Evidence from Brazil’s Workers’ Party (PT) indicates that party elites invest in organization when they prioritize lower-level elections and that this investment delivers electoral returns. In the mid-2000s, the PT strengthened its support across levels of government in the conservative, clientelistic Northeast. Drawing from underutilized data on party offices, this article shows that organizational expansion contributed substantially to the PT’s electoral advances in the Northeast. While President Lula da Silva’s (PT) 2006 electoral spike in the Northeast resulted from expanded conditional cash transfers, the PT’s improvement at lower levels followed from top-down organization building. The PT national leadership deliberately expanded the party’s local infrastructure to deliver electoral gains.

In explaining the 2010 election of President Dilma Rousseff, John French and Alexandre Fortes explore the stunning success of the Brazilian Workers Party (PT) and its leader, Lula, former trade unionist, in winning a third consecutive presidential victory. In historical perspective, the authors examine the ways in which Lula's government (2002 – 10) represented a break with the past while summarizing its substantive achievements in redistributing wealth and opportunity. Focusing on the tension between a historic party-centric petismo (declared partisan party support) and the broader personal popularity of its leader (lulismo), they offer evidence that Lula and the PT have retained their foundational ethos of enhancing popular self-esteem while fostering citizen participation and civil society mobilization, albeit under new conditions. They conclude with a diagnosis of the new government's challenges in light of international financial markets, labor mobilization, and the constraints of the Brazilian political system.

This paper contributes to the debate about the ideological coherence of the Brazilian party system. Using discriminant function analysis of 20 years of surveys of Brazilian legislators, we find that the party system now exhibits relatively little coherence. Though the Worker's Party (PT) is clearly distinct, no clear ideological differences exist between the placement of the system's three other main parties. Moreover, the spatial distance between the PT and the other parties is diminishing over time. Given the importance of a coherent ideological map to any consolidated party system, we question the notion that the Brazilian party system has gradually consolidated. Indeed, our results suggest the opposite: in recent years the Brazilian party system has become relatively more “inchoate.”

Examination of the politicization of landless people in the encampments and settlements of the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (Landless Rural Workers' Movement—MST) in Brazil suggests that the movement's success rest on the fact that it generates relatively autonomous rural communities organized around autonomous political structures that facilitate mobilization. These communities persist because their members, by protecting their right to land from full commoditization, ensuring an adequate production of food, and avoiding the full monetarization of their subsistence needs, are able to mitigate the effects of the market. In addition, in order to secure the survival and development of its settlements, the MST has integrated participation in institutional politics into its mobilization strategy. However, because of the nature of President Lula's policies, the continuity of the traditional alliance between the MST and the Workers' Party is bound to become a major issue.

Neste artigo, exploramos mudanças na relação entre movimentos sociais e o governo do Partido dos Trabalhadores pela lente da política de nomeações de cargos de alto escalão no Ministério do Meio Ambiente (MMA) entre 2003 e 2013. Ao analisar as biografias profissionais e políticas de 147 nomeados, identificamos uma diminuição, ao longo do período, de nomeações de atores originários de movimentos sociais, acompanhada por um crescimento de nomeações de servidores públicos. Sugerimos que essa mudança não é somente resultado de transformações das preferências políticas do governo petista. Resulta também de um aumento no número absoluto de funcionários concursados, o que tornou o governo menos dependente, do que era no passado, das capacidades técnicas e políticas presentes na sociedade civil. _______________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT In this article, we explore the changing relationship between social movements and the Workers' Party government, by looking at appointments to upper echelon positions in the Ministry of the Environment between 2003 and 2013. Our examination of the professional and political biographies of 147 appointees demonstrates that over the period, fewer social movement actors and more public servants were nominated. We suggest that this change did not result only from transformations in the political preferences of the Workers' Party government. It also resulted from an increase in the absolute number of permanent employees, which made the government less dependent than in the past on the technical and political capacities of civil society actors.

Brazil’s 2002 presidential elections brought to power Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the leader of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Worker’s party—PT) and a former union leader with a markedly leftist political trajectory. An examination of the PT’s discourse throughout the 2002 campaign, as evidenced in the free political advertising programs that represent the main form of contact between candidates and voters in Brazil, reveals the “professionalization” of Lula’s communication. An integral part of the “practical” shift of his political strategy, this professionalization punctuated a long process of accommodating the political establishment, in effect burying the radical novelty that the PT had stood for. In its origins, the party discourse fed on the lived experience of workers and the daily battles of social movements. This is the feature that was lost in 2002, when the discourse of Lula and the PT was molded to the dominant political discourse in both form and content.

The formal title of this three day public conference at the University of São Paulo, August 13–15, 2003, was “History and Perspectives of the Left,” but the infratext for this gathering of scholars, analysts and activists from four continents—Europe, Africa, North and South America—was what are the lessons from the experience of the Left in government elsewhere that the new leftist government in Brazil and its leading party—the Workers Party (PT)—should keep in mind? This was underscored in the formal introductions and welcomes of the sponsors: the PT's Fundação Perseo Abramo, the French Socialist party's Fundacion Jean Juares, the University of São Paulo and the office of the PT mayor of São Paulo, Marta Suplicy. As her secretary for international relations, Keld Jakobsen, stressed: this is the first time that the Brazilian left has the opportunity to govern their country and it is important that they do it well. For that reason, it is also important that they learn from other experiences of the left in government.

Este artigo analisa as tendências ideopolíticas da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira na contemporaneidade, formuladas pelos sujeitos políticos coletivos integrantes do Fórum da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira e da Frente Nacional contra a Privatização da Saúde. Para empreender esta análise, estruturamos o processo no levantamento bibliográfico, na análise de documentos e na observação sistemática da defesa de interesses dos sujeitos políticos coletivos. O estudo abrange o momento de governo do Partido dos Trabalhadores no período de 2003 a 2012 e desvela os distintos projetos de Reforma Sanitária que estão em disputa, que tendem ao consenso e a resistência às inflexões do projeto. This article analyzes the contemporary ideological and political trends in Brazilian healthcare reform, which were formulated by collective political subjects who are members of the Brazilian Sanitary Reform Forum and the National Front against the Privatization of Healthcare. To conduct this analysis we conducted a bibliographic survey, document analysis and systematic observation of the defense of interests of collective political subjects. The study encompasses the time when the Workers Party (PT) governed Brazil from 2003-2012 and reveals the various healthcare reform projects that are in dispute, which move towards a consensus with resistance to inflections in the project.

The outbreak of the Second World War found U. S. Trotskyism divided into two organizations: the Socialist Workers Party led by James Cannon, and the Workers Party led by Max Shachtman. The downfall of Mussolini on July 24, 1943 led to the appearance of a third current: a minority within the SWP led by Felix Morrow, Jean van Heijenoort and Albert Goldman. Confronting the SWP leaders' line, according to which U. S. imperialism would operate in Europe through "Franco-type governments," the minority argued that it would rely on democratic regimes to stem the advance of the revolution, propping them up with economic aid, and that it would be helped in this task by the Socialist and Communist Parties, which would revive the policy of class collaboration known as Popular Front. The task of the European Trotskyists was therefore to wrest control of the masses from those parties through democratic and transitional demands (a Democratic Republic, a Constituent Assembly, etc.) which would help the workers discover the anti-socialist agenda of their mass organizations through their own experience. The Morrow-Goldman-Heijenoort tendency's inglorious ending precluded any serious analysis of the dire consequences of the policies pursued by the SWP leadership. Fil: Gaido, Daniel Fernando. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina Fil: Luparello, Velia Sabrina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina

Turkey's sudden and dramatic capture of Abdullah (Apo) Ocalan in Nairobi, Kenya on 16 February 1999, far from ending the odyssey of the longtime leader of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), has led to a process of continuing implicit bargaining between the Turkish government and the PKK that holds out the hope of a win-win result for all the parties involved. Turkey's EU candidacy, future democratisation and economic success have all become involved with the stay of Ocalan's execution and the continuing Kurdish problem.

"This article analyzes the continued popular support for Lula and Dilma in the face of multiple corruption allegations throughout their respective presidencies. What explains their ability to survive corruption? And what are the implications of this - at first sight - lack of electoral punishment for Brazilian democracy? In searching for answers to these questions, this article looks at four mechanisms that help explain the continued popularity of politicians amid allegations of corruption: the use of clientelism as payoffs, informational failures, the relevance of other issues, and rouba mas faz. By analyzing Lula's and Dilma's terms in office and their inopportune links to corruption, this article argues that the shifting strategies used to deal with corruption allegations effectively shifted the reputational costs of corruption away from individual political leaders and toward the Workers' Party and the political system as a whole. This finding emphasizes the mid- to long-term consequences of corruption scandals on political parties and democratic institutions, while also shedding light on the paradoxical relationship between corruption as a voting valence issue and continuing electoral support for politicians allegedly involved in corruption." (author's abstract)

"The Worker's Party (PT) was created in 1980 during the liberalization of authoritarian rule in Brazil, in the context of contentious mobilizations, which were especially strong in the union sector in São Paulo. The PT then attracted increasing support at the polls and won a number of local executives before winning the federal presidency in 2002; this process has often been labeled as 'institutionalization'. This paper defines the notion of institutionalization and proposes an approach for observing institutionalization processes at the grass roots of party organization. The paper then analyzes the PT's transformation at the national level, whereby it became a majority, consolidated its organization, and moderated its ideological discourses. We also analyze the social components of the institutionalization of the PT. Based on the case of rank-and-file PT members in Recife, we show that this process included upward social mobility for local party leadership, included party leaders as professionals in the political arena, and created a growing distance between the party organization and the contentious space." (author's abstract)

After two successive presidential terms, the leader of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) – the Workers’ Party – Luis Inacio Lula da Silva, left office in 2011. After his first electoral victory in 2002, many observers of the Brazilian political arena expected a radical shift in the country’s public policies towards the left. These expectations were rapidly toned down by the moderate nature of the policies and changes implemented under Lula’s first government.

This article reviews the campaign manifestoes of the main political parties vying in the UK's 2014 European Parliamentary elections, and analyses the electoral results. The most newsworthy event has been the meteoric rise of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), a vehemently Eurosceptic party advocating withdrawal from the EU. UKIP beat both mainline parties (Labour and the Conservatives) even while the vote collapsed for the UK's most Europhile party, the Liberal Democrats. Even more important is the influence UKIP has now won to affect the domestic electoral strategies of the Conservative and Labour Parties, with which it competes for the Eurosceptic centre-right and anti-immigration working-class vote, respectively. The Conservatives, in Coalition with the Liberal Democrats since 2010, were forced to reshuffle their Cabinet to give Eurosceptic MPs a higher profile; to pass a European Union Act mandating an in-out referendum on EU membership in 2017; and to persuade the EU to appoint a British Conservative to head the European Commission’s Financial Services Directorate. UKIP’s success has been stirring both fears and hopes for the (domestic) general election of 2015. An anti-statist party that combines elements of libertarianism and nationalism, UKIP may well come to embody the revolt of the masses against the British establishment.

En las elecciones presidenciales del 2010 en Brasil, la candidata del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT), Dilma Rousseff, obtuvo la victoria. La popularidad del presidente Lula y de los medios de comunicación fueron dos de los factores que determinaron el resultado electoral. El presente artículo analiza las razones que orientaron el voto de los ciudadanos brasileños, tomando como referencia el concepto de opinión pública desarrollado por Giovanni Sartori. El autor plantea que la decisión electoral no se halla exclusivamente sometida a la influencia de las imágenes y promesas vanas de los candidatos, demostrando que cuestiones como la identidad y las características socioculturales de los diferentes segmentos adquirieron gran relevancia en el proceso electoral de Brasil. El propósito del presente artículo es plantear cómo la elección presidencial de 2010 en Brasil está articulada a un conjunto de formas comunicativas y esquemas que pretenden establecer cómo la candidata del PT es una continuidad de Lula y cómo Serra, su oponente, aun cuando no procure negar el gobierno petista, plantea realizar uno mejor.

In this paper we analyze the process of development and implementation of the Program Sport and Leisure of the City (PELC), considering its technical, conceptual and political, highlighting the advances, limitations and contradictions inherent PELC in view of their social space production subfield. To this end, we resort to semi-structured interviews with agents of the Ministry of Sport managers directly related to the process of creation, implementation and development of PELC as well as desk review of certain documents relating to the ministry relating to PELC. We hold that the PELC differs from other social sports programs have been designed by experience derived from the subfield scientific / academic public policy for sport and leisure and experiences of municipal administrations of the Workers Party (PT), and developed under the aegis of a political dispute between the two parties who administered the Sports Ministry.

In this paper we analyze the role played by the “liberal-conservative” press in the course of governments by the Workers Party (PT) in Brazil. We introduce the problem examining Lula’s terms in office (2003–2010), defined by political stability, his charismatic leadership and the emergence of corruption allegations in the press. With the effects of the economic slowdown and the emergence of the June 2013 demonstrations, corruption demands adopted a relevance that was instigated by the press. Finally, we discuss the role played by the press in the presidential elections of 2014 and the crisis of Dilma’s second term. We analyze the role played by the “liberal-conservative” press at this critical conjuncture and its influence in producing the political polarization that emerged in Brazilian society after the 2014 elections, which led to Dilma’s impeachment. Through its engagement in a moralistic campaign in the context of the crisis of Dilma’s second term, we argue that the liberal-conservative press repeated an elitist pattern in Brazilian history, causing an imbalance in the sustainability of Brazilian democracy.

O artigo explora o impressionante sucesso do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e do seu líder, o ex-sindicalista Lula, ao conquistar uma terceira vitória presidencial consecutiva com a eleição de Dilma Rousseff em 2010. Em perspectiva histórica, ele examina os modos como o governo Lula representou uma ruptura com o passado, resumindo suas realizações substantivas em termos de distribuição de renda e criação de oportunidades. Debatendo a relação entre o petismo e o lulismo, o trabalho oferece evidências de que Lula e o PT mantiveram seu éthos fundante de fortalecimento à autoestima popular e promoção da cidadania participativa, embora sob novas circunstâncias. O texto termina com um diagnóstico dos desafios do governo Dilma Rousseff à luz da situação da economia internacional, das novas lutas trabalhistas emergentes no país e das limitações impostas pelo sistema político brasileiro. The article explores the stunning success of the Brazilian Workers Party (PT) and its leader, Lula, former trade unionist, in winning a third consecutive presidential victory, with the election of Dilma Rousseff in 2010. In historical perspective, it examines the ways in which Lula's government (2002-2010) represented a break with the past while summarizing its substantive achievements in redistributing wealth and opportunity. Focusing on the tension between a historic party-centric petismo (declared partisan party support) and the broader personal popularity of its leader (lulismo), it offers evidence that Lula and the PT have retained their foundational ethos of enhancing popular self-esteem while fostering citizen participation and civil society mobilization, albeit under new conditions. It concludes with a diagnosis of Dilma Rousseff government's challenges in light of the international economic scenario, domestic labor mobilizations, and the constraints of the Brazilian political system.

As eleições municipais de 2004 foram as primeiras depois que o PT chegou ao Governo Federal. Instigava saber a estratégia discursiva do partido que vinha numa trajetória de moderação discursiva. Para este estudo, tomamos como objeto as estratégias do PT nas eleições de Porto Alegre e Curitiba. A escolha das capitais está fundamentada no antagonismo dos cenários políticos e da inserção do PT nas disputas, na primeira ele era situação, enquanto na segunda era oposição. Adotamos uma metodologia inspirada na proposta elaborada pelo grupo coordenado por Marcus Figueiredo para o estudo dos spots eleitorais, adaptada por nós para a análise dos ‘Horários Gratuitos de Propaganda Eleitoral’ (HGPE). Podemos afirmar que não houve um discurso padrão do PT que foi derrotado. Mas, muitas semelhanças existiram entre as estratégias de seus adversários. Palavras-chave: PT; estratégias de retórica política; propaganda política; Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral. Abstract The 2004 municipal elections were the first held after the Workers Party (PT) reached the Presidency. This research is interested in identifying the discursive strategy adopted by the party, which was in the path of moderation. As the object of analysis we chose the strategies adopted by the party in the elections in Porto Alegre and Curitiba. The choice of the two capitals was based on the difference between the political scenarios and the insertion of the PT in disputes in both. In Porto Alegre, the party occupied the local government, while in Curitiba it was in the opposition. We adopted a methodology based on the proposal prepared by Marcus Figueiredo for the study of electoral spots, adapted by us to the analysis of the Horario Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral [Free Time for Electoral Propaganda]. We can say that the PT that was defeated did not adopt a standard rhetorical strategy. But there were many similarities in the strategies of their opponents. Key-words: PT; strategy of electoral rhetoric; political advertising; Free Time for Electoral Propaganda.

O objetivo deste trabalho é mostrar que o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) continua mantendo vínculos sólidos com a sociedade civil organizada e a atrair filiados, apesar das transformações pelas quais passou a partir da segunda metade da década de 1990, especialmente sob aspecto ideológico-programático. A partir da análise de dados sobre os filiados e a organização partidária, bem como de surveys realizados com os delegados petistas reunidos em encontros nacionais entre 1997 e 2007, mostramos que o PT continua permeável à participação de atores da sociedade civil organizada assim como teve um crescimento significativo no número de membros durante os anos do governo Lula.The main aim of this paper is to show that the Workers' Party (PT) continues to be strongly attached to civil society organizations and capable of attracting members after a series of programmatic and ideological changes in the last 15 years. Through the evaluation of membership and organizational data and also the analysis of surveys conducted among PT's delegates between 1997 and 2007, we show that the party still has strong connections to civil society organizations and increased significantly its number of members during Lula's government.

When Lula was elected in 2002, The Workers Party came to power, two decades after its creation. Taking the proposals of the party in the past, changing in public policies regarding previous governments were expected. One of the fields where changes were expected was that concerning human rights. Now passed eight years, this text made a balance of the period, evaluating official documents and governmental initiatives implemented., Com a eleição de Lula em 2002, o Partido dos Trabalhadores chegou ao poder, pouco mais de duas décadas depois de sua criação. Tendo em vista as propostas deste partido, defendidas no passado, criou-se uma expectativa sobre as mudanças que ocorreriam nas políticas governamentais com relação aos governos anteriores. Um dos campos em que eram esperadas alterações era o referente ao atendimento aos direitos humanos em seus diversos aspectos. Passados oito anos, este texto busca fazer um balanço deste período, avaliando os documentos oficiais e as iniciativas governamentais realizadas.

Este artigo analisa a tática política adotada pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) na conjuntura de crise do governo Collor (1990-1992). Considera-se que o PT não tenha fugido à tendência dominante do movimento pró-impeachment, vindo a aderir à campanha pela ética na política e a atacar o presidente Collor a partir de um discurso de cunho moralista que menosprezou a crítica e a denúncia do caráter de classe da política neoliberal, satisfazendo-se apenas com a denúncia da política recessiva do governo. Essa tática se inscreve na luta contra os efeitos da política neoliberal e não propriamente contra essa política, e esse comportamento político pode ser considerado um indicador do processo de aceitação passiva, por parte do PT, das medidas neoliberais.This paper analyzes Collor's government crisis and the political tactics of the Workers' Party (PT) at the conjuncture of Collor's government crisis. We consider that the Workers' Party didn't escape of the dominant trend of the pro-impeachment movement, adhering to the campaign for the ethics in politics and attacking president Collor from a moralist point of view, which relegated the critics and denouncement of the class character of the neoliberal politics to the second plan. The Party was limited to join the accusations about the recessionary trend of Collor's government, which meant a tactic inscribed in the fight against the effects of the neoliberal politics but not against its nature. This political behavior can be considered as an indicator of the process of passive acceptation of the neoliberal proposals from the PT.