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Across species and ages, planning multi-step actions is a hallmark of intelligence and critical for survival. Traditionally, researchers adopt a "top-down" approach to action planning by focusing on the ability to create an internal representation of the world that guides the next step in a multi-step action. However, a top-down approach does not inform on underlying mechanisms, so researchers can only speculate about how and why improvements in planning occur. The current study takes a "bottom-up" approach by testing developmental changes in the real-time, moment-to-moment interplay among perceptual, neural, and motor components of action planning using simultaneous video, motion-tracking, head-mounted eye tracking, and electroencephalography (EEG). Preschoolers (n = 32) and adults (n = 22) grasped a hammer with their dominant hand to pound a peg when the hammer handle pointed in different directions. When the handle pointed toward their non-dominant hand, younger children ("nonadaptive planners") used a habitual overhand grip that interfered with wielding the hammer, whereas adults and older children ("adaptive planners") used an adaptive underhand grip. Adaptive and nonadaptive children differed in when and where they directed their gaze to obtain visual information, neural activation of the motor system before reaching, and straightness of their reach trajectories. Nonadaptive children immediately used a habitual overhand grip before gathering visual information, leaving insufficient time to form a plan before acting. Our novel bottom-up approach transcends mere speculation by providing converging evidence that the development of action planning depends on a real-time "tug of war" between habits and information gathering and processing., Competing Interests: Declaration of interests The authors declare no competing interests., (Copyright © 2021 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

Skilled object retrieval requires coordination of the perceptual and motor systems. Coordination is especially challenging when body position is changing and visual search is required to locate the target. In three experiments, we used a "pivot paradigm" to induce changes in body position: Participants were passively pivoted 180° toward a target placed at varied locations to the left and right of the center of a reaching board. Experiment 1 showed that 6- to 15-month-old infants (n = 41) plan prehension so quickly that they retrieve targets mid-turn and scale their reaches to target location relative to turn direction. Experiment 2 characterized planning mid-turn reaching in 6- to 8-month-olds (n = 5) wearing a head-mounted eye tracker. Reach planning depended on when the target appeared in the field of view-not on target fixation. Experiment 3 used head-mounted eye tracking and motion tracking to assess perceptual-motor coordination in adults (n = 13). Adults displayed more mid-turn reaching than infants. But like infants, adults scaled reaching to target location relative to turn direction, and contact time depended on when the target came into view-not on target fixation. Findings show that fast, efficient perceptual-motor coordination supports flexibility in infant prehension, and constraints on coordination are similar across the lifespan., (© 2019 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

We investigated the real-time cascade of postural, visual, and manual actions for object prehension in 38 6- to 12-month-old infants (all independent sitters) and eight adults. Participants' task was to retrieve a target as they spun past it at different speeds on a motorized chair. A head-mounted eye tracker recorded visual actions and video captured postural and manual actions. Prehension played out in a coordinated sequence of postural-visual-manual behaviors starting with turning the head and trunk to bring the toy into view, which in turn instigated the start of the reach. Visually fixating the toy to locate its position guided the hand for toy contact and retrieval. Prehension performance decreased at faster speeds, but quick planning and implementation of actions predicted better performance., (© 2019 Society for Research in Child Development.)

In many situations, multiple actions are possible to achieve a goal. How do people select a particular action among equally possible alternatives? In six experiments, we determined whether action selection is consistent and biased toward one decision by observing participants' decisions to go over or under a horizontal bar set at varying heights. We assessed the height at which participants transitioned from going over to under the bar within a "gray zone"-the range of bar heights at which going over and under were both possible. In Experiment 1, participants' transition points were consistently located near the upper boundary of the gray zone, indicating a bias to go over rather than under the bar. Moreover, transitional behaviors were clustered tightly into a small region, indicating that decisions were highly consistent. Subsequent experiments examined potential influences on action selection. In Experiment 2, participants wore ankle weights to increase the cost of going over the bar. In Experiment 3, they were tested on a padded surface that made crawling under the bar more comfortable. In Experiment 4, we introduced a secondary task that required participants to crawl immediately after navigating the bar. None of these manipulations altered participants' decisions relative to Experiment 1. In Experiment 5, participants started in a crawling position, which led to significantly lower transition points. In Experiment 6, we tested 5- to 6-year-old children as in Experiment 1 to determine the effects of social pressure on action selection. Children displayed lower transition points, larger transition regions, and reduced ability to go over the bar compared to adults. Across experiments, results indicate that adults have a strong and robust bias for upright locomotion.

This article reviews research on the development of motor behavior from a developmental systems perspective. We focus on infancy when basic action systems are acquired. Posture provides a stable base for locomotion, manual actions, and facial actions. Experience facilitates improvements in motor behavior and infants accumulate immense amounts of experience with all of their basic action systems. At every point in development, perception guides motor behavior by providing feedback about the results of just prior movements and information about what to do next. Reciprocally, the development of motor behavior provides fodder for perception. More generally, motor development brings about new opportunities for acquiring knowledge about the world, and burgeoning motor skills can instigate cascades of developmental changes in perceptual, cognitive, and social domains. WIREs Cogn Sci 2017, 8:e1430. doi: 10.1002/wcs.1430 For further resources related to this article, please visit the WIREs website., (© 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

Some grips on the handle of a tool can be planned on the basis of information directly available in the scene. Other grips, however, must be planned on the basis of the final position of the hand. "End-state comfort" grips require an awkward or uncomfortable initial grip so as to later implement the action comfortably and efficiently. From a cognitive perspective, planning for end-state comfort requires a consistent representation of the entire action sequence, including the latter part, which is not based on information directly available in the scene. Many investigators have found that young children fail to demonstrate planning for end-state comfort and that adultlike performance does not appear until about 12 years of age. In 2 experiments, we used a hammering task that engaged children in a goal-directed action with multiple steps. We assessed end-state-comfort planning in novel ways by measuring children's hand choice, grip choice, and tool implementation over multiple trials. The hammering task also uniquely allowed us to assess the efficiency of implementation. We replicated the previous developmental trend in 4-, 8-, and 12-year-old children with our novel task. Most important, our data revealed that 4-year-olds are in a transitional stage during which several competing strategies were exhibited during a single session. Preschoolers changed their grip within trials and across trials, indicating awareness of errors and a willingness to sacrifice speed for more efficient implementation. The end-state-comfort grip initially competes as one grip type among many but gradually displaces all others. Children's sensitivity to costs and drive for efficiency may motivate this change. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved).)

Perceiving possibilities for action-affordances-requires sensitivity, accuracy, and consistency. In the current study, we tested children of different ages (16-month-olds to 7-year-olds) and adults to examine the development of affordance perception for reaching through openings of various sizes. Using a psychophysical procedure, we estimated individual affordance functions to characterize participants' actual ability to fit their hand through openings and individual decision functions to characterize attempts to reach. Decisions were less accurate in younger children (16-month-olds to 5-year-olds); they were more likely to attempt impossible openings and to touch openings prior to refusing, suggesting a slow developmental trend in learning to perceive affordances for fitting through openings. However, analyses of multiple outcome measures revealed that the youngest participants were equally consistent in their decision making as the oldest ones and that every age group showed sensitivity to changes in the environment by scaling their attempts to opening size., (Copyright © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

This study examined reaching in 6-, 8-, and 10-month-olds during binocular and monocular viewing in a dynamic reaching situation. Infants were rotated toward a flat vertical board and reached for objects at one of seven positions along a horizontal line at shoulder height. Hand selection, time to contact the object, and reaching accuracy were examined in both viewing conditions. Hand selection was strongly dependent on object location, not on infants' age or whether one eye was covered. Monocular viewing and age did, however, affect time to object contact and contact errors: Infants showed longer contact times when one eye was covered, and 6-month-olds made more contact errors in the monocular condition. For right-hand selection, contact times were longer when the covered right eye was leading during the chair rotation. For left-hand selection, there were no differences in contact time due to whether the covered eye was leading during rotation.

A century of research on the development of walking has examined periodic gait over a straight, uniform path. The current study provides the first corpus of natural infant locomotion derived from spontaneous activity during free play. Locomotor experience was immense: Twelve- to 19-month-olds averaged 2,368 steps and 17 falls per hour. Novice walkers traveled farther faster than expert crawlers, but had comparable fall rates, which suggests that increased efficiency without increased cost motivates expert crawlers to transition to walking. After walking onset, natural locomotion improved dramatically: Infants took more steps, traveled farther distances, and fell less. Walking was distributed in short bouts with variable paths--frequently too short or irregular to qualify as periodic gait. Nonetheless, measures of periodic gait and of natural locomotion were correlated, which indicates that better walkers spontaneously walk more and fall less. Immense amounts of time-distributed, variable practice constitute the natural practice regimen for learning to walk.

Affordances--possibilities for action--are constrained by the match between actors and their environments. For motor decisions to be adaptive, affordances must be detected accurately. Three experiments examined the correspondence between motor decisions and affordances as participants reached through apertures of varying size. A psychophysical procedure was used to estimate an affordance threshold for each participant (smallest aperture they could fit their hand through on 50% of trials), and motor decisions were assessed relative to affordance thresholds. Experiment 1 showed that participants scale motor decisions to hand size, and motor decisions and affordance thresholds are reliable over two blocked protocols. Experiment 2 examined the effects of habitual practice: Motor decisions were equally accurate when reaching with the more practiced dominant hand and less practiced nondominant hand. Experiment 3 showed that participants recalibrate motor decisions to take changing body dimensions into account: Motor decisions while wearing a hand-enlarging prosthesis were similar to motor decisions without the prosthesis when data were normalized to affordance thresholds. Across experiments, errors in decisions to reach through too-small apertures were likely due to low penalty for error.

The social cognition and perception-action literatures are largely separate, both conceptually and empirically. However, both areas of research emphasize infants' emerging abilities to use available information--social and perceptual information, respectively--for making decisions about action. Borrowing methods from both research traditions, this study examined whether 18-month-old infants incorporate both social and perceptual information in their motor decisions. The infants' task was to determine whether to walk down slopes of varying risk levels as their mothers encouraged or discouraged walking. First, a psychophysical procedure was used to determine slopes that were safe, borderline, and risky for individual infants. Next, during a series of test trials, infants received mothers' advice about whether to walk. Infants used social information selectively: They ignored encouraging advice to walk down risky slopes and discouraging advice to avoid safe slopes, but they deferred to mothers' advice at borderline slopes. Findings indicate that 18-month-old infants correctly weigh competing sources of information when making decisions about motor action and that they rely on social information only when perceptual information is inadequate or uncertain., ((PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2008 APA, all rights reserved).)

The traditional study of infant locomotion focuses on what movements look like at various points in development, and how infants acquire sufficient strength and balance to move. We describe a new view of locomotor development that focuses on infants' ability to adapt their locomotor decisions to variations in the environment and changes in their bodily propensities. In the first section of the chapter, we argue that perception of affordances lies at the heart of adaptive locomotion. Perceiving affordances for balance and locomotion allows infants to select and modify their ongoing movements appropriately. In the second section, we describe alternative solutions that infants devise for coping with challenging locomotor situations, and various ways that new strategies enter their repertoire of behaviors. In the third section, we document the reciprocal developmental relationship between adaptive locomotion and cognition. Limits and advances in means-ends problem solving and cognitive capacity affect infants' ability to navigate a cluttered environment, while locomotor development offers infants new opportunities for learning.

In 2 experiments the authors demonstrated that adaptive locomotion can involve means-ends problem solving. Sixteen-month-old toddlers crossed bridges of varying widths in the presence or absence of a handrail. Babies attempted wider bridges more often than narrow ones, and attempts on narrow bridges depended on handrail presence. Toddlers had longer latencies, examined the bridge and handrail more closely, and modified their gait when bridges were narrow and/or the handrail was unavailable. Infants who explored the bridge and handrail before stepping onto the bridge and devised alternative bridge-crossing strategies were more likely to cross successfully. Results challenge traditional conceptualizations of tools: Babies used the handrail as a means for augmenting balance and for carrying out an otherwise impossible goal-directed task.

Nine-month-old infants were tested at the precipice of safe and risky gaps in the surface of support. Their reaching and avoidance responses were compared in two postures, an experienced sitting posture and a less familiar crawling posture. The babies avoided reaching over risky gaps in the sitting posture but fell into risky gaps while attempting to reach in the crawling posture. This dissociation between developmental changes in posture suggests that (a) each postural milestone represents a different, modularly organized control system and (b) infants' adaptive avoidance responses are based on information about their postural stability relative to the gap size. Moreover, the results belie previous accounts suggesting that avoidance of a disparity in depth of the ground surface depends on general knowledge such as fear of heights, associations between depth information and falling, or knowledge that the body cannot be supported in empty space.