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This article derives and offers conclusions from a literature review coupled with a study of California narcotic police operations over this last year. The bibliography and, perhaps, excerpts from the basic working paper may become available. * Since, at the time of this writing, it appears equally likely that they may not, this article is put forward.

This is a report of an experiment in drug education which took place over two years among entering 6th graders in five suburban California schools. Five types or modes of drug education were compared for their impact on non-medical psychoactive drug use. The study derived its rationale from our prior longitudinal evaluation of educational impact (Blum, Blum and Garfield, 1976). The present study had, as additional objectives, the replication of the prior study for 6th graders and a follow-up of students from the prior study to see if educational effects on drug use were maintained over the total four year period. Teacher substudies were also made.

In this very personal article the author shares with us some of the lessons he has learned about drugs, drug abuse research and people during the course of his career in drug abuse research and in living among us.

Fifty California legislators holding committee posts important for drug legislation were interviewed. Goals were to elicit legislator conceptions of the effects and aims of drug legislation on behavior, to assess their views of public opinion on drug problems and their own reactions to controversial proposals for new laws, and to determine opinions of behavioral science and scientists as information sources for new legislation. Expressed views were related to party affiliation, liberalism-conservatism, and philosophical position. Half of the legislators said the behavioral sciences had too little information to give; one fifth rejected such research as useless or undesirable. The majority were critical of behavioral scientists, including psychiatrists, and gave little credence to their opinions. Interview rating of positions on drug issues correlated .91 with voting records on other issues rated as liberal or conservative. All liberals were Democrats; most conservatives were Republicans. Philosophical positions, rated as moral absolutism versus pragmatism, were related to political stance; but philosophy was a better predictor of acceptance or rejection of behavioral science than was political stance.

A review of historical patterns in drug use suggests common forms of use, likely social responses to innovation, the conditions under which drug use patterns change and the notion of “abuse” is most probable, and the conditions under which most unpredictable drug use and outcomes will occur. Examination of contemporary patterns of use yields evidence of a number of trends, one of which is the growth of use of quieting rather than stimulating substances in America. Although the major function of drugs is and will be to enhance sociability, the prediction is that our society will produce more redundant people who will be at risk of disabling use and effects. Several possible sociopolitical outcomes of these trends are considered, some optimistic and some pessimistic. The importance, for anticipating the future, of the existence of a sense of destiny is suggested.

The difficulty of assessing the effects of mind- altering drugs on human behavior, especially conduct in real-life situations, is discussed. Problems in classification of drugs are also noted; it is emphasized that assumed drug effects are, at best, statements of probability. In considering crimes associated with drug use, it is necessary to distinguish between crimes based on drug use itself, which include all offenses for illicit acquisition, possession, and use of dangerous drugs and narcotics, and dangerous behavior resulting from use. The evidence is clearest for alcohol, revealing a distinct relationship between alcohol use and health hazard, suicide, accidents, and violence. The evidence is less clear for heroin, since most users are delinquent prior to being identified as "addicts" so that continued criminality after heroin use cannot be "caused" by narcotics. That the kind of criminality engaged in is influenced by drug use does seem a reasonable conclusion. Evidence about the degree of risk for the use of other drugs (sedatives, stimulants, hallucinogens, volatile intoxicants, and the like) and crime is absent. Generally, it appears that most Americans use drugs without major ill- effects—including occasional illicit use. Those likely to be engaged in drug use and in crime are likely to be urban slum- dwelling males, with an overrepresentation of minority groups. Such behavior is apt to be part of a life pattern of deficit and disorder.

Photic stimulation, the exposure of the human eye to repetitive flashes of light, has been employed in recent years in three ways; as a diagnostic, as a therapeutic, and as a research method. In each case, its use has opened new frontiers of inquiry into the borderlands of neurology and psychology.This paper presents certain observations which stem from the testing of exploratory hypotheses with regard to an expected relationship between photic stimulation and imagery, alpha rhythm, critical flicker frequency (CFF), personality test data, overt reactions, and after-images in three major diagnostic groups: schizophrenics, organic brain damage (paretics and others), and normal individuals (no history of brain damage or emotional disorder).Since this is a report of exploratory work, no attempt has been made to apply rigorous statistical tests nor to arrive at final conclusions. The aim is rather to stimulate further research which may employ more adequate instruments, larger groups, or different conceptual schemes.