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This study explores the relationship between parental educational similarity – educational concordance (homogamy) or discordance (heterogamy) – and children’s health outcomes. Its contribution is threefold. First and foremost, I use longitudinal data on children’s health outcomes tracking children from age 1 to 15, thus being able to assess whether the relationship changes at key life-course and developmental stages of children. This is an important addition to the relevant literature, where the focus is solely on outcomes at birth. Second, I look at different health outcomes, namely height-for-age (HFA) and BMI-for-age (BFA) z-scores, alongside their dichotomized counterparts, stunting and thinness. Third, I conduct the same set of analyses in Ethiopia, India, Peru, and Vietnam, thus providing multi-context evidence from countries at different levels of development and with different socio-economic characteristics and gender dynamics. Results reveal important heterogeneity across contexts. In Ethiopia and India, parental educational homogamy is associated with worse health outcomes in infancy and childhood, while associations are positive in Peru and, foremost, Vietnam. Complementary estimates from matching techniques show that these associations tend to fade after age 1, except in Vietnam, where the positive relationship persists through adolescence, thus supporting the homogamy-benefit hypothesis not only at birth, but also across the early life course. Insights from this study contribute to the inequality debate on the intergenerational transmission of advantage and disadvantage and shed additional light on the relationship between early-life conditions and later-life outcomes in critical periods of children’s lives.

Increasing female educational attainment across OECD countries is making hypogamy a widespread phenomenon. This trend provides an opportunity to re-examine the effects of educational assortative ma...

How does demographic and religious context relate to interracial relationships among same-sex and different-sex couples? Using couple data from the 2012 to 2014 American Community Surveys matched to aggregate data from the 2010 Census and 2010 Religious Congregations and Membership Study, we test how heterogamy patterns for same-sex and different-sex couples vary by the demographic and religious makeup of cities, using multinomial logistic regressions to compare interracial and same-race couples. We find that same-sex couples are more likely to be in a White/Black interracial pairing than different-sex couples. White partners are more likely to be in an interracial relationship if they are in a city with a large minority group population. In addition, context is differently associated with interracial unions for same-sex and different-sex couples, varying for each racial combination.

Although most Americans have limited interpersonal relations with different-race others, interracial ties are notably more common among gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) individuals. Departing from the modal explanation of intergroup relations theories, which suggests that individual propensities for between-group interactions are driven by demographic groups’ physical location relative to one another, we show that, beyond propinquity, GLB interraciality is spiked through active identification as GLB. We evaluate full romantic/sexual partnership histories along with friendship network racial compositions for respondents in a large, nationally representative sample. We show that GLBs have a greater likelihood and frequency than heterosexuals of forming multiple types of interracial ties and also that this effect applies only to those who actively identify as GLB and not to those who engage in same-sex relations but do not identify as GLB. This discovery refines theories of intergroup relations, isolating how identification serves as a mediating mechanism that can heighten the propensity for intergroup interaction. We argue that active identification with a group that crosses racial boundaries spurs overriding the rigidity of intergroup borders that otherwise dissuade interpersonal diversity.

Contrary to expectations of joint decision-making, a substantial minority of older married couples report only one spouse possessing an advance directive. Using Health and Retirement Study data, the authors examined advance directive discordance among heterosexual married couples in which at least one spouse had completed an advance directive. It was predicted that spouses who differed in age, self-rated health, or race/ethnicity would be more apt to adopt individualistic as opposed to relational motivational stances, resulting in higher odds of nonmatching advance directive status. Heterogamy did not account for discordance, but couples in which one or both spouses attended some college were more likely to report advance directive concordance. In contrast, couples in which one or both spouses were non-White were more likely to display advance directive discordance. Study results raise concerns about the effectiveness and reach of advance care planning promotion efforts among low-education and non-White older married adults.

This study examines the effect of religious heterogamy on the transmission of religion from one generation to the next. Using data from 37 countries in the 2008 Religion III Module of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP), I conduct a cross-national analysis of the relationship between parents&rsquo, religious heterogamy and their adult childrens&rsquo, religious lives. By estimating fixed effects regression models, I adjust for national-level confounders to examine patterns of association between having interreligious parents during childhood and level of adult religiosity as measured by self-rated religiousness, belief in God, and frequencies of religious attendance and prayer. The results indicate that having religiously heterogamous parents or parents with dissimilar religious attendance patterns are both associated with lower overall religiosity in respondents. Parents&rsquo, religious attendance, however, mediates the relationship when each parent has a different religion. Having one unaffiliated parent is associated with lower religiosity regardless of parents&rsquo, levels of religious attendance. The negative impact of parents&rsquo, religious heterogamy on religious inheritance is independent of national-level factors and has implications for anticipating changes in the religious landscapes of societies characterized by religious diversity and growing numbers of interreligious marriages.

Using data from a nationally representative sample of married fathers of school-aged children, we examined the association between religious heterogamy of parents and fathers&rsquo, involvement in children&rsquo, s lives. We further examined whether that association is mediated by marital quality and father&ndash, child religious discord. Results showed that greater religious heterogamy is associated with less interaction and more relational distance between fathers and children. Results also suggested that fathers&rsquo, reports of marital happiness play an important role in mediating the association between religious heterogamy and paternal engagement. We concluded that religious fathers are more involved in their children&rsquo, s lives insofar as their wives are equally religious and they are in happy marriages.

Interracial couples continue to grow in numbers, though there has been little research aimed to understand the experiences and unique challenges of this population. Among these challenges are stressors associated with the interplay between cultural differences and similarities. In this paper, we present an intervention called the visible invisible grid, that can be used to help interracial and intercultural couples discuss their invisible and visible differences and similarities. To illustrate the intervention, a case example is provided along with contraindications and clinical implications.

The authors assessed how the relative age of spouses affects whether men or women initiate a divorce, using data from the National Survey of Families and Households. Ex-spouses' reports of who left generally agreed, but not always, so the analysis used a latent class model embedded in an event-history model with competing risks that the woman leaves the man or the man leaves the woman. Support was not found for the hypothesis that age heterogamy itself increases the odds of divorce: Even large age differences did not make men more likely to leave younger wives, and women's exits were as likely when the marriage is homogamous as when she was older. The main conclusion is that both men and women are more likely to leave if their spouse is older than they are. The effects were stronger for men, but the gender difference in effect size was not statistically significant.

Past research on religious homogamy has struggled to distinguish whether religiosity or homogamy has a stronger impact on preventing a marital dissolution. To rectify this problem, I use a latent class approach to compare couples with various forms of partner religiosity and similarity. Based on 707 newlywed couples from the Marriage Matters survey (1998–2004), I discovered four latent classes: “holy” couples (both partners are highly religious), “nonattending” couples (both partners identify as religious but don’t regularly attend services), “unbalanced” couples (the wife is religious but the husband is not), and “secular” couples (both partners are not religious). Findings indicate that holy, nonattending, and unbalanced couples experience less odds of divorce compared with secular couples, suggesting that religiosity in a variety of forms is more important than partner similarity in avoiding divorce.

Marriage research consistently shows that spousal religiosity is positively associated with higher marital quality and stability (for reviews, see Mahoney, 2010; Mahoney, Pargament, Tara- keshwar, & Swank, 2008; Waite & Lehrer, 2003). Yet, with few exceptions (e.g., Brown, Orbuch, & Bauermeister, 2008; Bulanda & Brown, 2007; Ellison, Burdette, & Wilcox, 2010; Wilcox & Wolfinger, 2007), the majority of studies linking religious commitment to marriage outcomes have ignored the potential moderating influence of race and ethnicity. This is a notable oversight, for two reasons. First, religious beliefs and practices often shape social life differently across racial and ethnic groups as a consequence of differential access to power and collective group exposure to stigma, discrimination, and socioeconomic deprivation (Taylor, Chatters, & Levin, 2004). Because religion may function differently according to racial and ethnic identity, it is reasonable to suspect that the link between religion and marriage outcomes may also vary according to racial and ethnic identity. Second, scholars have noted the paradoxical finding that whereas religious commitment is positively associated with marital quality, racial and ethnic minorities, who tend to be more religious than non-Hispanic Whites (Espinosa, Elizondo, M Taylor et al., 2004), consistently report lower marital quality relative to non-Hispanic Whites (Broman, 1993; Bulanda & Brown, 2007; Cherlin, 1998; Raley & Sweeney, 2009). This paradox also suggests that the religion-marriage link may differ across racial and ethnic groups.Among the few studies that have examined how race and ethnicity potentially moderate the association between religion and marriage outcomes the focus has either been limited to predicting marriage entry or its dissolution (Brown et al., 2008;Wilcox W Ellison, Trinitapoli, Anderson, & Johnson, 2007; Ellison et al., 2010). Drawing on insights from deprivation theory as well as recent research on religious intimacy, in the present study I shifted the focus to examine how perceived spousal religiosity (holding constant a respondent's own religious characteristics) may be associated with greater returns or benefits to marital quality for particular racial and ethnic groups. To accomplish this, I analyzed data on married Americans from the nationally representative 2006 Portraits of American Life Study (PALS; http://www.thearda.com/pals/). Before I describe the present study in detail, in the following sections I briefly survey what is known about the links among religion, race, ethnicity, and marriage outcomes. I draw on this research to generate expectations about the potential moderating effect of racial and ethnic identity on the relationship between perceived spousal religiosity and marital quality.Religion and Marital QualityWithin the enormous body of research on religion and marriage outcomes (see Mahoney, 2010; Mahoney et al., 2008), findings consistently underscore the importance of religious homogamy in predicting marital quality and stability. Spouses who are homogamous in terms of religious practice (Call & Heaton, 1997; Heaton, 1984; Myers, 2006; Shehan, Bock, & Lee, 1990), broad religious tradition or denominational affiliation (Heaton, 2002; Heaton & Pratt, 1990; Lehrer & Chiswick, 1993; Ortega, Whitt, & William, 1988; Wilson & Musick, 1996), and beliefs (Curtis & Ellison, 2002; Ellison et al., 2010; Lichter & Carmalt, 2009; Vaaler, Ellison, & Powers, 2009) are less likely to separate or divorce, and their marriages are more satisfying for both partners. Conversely, marriages in which there is a good deal of heterogamy in the areas of religious practice, identity, or belief tend to have lower marital quality and stability (Call & Heaton, 1997; Curtis & Ellison, 2002; Lehrer & Chiswick, 1993; Lichter & Carmalt, 2009; Perry, 2015a; Waite & Lehrer, 2003). …

Advance directives are used to communicate preferences about future life-sustaining treatment. Most research treats advance directive completion as an individual health behavior. Scholars have recently highlighted the importance of understanding how spouses may influence one another’s planning. Prior research suggests spousal heterogamy influences health behaviors. Using dyadic data from the Health and Retirement Study, we examined how spousal age, education, and health heterogamy related to discordant advance directive completion among heterosexual married couples (65+). Just under 30% of 1,611 couples displayed advance directive discordance. Odds of only one spouse possessing an advance directive increased when the wife was 3+ years older (OR = 1.74, p < .01) and when the wife had more education (OR=1.63, p

When it comes to heterosexual relationships, choosing a slightly older man is the norm for women around the world, a partnering practice referred to as age hypergamy. In the United States, husbands marrying for the first time are, on average, 2 years older than their wives (Darroch, Landry, & Oslak, 1999; Vera, Berardo, & Berardo, 1985). Overall, nearly one third of all husbands in the United States are at least 4 years older than their wives, but the reverse (known as age hypogamy) is much less frequent. Indeed, census data suggest that only 7.7% of wives are at least 4 years older than their husband (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2012, Table FG3). Empirical work has shown that age hypergamy is not only quite common for marital unions but also for sexual relationships more broadly, that is, regardless of the commitment level in the relationship. For instance, Darroch et al. (1999) looked at the age gap between women and their main sex partner and found that 38% of women age 15-44 were in a sexual relationship with a man at least 3 years older than they; in comparison, only 10% of women were sleeping with a man at least 3 years their junior.Over the past decade, there has been an increasing number of media portrayals and discussions about "cougars"-the term often used to refer to middle-aged women engaging in age-hypogamous sexual relationships- suggesting that we are witnessing the rise of a new phenomenon. For instance, television shows such as Sex and the City (1998-2004) and Cougar Town (2009-present) or movies such as Prime (2005) and Adore (2013) portray middle-aged women having sexual relationships with younger men. There is also a growing consumer market for "cougars," with a proliferation of books advising women on how to find a younger male partner (e.g., Gibson, 2002), dating websites (e.g., https://cougarlife.com), parties, annual meetings, and boat cruises organized for women interested in younger men.The media portrayals of age hypogamy in heterosexual relationships often present "cougars" as White, affluent, and successful women. Furthermore, women's relationships with younger men are generally depicted as temporary flings that rarely culminate into a serious commitment (Kaklamanidou, 2012; Tally, 2006). Cultural representations of women engaging in age-hypogamous relationships are not always positive; indeed, scholars have shown that media depictions of "cougars" often hold these women up for ridicule or present them as somewhat dangerous (Barrett & Levin, 2014; Collard, 2012; Kaklamanidou, 2012). In many ways, the term "cougar" is culturally loaded, given that it includes these negative stereotypes (Montemurro & Siefken, 2014). To avoid such negative connotations, hereafter we refer to older woman-younger man relationships as age-hypogamous sexual relationships.At present, there is little academic research on the occurrence of age-hypogamous sexual relationships. This can be attributed in part to the fact that little scholarly attention has been directed at improving our understanding of middle-aged women's sexuality beyond health-related studies (Gannon, 1999; Montemurro & Siefken, 2014; Rostosky & Brown, 2000). The limited amount of scholarship that has addressed age heterogamy between heterosexual partners has tended to focus almost exclusively on married couples and has virtually ignored those involved in less committed relationships. As a consequence, our knowledge about the prevalence of age-hypogamous sexual relationships (regardless of the commitment level) is very limited. Furthermore, it is unclear who these women are and to what extent they conform to the media depictions of "cougars."With this study, we began to fill this gap in the literature by answering two primary research questions, using detailed data on sexual relationships drawn from the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) 2002 (see http://www.cdc. gov/nchs/nsfg.htm). First, how prevalent are age-hypogamous sexual relationships in the United States? …

Objectives Prior research points to the importance of couple-level religious similarity for multiple dimensions of partnership quality and stability but few studies have investigated whether this association holds for older couples. Method The current article uses dyadic data from the National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project (NSHAP), a representative sample of 953 individuals age 62–91 plus their marital or cohabiting partners. We use modified actor-partner interdependence models. Results Religious service heterogamy predicted lower relationship happiness and satisfaction. Both associations were partially explained by the fact that religiously dissimilar partners report relatively little free time in joint activity. Further, religiously heterogamous couples had less frequent sex and engaged in less nonsexual touch than their more similar counterparts. Conclusions Taken together, results attest to the ongoing importance of religious similarity—service attendance, in particular—for partnership quality in late life. Future research is needed to more fully examine which mechanisms account for these patterns.

This article examines the effects of parental educational levels on the art/heritage and pop/rock participation of adolescents. We use a subset of adolescents from the survey ‘Cultural Participation in Flanders 2003–2004’ (N = 1030) to test the relative effects of the educational levels of the mother and father. Using diagonal reference models, we find that the parent with the highest educational level – regardless of whether it is the father or mother – has the largest influence on the cultural participation of their children, which can be interpreted as a status maximization effect. However, we also find that a lower educated mother still has an influence on art and heritage participation and a lower educated father still has an influence on pop and rock participation. These results highlight the need to reassess the influence of the mother in the Bourdieusian framework. Furthermore, they have important implications for the conceptualization and operationalization of the social status position of families.

Although the impact of widowhood on the surviving spouse's health has been widely documented, there is little empirical research examining whether certain spousal choice decisions and marital sorting patterns predispose individuals to be more vulnerable to the adverse consequences of widowhood for health.We use data from the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study and employ ordinary least squares models to (a) document variations in mental and physical health between married and widowed persons, (b) determine whether widowed persons in age heterogamous unions are especially vulnerable to the adverse consequences of widowhood, and (c) investigate to what extent differential selection, marital quality, and health practices account for health disparities by marital status and the spousal age gap.Widowed persons, especially those in age heterogamous unions, have worse mental health than married persons, but they do not seem to be more disadvantaged in terms of physical health. Differential selection, marital quality, and health behaviors partly account for some of the health disparities by marital status and spousal age gap.Our findings suggest that marrying a spouse who is very dissimilar in age may enhance one's vulnerability to the adverse consequences of widowhood for health.

A common stereotype holds that in Mexico male violence toward women is common among indigenous peoples and reflects cultural norms that sanction a male's domination of his female partner. We employ a recent Mexican survey to examine the relative risk of violence against women as a function of the couple's ethnic homogamy. Among couples in which both partners are either non-indigenous or indigenous the female's risk of partner violence is similar. Among heterogamous couples non-indigenous females in relationships in which the male is indigenous are at elevated risk of violence, while indigenous women in relationships with non-indigenous males are at a lower risk of violence. The stresses associated with heterogamy appear to be more salient in determining a woman's risk of violence than ethnicity per se. The implications for future research and the need to deal with the issue of ethnic homogamy in culturally heterogeneous populations are discussed.

SummaryHumans in many societies are known to mate, or marry, assortatively for a number of characters such as eye colour, height, IQ and place of birth. In this assortment an element of active choice may be involved. It is not known whether this choice is genetic. Two models of human mate choice are examined in which both males and females can express a mating preference. In the first, ‘sexual’ preferences can be expressed for any phenotype not necessarily one's own; in the second, preferences are only expressed for an individual's own phenotype. The results of the examination indicate how much active choice would be needed to account for the observed correlations between human mates, and suggest whether human mating preferences are more likely to be sexual or assorting.

This qualitative study explores assumptions of family scholars who draw on age heterogamy and marriage-gradient approaches to suggest that marriages between older husbands and much younger wives are likely to be male-dominated, with traditional gender arrangements. Drawing on resource theory and marital power perspectives, we analyze the life histories, psychosocial understandings, and day-to-day arrangements of both partners in eight husband-older marriages to uncover their unique features. We present four cases with distinct dynamics to suggest that future research needs to consider that (a) husbands’ older age does not automatically translate into male dominance and rigid gender arrangements; (b) when combined with additional forms of heterogamy, such as racial status, social class, occupational prestige, and education, age heterogamy is likely to be associated with male dominance; (c) men can experience a shift toward more marital sharing and androgyny upon remarriage to a younger woman; and (d) gender arrangements in husband-older marriages can undergo major shifts across the life course.

Substantial previous research indicates that married persons enjoy better mental and physical health than others. One prominent explanation for these patterns is that married persons practice better health behaviors, including lower levels of alcohol consumption, particularly heavy drinking. However, studies of marital status differences in health behaviors have ignored the role of religious homo/heterogamy and attendance, important potential confounding and moderating factors. Focusing on alcohol behavior, we analyze 1977–1994 General Social Survey data, finding that lower levels of drinking are especially pronounced among homogamous conservative couples, and to a lesser extent among mixed-faith unions with one conservative partner. Controlling for other background characteristics, nonconservatives married to nonconservatives do not consistently consume less alcohol than unmarried persons, suggesting that much of the apparent marital status effect on drinking is actually due to religious factors. Contrary to some prior theory and research, these patterns are broadly consistent for both men and women.

In most marriages, husbands are older than wives at the time of marriage. The extent of this age difference is referred to as age heterogamy. Studies of age heterogamous marriages have found men and women married to younger spouses live longer than those married to spouses that are the same age at time of marriage. In this study we examined the role of a religious affiliation as a factor in this age heterogamy effect, by comparing Jewish and Christian husbands and wives. While we confirmed the age heterogamy effect on longevity, we did not find any evidence that it was affected by religion.

This study provides insight into the lives of eight married couples involved in an age-heterogamous relationship where the wife is ten or more years older than her husband. While there is a lot of information in the literature about men who date and marry younger women, the research on this subject is very limited or outdated. This exploratory study provides valuable information in several areas about couples in woman-older marriages. The interviews were conducted with each participant separately and explored three major topics of interest: The impact the age difference has on the relationship, the issues that arise for the couple, and any difference in husbands and wives experience. Implications for professionals working with such couples, as well as for further research, are discussed.

According to both economic and sociological theory, a couple's divorce rate may be influenced by their own educational attainment, that of their parents, and whether they have taken further education after marriage, although predictions are ambiguous. However, these three variables have never been included simultaneously and few studies have included both partners' characteristics. A discrete-time hazard model based on register and census data on 54178 Norwegian first marriages started 1980-1999 reveals a very strong negative educational gradient in divorce risk and no particularly harmful influence of heterogamy. Parent's education exerts a small positive effect, however. Among couples with the same current level of education, those who have taken education after entry into marriage display the highest divorce rate.

Using a national sample of Christians, this study compared interchurch and same-church respondents on several relationship variables and explored possible predictors of marital satisfaction. Interchurch and same-church respondents were not different on marital satisfaction or other nonreligious relationship variables but were different on several religious relationship variables. The relationship between marital satisfaction and religious heterogamy was dependent on how religious heterogamy was operationalized. Communication was the most important predictor of marital satisfaction for both interchurch and same-church respondents. Parenting variables were also predictive of marital satisfaction for both interchurch and same-church respondents.

We use data from two national surveys of married individuals-one from 1980 and the other from 2000-to understand how three dimensions of marital quality changed during this period. Marital happiness and divorce proneness changed little between 1980 and 2000, but marital interaction declined significantly. A decomposition analysis suggested that offsetting trends affected marital quality. Increases in marital heterogamy, premarital cohabitation, wives' extended hours of employment, and wives' job demands were associated with declines in multiple dimensions of marital quality. In contrast, increases in economic resources, decision-making equality, nontraditional attitudes toward gender, and support for the norm of lifelong marriage were associated with improvements in multiple dimensions of marital quality. Increases in husbands' share of housework appeared to depress marital quality among husbands but to improve marital quality among wives. Key Words: decomposition analysis, family change, family demography, marital quality, marriage. The belief that the institution of marriage is in decline is widespread (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Glenn, 1996; Popenoe, 1993; Tipton, 1985; Zill & Nord, 1994). The growing popularity of nonmarital cohabitation, the increasing percentage of children born outside of marriage, the rising age at first marriage, the continuing high divorce rate, and the declining remarriage rate demonstrate that marriage is a less permanent part of adult life now than in the recent past. According to a marital decline perspective, people are turning away from marriage because it has become increasingly difficult to maintain happy and stable unions. Other observers view recent changes in marriage as being benign or even beneficial (Coontz, 1992; Scanzoni, 2001; Skolnick, 1991; Stacey, 1996). According to this view, although it is easier for people to leave unhappy marriages these days, the proportion of unhappy marriages in the population has not necessarily increased. Indeed, because divorce removes unhappy couples from the married population, existing marriages may be of higher quality now than in the past. Moreover, increases in married women's education, employment, and income have raised women's status and given wives greater decision-making power, thus increasing the potential for less patriarchal and more egalitarian marital relationships. With respect to marital instability, the divorce rate increased dramatically during the 1970s, peaked around 1980, then declined slightly (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000, Table 77). Therefore, although divorce is common these days, relatively little change in marital instability occurred during the last two decades. Evidence about the quality of existing marriages, however, is sparse. Using merged data from the General Social Survey, Glenn (1991) found that the percentage of people reporting that their marriages were very happy declined between 1973 and 1988. Similarly, Rogers and Amato (2000) compared a sample of young adults married between 1981 and 1997 (and surveyed in 1997) with a sample of young adults married between 1964 and 1980 (and surveyed in 1980) and found that the more recent marriage cohort reported less interaction and more marital conflict. Although these studies suggest a decline in the aggregate level of marital quality in the population, the lack of research on this topic makes it difficult to reach conclusions with certainty. The present study uses two national, representative samples of married individuals in the United States-one interviewed in 1980 and the other interviewed in 2000-to provide new evidence on recent changes in the nature and quality of marriage. SOCIAL CHANGE 1980-2000 During the latter part of the 20th century, a variety of demographic, economic, social, and cultural changes in the U.S. population had the potential to affect people's marriages either positively or negatively. …

This study addresses two questions: Do religiously dissimilar couples argue more often than other couples? Are religious differences among partners associated with arguments concerning particular issues? We investigate these issues using data on 2,945 co-residing, first-time married couples from Wave 1 of the National Survey of Families and Households. Denominational homo/heterogamy, measured in several different ways, has little bearing on the frequency or types of marital disagreements. Men's religious attendance is inversely related to the overall frequency of disputes and to disagreements over housework, money, how time is spent, and sex, whereas women's attendance is not. Attendance (dis)similarities among partners are positively associated with the overall frequency of conflicts. Theological disparities between partners are linked with more frequent conflicts overall and also with disagreements over household labor and finances. Several implications and promising directions for future research are discussed.

Results from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth indicate that marriages contracted after 1980 are becoming more stable. This article examines several individual characteristics in search of an explanation for increasing stability. A person-year file is created and logistic regression is used to determine which covariates account for the negative effect of year in a model predicting the likelihood of marital dissolution. Increasing experience of premarital sex, premarital birth, cohabitation, and racial and religious heterogamy are detracting from marital stability. However, rising age at marriage and, to a lesser degree, increased education are associated with increasing marital stability. These latter effects more than counterbalance the factors associated with instability leading to an overall decline in the rate of marital dissolution.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major public health issue. Few studies, however, have examined the role of religion in IPV perpetration and victimization. This study analyzed the contribution of religious factors to IPV risk and prevalence among a sample of 1,440 married couples interviewed for the 1995 National Study of Couples. Results indicate that rates of IPV did not significantly differ by couple homogamy/heterogamy or type of denominational affiliation. Attendance at religious services at least weekly was associated with lower rates of IPV perpetration among men and with lower rates of IPV victimization among men and women. These findings were attenuated in the multivariate logistic regression analyses. Study findings suggest that religion does not have a strong or direct influence on the occurrence of IPV; alcohol-related problems, however, may be a mediating factor. Despite the null findings, religious institutions can play an important role in primary and secondary IPV prevention.

Objectives Homogamy, mating based on similarity, has been demonstrated for a great variety of traits such as age, education, religion, and physical and psychological traits. Recently, pro-fertile effects of religious as well as educational homogamy have been reported. We investigate whether ethnic homogamy also has a pro-fertile effect and whether ethnic and religious homogamy interact in their putative effects on reproduction (in terms of average number of offspring). Methods We analyzed the association between ethnic as well as religious homogamy and woman's average number of offspring based on census data from ten countries provided by IPUMS international, encompassing a total of 1,485,433 married women aged 46-60 years (who have thus completed or almost completed reproduction) and their spouses. Results We find a clear pro-fertile but nonadditive effect of both ethnic and religious homogamy, which is most pronounced in the case of double homogamy. Our results further indicate that homogamy for one trait may compensate for heterogamy of the other, albeit countries differ regarding which trait compensates for the other. Conclusions We suggest that the interaction between ethnic homogamy, religious homogamy, and reproduction provides an interesting example for gene-culture co-evolution.

Studies of online dating suggest that physical attraction is a key factor in early relationship formation, but say little about the role of attractiveness in longer-term relationships. Meanwhile, assortative coupling and exchange models widely employed in demographic research overlook the powerful sorting function of initial and sustained physical attraction. This article observes the effects of one physical characteristic of men--height--on various relationship outcomes in longer-term relationships, including spouses' attributes, marriage entry and stability, and the division of household labor. Drawing on two different cohorts from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, the authors show that (1) height-coupling norms have changed little over the last three decades, (2) short, average, and tall men's spouses are qualitatively different from one another (3) short men marry and divorce at lower rates than others and (4) both men's height relative to other men and their height relative to their spouse are related to the within-couple distribution of household labor and earnings. These findings depict an enduring height hierarchy among men on in the spousal marriage market. Further, they indicate that at least one physical characteristic commonly associated with physical attraction influences the formation, functioning, and stability of longer-term relationships.Institutional subscribers to the NBER working paper series, and residents of developing countries may download this paper without additional charge at www.nber.org.

Item does not contain fulltext Socio-demographic heterogamy is commonly believed to lead to lower relationship stability due to the presence of cultural differences between partners. This explanation lacks empirical support, as psychology studies have not confirmed the link between heterogamy and cultural differences, whereas sociological studies have been characterized by problems related to the choice and measurement of cultural differences. Progressing from previous research, this article examines the specific link between educational heterogamy and cultural differences in the domain of child-rearing. Results partly confirm the alternative hypotheses of child-rearing values and behaviors being subject to gender differences and processes of selection between partners. Nonetheless, they also indicate a positive link between educational heterogamy and differences in child-rearing values and behaviors between partners. 22 p.

All cultures have rules regarding mate selection. Many societies encourage either homogamy or heterogamy. Homogamy refers to marriage between individuals with similar social and personal characteristics, whereas heterogamy refers to marriage between individuals with different social or personal characteristics. Although there is some freedom in mate selection in American society, the United States is still basically a society whose norms encourage homogamy. Some of the major factors that influence mate selection include socioeconomic status, race, age, and parental and peer pressures. The purpose of this article is to examine the attitudes and preferences of African American college students toward physical and social status related variables regarding dating and future mate selection. Several social status and attractiveness related variables, along with selected background variables (including gender), were analyzed to note relationship patterns. Of particular interest was the importance of skin color or skin tone and social status as mate selection preferences among African American college students. There may be vast differences between attitudes toward mate selection and actual behaviors when selecting mates for marriage. Attitudinal research on skin color and social status preferences as they relate to mate selection on African American populations is lacking.

Marriage is a social institution that integrates individuals to form families. Yet, the social embeddedness of married couples is surprisingly rarely examined, particularly for remarriage. Drawing from multiple datasets, this chapter shows that before marriage, remarried dyads are socially less embedded than their continuously married counterparts; after marriage, their social relations rely more on the spouse. First, with the attrition of close associates over the life course and the disruption in social network due to divorce, individuals tend to look outside their networks and at less conventional venues, and to adopt dating strategies involving fewer contacts from existing network, resulting in greater socio-demographic heterophily in remarriage. Second, such dating strategies and the greater socio-demographic heterogamy imply socially invisible wedding ceremonies for remarried couples. Third, remarried individuals’ social networks, in the absence of spousal ties, remain as fragmented as those of the divorced in terms of network characteristics such as density, volume of contacts, and emotional closeness. A remarried individual’s network is akin to that of the divorced plus a spouse. Compared to first marriage, the spouse is much more prominent in the social relations of remarried individuals.

Hypotheses are developed about the effects of husbands' and wives' religious affiliations upon fertility. The hypotheses are based upon the following ideas. First, different religions have different norms about fertility and the tradeoffs between the quality and quantity of children. Differences in religious beliefs between spouses may therefore lead to disagreement and conflict over fertility decisions and any possible resolution through bargaining. Second, a low level of religious compatibility between spouses may increase the probability of marital dissolution, decreasing the optimal amount of investments in spouse-specific human capital. Analyses of data from the 1987-88 National Survey of Families and Households conducted in the US suggest that both of these effects are important factors in explaining the observed linkages between the religious composition of marital unions and their fertility behavior.

This retrospective study compared reports of gay and heterosexual male college students about particular behaviors and feelings during childhood and adolescence. The results were interpreted as providing general support for Bell's heterogamy principle that regardless of a person's sexual orientation, his or her romantic attachments will be to people perceived different from themselves.

Contains fulltext : 90228.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Closed access) This study extends earlier research on educational inequality and health in two ways. First, we examine whether own educational level and spouse's educational level are independently associated with self-assessed health throughout European societies by analysing 29 countries simultaneously. Second, we ask to what extent educational heterogamy at the country level is related to health differences between and within countries. Theories on social capital lead to the hypotheses that average health is better in countries with more educational heterogamy, and educational differentiation in health is smaller in countries with more educational heterogamy. To test our expectations, we use individual data from the European Social Survey of 2002, 2004, and 2006 (N = 59,314) as well as country-level data. Using multilevel analyses, we find that not only one's own educational level, but additionally the spouse's level of education positively affects self-assessed health in Europe. The degree of educational heterogamy does not influence the average level of self-assessed health in a country. However, the positive relationships between own and partner's education and self-assessed health are weaker as the degree of educational heterogamy at the national level is higher. 16 p.

According to classical works on social stratification, status homogamy can be regarded as an indicator of the "openness" of society. In contrast to previous approaches, this article treats marriage choice as a multidimensional phenomenon and makes a distinction between ascriptive- and achievement-oriented characteristics. Ascriptive status homogamy is measured by the similarity of spouses with respect to their fathers' occupational class, while the achieved dimension of status homogamy is measured by the similarity of spouses' educational attainment. Multivariate log-linear models are used to explore the relative importance of these factors for the choice of a spouse, and the article tests the hypothesis that there has been a transition from ascription to achievement in patterns of marriage selection. This study first demonstrates empirically that previously conducted synthetic cohort analyses of educational homogamy suffer from selection biases and then, using the Occupational Change in a Generation (OCG...

In choosing marriage partners, we generally look for someone with similar status characteristics to our own. This paper suggests that status inequalities may be hypothesized to make a difference in marital satisfaction. Using the couple as the unit of analysis, the effects of educational heterogamy on marital satisfaction were investigated. Using ordinary least-squares regression, we found that when husbands had more education than their wives, both partners reported less than happy marriages with more disagreement and less positive feedback. Conversely, when the wife had more education, both partners reported more satisfaction with the marriage. Using results from the ordinary least-squares regression, a two-stage least-squares model was estimated. In this more complete model, the strongest effect on each partner's marital satisfaction was the feedback regarding the other partner's happiness within the marriage. Possible explanations for these findings are presented. We argue that longitudinal studies, using the couple as the unit of analysis, are essential if we wish to study the processes of marital interaction between spouses.

Previous studies have indicated a relationship between religious homogamy and marital satisfaction and stability. However, most have emphasized denominational affiliation only. Using loglinear analysis of national survey data, this study tested the effects of three types of religious homogamy - namely denominational affiliation, church attendance, and belief in the Bible - upon marital satisfaction and stability. Results indicated that denominational affiliation homogamy is the most critical, with church attendance homogamy contributing slightly to marital success. Similar beliefs about the Bible did not have a statistically significant association with either marital satisfaction or marital stability.

This research focuses on age differences in marriage. The purpose is to develop a partial test of whether over the past five decades age has become less relevant and age norms less constraining. A reduction in the strength of age norms should result in a decrease in coeval marriages. If age norms become less binding, then one should expect people to cast a wider age net when selecting their mate, leading to an increase in the number of marriages with unconventional age differences. Microdata samples of 111000 from 1940 through the 1980 Census of the United States Population were used to derive trends in the proportion of ageheterogamous and age-homogamous couples. The results show that between 1940 and 1980 there was no abatement of age homogamy. In fact a strong trend towards increasing homogamy was discovered. This movement toward increased homogamy, and the converse decrease in the age heterogamy, indicates that age has become more, not less, relevant in mate selection.

A mechanism of mate selection in humans is proposed and elaborated. It is further proposed that this mechanism constitutes one of the important factors for stability and the necessary longevity of the procreational dyad and therefore the procreational success of humans as a species. The concepts and mechanisms of assortative mating (homogamy) and that of complementarity of temperaments of the mates (heterogamy) which guide such selections are described, the relationships between the two are explored, and finally their possible early developmental origins are proposed. Evidence from a small study of 20 married couples' responses in temperament tests is offered as well as some illustrative case histories all pointing to those mechanisms. The argument is based mainly on principles of evolutionary psychology.

Data drawn from the 1991 US National Survey of Women revealed significant differences between married women and cohabiting or dating women in their level of commitment to a partner. Sexual exclusivity was selected as the proxy for commitment and compared in 1235 dating cohabiting and married women 20-37 years old. 4% of married women 18% of dating women and 20% of cohabiting women reported a secondary sex partner. In the latter group each month of cohabitation increased the odds of a secondary sexual relationship by 2%. Characteristics of married women that significantly increased the odds of a secondary relationship included no religious affiliation 4 or more previous sexual partners husband more than 2 years older and higher educational level on the part of the female versus the male partner. Among dating and cohabiting women the significantly predictive factors of a secondary sexual relationship included college education no religious affiliation religious heterogamy with partner higher educational attainment on the part of the woman versus her partner minority race or ethnicity and having had previous sex partners. Both before and after marriage the risk of having a secondary sex partner was increased (1.7 and 3.3 times respectively) among married women who had cohabited prior to marriage compared to those who had not. These findings support previous research suggesting that cohabitation is selective of women less committed to a relationship. Finally the research revealed that cohabiting women are more likely when they marry than women with no history of cohabitation to select partners similar to themselves in terms of educational level--another indication that women in this category value independence and equality in a relationship.

National Longitudinal Surveys are used to investigate the patterns and determinants of marital dissolution for first marriages [in the United States]. The focus of this paper is to examine the associations between socioeconomic status differences and changes within marriage of marital partners and marital instability. Based on a discrete hazard model the results indicate the risk of marital instability is highest among couples who have heterogamous education and who do not follow the most traditional working arrangement where only the husband is employed full-time in the labor market. Those couples who do equalize their original education and conventionalize employment status enjoy higher marital stability. However marriages in which couples change to educational heterogamy and unconventional employment statuses are less likely to survive. (EXCERPT)

This study assesses the relationship between religious heterogamy and the marital happiness of Catholics, employing data from NORC General Social Surveys. A logistic regression analysis with interaction terms enables us to ascertain (a) whether any observed effect of heterogamy is attributable to correlated differences in religiosity; and (b) whether religiosity and heterogamy interact in affecting marital happiness. The findings show that heterogamy is not related to marital happiness for Catholics, either at the bivariate level or when religiosity and other variables are controlled. Religiosity, however, does have a positive effect on marital happiness, but only among homogamous Catholics.

“Functional” marriage textbooks usually state that differences between spouses in class background are, regardless of adult status, influences for marital maladjustment and instability; but a search of the literature revealed no empirical support for this generalization. Data from a sample of males in a high-status occupation reveal no marital instability which can be attributed to an interaction between the class backgrounds of the spouses.

Deviations from the age norms governing mate selection often provoke negative stereotypes regarding the participants. This article focuses on age heterogamous unions or so-called May–December marriages, involving an older person with a young spouse. The public often attributes pecuniary (gold digger) motives to the latter. Our research tests the widespread notion that the younger woman exchanges youth for status or money. Using data from the Panel on Income Dynamics, age homogamous and age heterogamous couples are compared in terms of each of the spouse's achieved and inherited status and the contribution these make to explained variance in family income. Analysis using hierarchical multiple regression revealed that, contrary to popular belief, the status of the older spouse does not make a more important contribution toward explained income. Indeed, in this study, the reverse was the case in that the wife's status contributed more toward explained income. The notion that age heterogamy in marriage represents a channel of upward mobility for young women married to older men needs systematic reexamination.

SynopsisHeterogamy — the marriage of partners with markedly different social characteristics — is considered as a potential source of pathology, such as marital breakdown or neurosis. This paper develops an argument that heterogamy per se is not the cause of problems. Rather, heterogamy may disrupt social networks surrounding the couple. Two possible results follow. Either the partners, being very different, form two independent and different sets of friends. This results in a ‘weak tie’ marriage likely to break. Or the partners remain close, have no friendship network and thus become isolated. Isolation may then lead to neurosis. Data from previous sources and from an Australian survey are used to test propositions derived from this argument, and receive support.