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Positive intergroup contact has not only been shown to be positively associated with favourable attitudes towards members of the contacted group but also with attitudes towards members of secondary outgroups (secondary transfer effect, STE). Only a few studies have addressed a potential STE of negative intergroup contact (i.e., a generalization of negative contact experiences to secondary outgroups). Furthermore, longitudinal studies on STEs and on underlying mediation processes are lacking. In the present research, we investigated the existence of a STE for negative (and positive) intergroup contact in four longitudinal samples with three (Studies 1a and 1b) and two waves (Studies 2 and 3; Noverall = 2052, time lags between waves 2 to 12 months). Our studies did not provide robust evidence for a STE of negative (and positive) contact, nor for indirect STEs via attitude generalization, ingroup identification or diversity beliefs. We discuss implications and suggest avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Group-Focused Enmity describes the idea that different outgroup-specific prejudices can be aggregated to a larger syndrome of inequality-based derogation of others. This focus section brings together three studies on Group-Focused Enmity that had been registered and peer-reviewed before they were conducted. All of the reports advance the Group-Focused Enmity literature in important ways and demonstrate the fruitfulness of the concept. They also show that using sophisticated methods can help us to address novel and exciting questions, and demonstrate the opportunities that preregistration offers for studies analysing secondary data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigated the dynamics of naturally increasing contact opportunities, frequencies of positive and negative intergroup contact experiences, and prejudice toward forced migrants, in 2 three-wave longitudinal studies (Study 1, N = 183, adult community sample; Study 2, N = 758, nation-wide adult probability sample) in Germany using latent growth curve and parallel process analyses. We examined (research question 1) whether prejudice increases or decreases with increased contact opportunities; (research question 2) whether the rate of change in prejudice is related to the rate of change of positive/negative contact; (research question 3) whether the trajectories of change in prejudice shift as a function of the histories of prior positive/negative contact; and (research question 4) whether the rate of change in positive/negative contact frequencies depends on prior prejudice levels. Across both studies, prejudice increased with increased contact opportunities, as did positive and negative contact frequencies (ad research question 1). Whereas changes in negative contact were significantly related to changes in prejudice in both studies, no such relationships emerged as significant for positive contact (ad research question 2). We did not find any supportive evidence for our research questions 3 and 4. Overall, our results demonstrate that increased contact opportunities can contribute to increases in prejudice. Moreover, they indicate that the trajectories of negative contact and prejudice may be more substantially intertwined than the trajectories of positive contact and prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intergroup contact can improve majority members' perception of minorities. Integrating the intergroup contact hypothesis with the stereotype content model and BIAS‐Map, we hypothesized that positive intergroup contact improves German majority members' evaluations of asylum seekers on the warmth and competence dimensions. Using cross‐sectional survey data and structural equation modelling, we found support for this hypothesis (Study 1a, N = 182). Warmth and competence perceptions, in turn, predicted specific intergroup emotions (Study 1b, N = 255). A causal effect of intergroup contact on changes in stereotype content, emotions, and solidarity‐based collective action intentions as an important facilitative behavioural intention debated in the intergroup contact literature is established with experimental data (Study 2, N = 74). Participants interacting with an asylum seeker rated asylum seekers higher on warmth and specific intergroup emotions and were more supportive of solidarity‐based collective actions in favour of asylum seekers. Our study demonstrates that contact has differential effects on cognitive, affective, and behavioural components of prejudice towards asylum seekers that are systematically linked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two studies, we tested the relationship between non-immigrant individuals' perceptions of deviant behavior carried out by Muslims and foreigners and discriminatory intentions towards these outgroups. Based on a longitudinal and a representative cross-sectional sample, we showed that two different types of perceived deviant behavior (Study 1, Muslims' unwillingness to integrate; and Study 2, foreigners' hostility towards the non-immigrant majority group) are related to increased intergroup threat, which in turn is related to increased intentions to show passive discrimination (i.e., avoidance) towards these outgroups. In line with theorizing about an increased sensitivity for threat in authoritarian individuals, the relationship between perceptions of deviant behavior and threat was especially strong among high authoritarian individuals. Theoretical and practical implications of our results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present meta-analysis tested the effectiveness of contact-based interventions for the reduction of ethnic prejudice. Up to now, a meta-analysis summarizing the results of real-world interventions that rest on the intergroup contact theory has been missing. We included evaluations of programs realizing direct (i.e., face-to-face) and/or indirect (i.e., extended or virtual) contact in real-world settings outside the lab. The interventions' effectiveness was tested shortly after their end (κ=123 comparisons, N=11 371 participants) and with a delay of at least 1month (κ=25, N=1650). Our data show that contact interventions improve ethnic attitudes. Importantly, changes persist over time. Furthermore, not only direct but also indirect contact interventions are successful. In addition, contact programs are effective even in the context of a serious societal conflict (e.g., in the Middle East). Although changes are typically larger for ethnic majorities, there is an impact on minorities, too. Finally, contact interventions not only improve attitudes toward individuals involved in the program, their effects also generalize to outgroups as a whole. In sum, social psychology provides an intervention for prejudice reduction that can be successfully implemented in the practical field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research examined effects of exposure to the German flag on outgroup prejudice in Germany. In agreement with social identity theory, we demonstrated that exposure to the German flag increased outgroup prejudice among highly nationalistic German respondents. This finding seems to contradict prior research illustrating that exposure to the US flag reduced outgroup prejudice among highly nationalistic American respondents. This contradiction is considered the result of various concepts Germans associate with the German flag compared to concepts Americans associate with the US flag. Practical implications for flag exposure are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Recent advances in intergroup contact theory and research are reviewed. A meta-analysis with 515 studies and more than 250,000 subjects demonstrates that intergroup contact typically reduces prejudice (mean r =−.21). Allport''s original conditions for optimal contact – equal status, common goals, no intergroup competition, and authority sanction – facilitate the effect but are not necessary conditions. There are other positive outcomes of intergroup contact, such as greater trust and forgiveness for past transgressions. These contact effects occur not only for ethnic groups but also for such other groups as homosexuals, the disabled and the mentally ill. Intergroup friendship is especially important. Moreover, these effects typically generalize beyond the immediate outgroup members in the situation to the whole outgroup, other situations, and even to other outgroups not involved in the contact. They also appear to be universal – across nations, genders, and age groups. The major mediators of the effect are basically affective: reduced anxiety and empathy. And even indirect contact reduces prejudice – vicarious contact through the mass media and having a friend who has an outgroup friend. Of course, negative contact occurs – especially when it is non-voluntary and threatening. Criticisms of the theory and policy implications are also discussed. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Are small or large outgroup populations more closely related to an ingroup's prejudice? This paper addresses this question with national probability survey data from Germany focused on resident foreigners. Two interlocking processes underlie the complex relationship between population proportions and prejudice. Typically, larger outgroup population proportions simultaneously increase both threat and intergroup contact. The first process increases prejudice, the second decreases it. Using structural equation modelling, our analysis reveals that these two processes can be effectively combined into one complex model. Threat is perceptual; it involves what people think is the outgroup proportion and thus can be easily manipulated by political leaders and the mass media. Contact is experiential; it can reduce individual and collective threat as well as prejudice. The intricate relationship between threat and contact can be substantially altered by numerous moderators. Hence, rigid group segregation can limit contact, while unemployment can amplify threat. The paper provides evidence that reductions in prejudice have important consequences for intergroup relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: According to Allport''s (1954) model of socialization of prejudice the level of prejudice of parents and their offspring should co-vary due to the offspring''s adaptation to the parents’ attitudes. Available empirical studies and literature reviews support Allport''s assumption. Modern models of socialization give reason to extend Allport''s unidirectional influence model to a bidirectional perspective which assumes that parents influence their offspring''s attitudes and are simultaneously influenced by them. In a cross-sectional study, 408 parent–offspring dyads (64% female parents, 55% female offspring, mean age of children=16.47 years, SD 1.87, parents=42.08 years, SD 7.08) from the ethnic majority population in Costa Rica were asked about their prejudice towards immigrants and ethnic minorities in Costa Rica. Using structural equation modelling, unidirectional and bidirectional models of prejudice determination were tested. The data clearly support the unidirectional model of prejudice transmission from parents to offspring, even if moderator effects of sex, age, and importance of contact are taken into account. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article analyses the relationship of ethnic prejudice and discriminatory behavioral intentions in Germany. We utilize two representative surveys conducted in 2002 and 2004 ( = 2,722 and 1,383, respectively) as well as a longitudinal study with three annual measurement points (2002–2004; = 825). Results show that prejudice is substantially correlated with the respondents' reports of their own discriminatory intentions ( = .33 to .49). Controlling for additional psychological variables, the cross-lagged, longitudinal analyses support the causal hypothesis that prejudice leads to discriminatory intentions. Additional influences on discriminatory intentions—intergroup threat and intergroup contact—are substantially mediated by ethnic prejudice. Thus, a practical implication of these results is that the reduction of intergroup threat and increment of intergroup contact may well lead to both reduced intergroup prejudice and to less discriminatory behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an introduction to research on European prejudice and discrimination. First, we list the distinctive characteristics of a European perspective and provide a short sketch of European immigration and ethnic groups. Europe has become a multicultural community. Nevertheless, public opinion and the continent's politics often do not reflect this empirical fact. Prejudice and discrimination directed at immigrants are a widespread phenomena across Europe. Several cross-European surveys support this conclusion, although theoretically driven surveys on prejudice and discrimination in Europe remain rare. Cross-European research studies classical and modern theories of prejudice and discrimination and attempts to uncover the psychological mechanisms that explain individual readiness to exclude ethnic groups. A brief sketch of recent European research is presented. This issue offers both important cross-national perspectives as well as needed comparisons with the more studied case of racial prejudice and discrimination in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using three diverse European surveys, we test the relationship between relative deprivation (RD) and anti-immigrant prejudice. We find that both group relative deprivation (GRD) and individual relative deprivation (IRD) are found primarily among working-class respondents who are politically alienated. We also find that GRD, but not IRD, serves as a proximal correlate of prejudice. IRD's effects on prejudice are largely mediated through GRD. In addition, GRD partially mediates the effects of such distal predictors of prejudice as education and family income. Finally, blaming the victim mediates in part the GRD link with prejudice. These results lead to a socially situated path model of RD's effects on prejudice with public policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we examine which role the size of the immigrant population plays in explaining immigrant derogation within and between European regions. We draw upon group threat- and intergroup contact theory to consider the following question: does a larger size of immigrant population increase perceived group threat and thereby lead to greater immigrant derogation? Or does it increase intergroup contact and thereby ameliorate immigrant derogation? We test the empirical adequacy of these alternative suggestions using regionalized European Social Survey 2002 and official data which will be analyzed by means of multilevel structural equation modeling. Within regions, our results confirm that perceived group threat increases subsequent immigrant derogation. Likewise, intergroup contact reduces perceived group threat and thereby amends such derogation of immigrants. Between regions, our findings show that a larger size of the immigrant population increases both greater perceived group threat and intergroup contact. At the same time, the effects of perceived group threat and intergroup contact on immigrant derogation resemble those found within regions. In sum, these results lend evidence to the generalizability of both group threat- and contact effects. Implications of these findings for future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Intergroup contact theory and research have advanced rapidly in recent years. Among the advances is the surprising finding that indirect contact (having an ingroup friend who has an outgroup friend) reduces prejudice at levels comparable to those of direct contact (having an outgroup friend yourself). Using a large, probability survey of German adults, we explore the relationship between direct and indirect contact. We find they are highly interrelated, and both are negatively related to prejudices against foreigners and Muslims living in Germany. Direct and indirect contact together enhance the prediction of prejudice. Moreover, the two contact types are shaped by similar social and personality variables. Opportunity for contact is important, while authoritarians avoid contact. Their effects are mediated by threat, but here we find the one difference between the two types. Direct contact is negatively related to both individual and collective threat. Indirect contact is also negatively related to collective threat but only slightly related to individual threat. We interpret these relationships within a normative perspective. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Furthering G. W. Allport's (1954) contentions for optimal contact, the authors introduce a new construct: the perceived importance of contact. They propose that perceived importance is the best proximal predictor of contact's reduction of prejudice. If individuals have opportunities for contact at work or in the neighborhood, their chances to have intergroup acquaintances and friends increase. Intergroup contact among acquaintances and friends can be perceived as more or less important, which in turn determines intergroup evaluations. A 1st study shows that the new measure of perceived importance is indeed distinct from established quantity and quality indicators. The results are cross-validated in a 2nd study that also sheds light on the meaning of importance. In 3rd and 4th studies, structural equation analyses and a meta-analysis support the hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Surveys show that respondents from East Germany consistently show higher levels of ethnic prejudice than respondents from West Germany. Comparable differences can be found in statistics on crimes and violence against ethnic minority members. On the basis of three surveys (ALLBUS, 1996, N= 2893; Shell Youth Study (Deutsche Shell), 2000, N= 3560; and our own survey of school students, N= 769), the hypothesis that this difference can be largely explained by contrasting interethnic contact opportunities and experiences is tested and supported. Demographic data show that living in the Eastern or Western part of Germany offers differential opportunities for contact with foreigners. Structural equation analyses reveal that this difference, in turn, influences the number of foreigners in the neighborhood or classroom. As a consequence of these varying opportunities for contact, respondents report marked differences in more intimate and personal contact--such as having foreign friends or experiencing contact of personal importance. Foreign friends and importance of contact proved to be the relevant proximal contact variables that reduce ethnic prejudice. Beyond the German context, these results point to a more inclusive model of intergroup relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the connections between prejudice and specific attitudes toward acculturation in Germany. Results of surveys confirm the hypothesis that prejudice is related to ideologies of assimilation and segregation among majoritygroup members. Moreover, experimental and correlational studies indicate that these attitudes are linked to discriminatory behavior. Further analyses of studies with ethnic minorities prove that prejudice and acculturation are linked within minority groups as well. Additionally it is shown that prejudice is functional in order for minorities to acculturate. These studies confirm the impression that there is a close link between macrosocial and microsocial levels of coping with migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines three issues concerning the frequently negative correlation between formal education and ethnic prejudice, namely its reliability, its validity and the manner in which it is mediated. Reliability is demonstrated across three indices of ethnic attitudes in seven representative samples drawn from four European countries (West Germany, Netherlands, France, Great Britain; total N=3788). The Hypothesis that this correlation reflects only the tendency of more highly educated respondents to give more socially desirable answers and not true attitude differences was inconsistent with the finding from the survey data that educational level also correlated negatively with responses to an index of subtle prejudice. Results from an experiment employing the bogus pipeline procedure similarly refute this hypothesis, indicating that significant education-related differences in expressed prejudice remain under conditions in which the tendency to give socially desirable responses is reduced. Finally, path analysis based on the survey data show that part but not all of the association between low education and ethnic prejudice is mediated by social psychological variables. Particularly group relative deprivation, perceived belief incongruency, political conservation, and acception of inter-ethnic contact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates the relationship between prejudice and intergroup contact for German and Turkish pupils aged 15 in the Federal Republic of Germany. It describes that the contact hypothesis proposed simply that association with persons from a disliked group leads to the growth of liking and respect for, or at least to decreased prejudice or antipathy toward that group. Intergroup contact occurs here against a background of increased numbers of migrant or guest workers It draws a distinction between opportunities for and real uses of contact, operationalized using path analysis, and hypotheses were tested concerning the way contact in the neighborhood, at school, and in leisure time is related to prejudice. It informs that leisure time contact was significantly correlated with reduced prejudice, but only for the German sample (N = 60); for the Turkish sample (N = 50), prejudice was unrelated to any of the measures of contact. It discusses results in terms of the wider social background to contact between national and migrant labor populations in Western Europe.