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In our current globalised, multicultural world, understanding antecedents of reciprocal interactions between native people and people of immigrant background is a major issue, because intergroup contact plays a crucial role in building inclusive societies. In this vein, using daily diary data, we examined the relation between the number of daily positive and negative interactions of White British majority (N = 744) and Asian British minority people (N = 582) with members of the respective outgroup, with RWA, SDO, perceived ingroup norms, neighbourhood diversity and contextual deprivation. Results showed that for the majority group, ingroup norms in favour of intergroup contact were positively associated with positive intergroup encounters, whereas Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) was positively associated with negative intergroup contact. Neighbourhood diversity was positively associated with positive and negative intergroup encounters. Moreover, RWA moderated the relationship between neighbourhood diversity and both positive and negative contact of White British people. For the minority group, ingroup norms were positively associated with positive intergroup contact, and the relationship between ingroup norms and negative contact was moderated by SDO. Overall, different factors affect positive and negative intergroup contact of majority and minority groups. We discuss the implications of the findings for future research and interventions., (© 2022 The Authors. International Journal of Psychology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of International Union of Psychological Science.)

Religious ideology and extremism have had an increasing influence on political agendas in the United States and much of the developed world in the past 60 years, with right-wing ideology becoming more prevalent this decade. This article serves as a review of studies investigating the correlations between political ideology, religiosity, right-wing authoritarianism, ingroups/outgroups, and prejudice in an attempt to describe and understand the well-established links between these dimensions. We discuss several group-level theories including Terror Management Theory, Social Identity Theory, Realistic Group Conflict Theory among others to frame the intercorrelations of these constructs in an effort to better understand the underlying mechanisms that drive individuals to embody religious and political beliefs. We then discuss individual-level cognitive and psychological differences such as intelligence, cognitive flexibility, and specific biological and neurological limitations of brain function that may influence people to adopt certain religious and political beliefs. Through a more comprehensive understanding of the underlying mechanisms of religious and political extremism, we may be better equipped to assuage the fear and denigration that is associated with many of these beliefs.

Intergroup contact reduces prejudice against a variety of social outgroups and seems to be particularly effective at reducing prejudice in individuals most prone to it-those high in right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO). The present study examines the moderating roles of RWA and SDO in the contact-prejudice relationship, targeting dissident, dangerous, and derogated outgroups: lesbians and gay men, people with schizophrenia, and Indigenous Australians, respectively. In total, 234 participants self-reported contact and prejudice against these outgroups and completed RWA and SDO scales. Contact predicted less prejudice against lesbians and gay men and Indigenous Australians in participants high in RWA and participants high in SDO. However, contact only predicted less prejudice against people with schizophrenia in participants low in RWA or SDO. The results suggest that the ability for intergroup contact to reduce prejudice in prejudice-prone individuals may depend on the outgroup targeted, specifically the threat they pose and the level of prejudice held against them.

This research investigated the relationship among perception of ingroup threats (realistic and symbolic), conservative ideologies (social dominance orientation [SDO] and right-wing authoritarianism [RWA]), and prejudice against immigrants. Data were collected with a cross-sectional design in two samples: non-student Italian adults (n = 223) and healthcare professionals (n = 679). Results were similar in both samples and indicated that symbolic and realistic threats, as well as SDO and RWA, positively and significantly predicted anti-immigrant prejudice. Moreover, the model considering SDO and RWA as mediators of threats' effects on prejudice showed a better fit than the model in which ingroup threats mediated the effects of SDO and RWA on prejudice against immigrants. Accordingly, SDO and RWA partially mediated the effect of both symbolic and realistic threats, which maintained a significant effect on prejudice against immigrants, however.

We introduce the balanced ideological antipathy (BIA) model, which challenges assumptions that right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) predict inter-group antipathy per se. Rather, the effects of RWA and SDO on antipathy should depend on the target's political orientation and political objectives, the specific components of RWA, and the type of antipathy expressed. Consistent with the model, two studies (N = 585) showed that the Traditionalism component of RWA positively and negatively predicted both political intolerance and prejudice toward tradition-threatening and -reaffirming groups, respectively, whereas SDO positively and negatively predicted prejudice (and to some extent political intolerance) toward hierarchy-attenuating and -enhancing groups, respectively. Critically, the Conservatism component of RWA positively predicted political intolerance (but not prejudice) toward each type of target group, suggesting it captures the anti-democratic impulse at the heart of authoritarianism. Recommendations for future research on the relationship between ideological attitudes and inter-group antipathy are discussed., (© 2015 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.)

Ethnic diversity poses a threat to authoritarians, as it indicates non-conformism to group norms and poses a threat to group conformity. According to authoritarian dynamic theory, threats elicit authoritarian reactions in people with authoritarian predispositions. In the present article we tested a mediation model derived from authoritarian dynamic theory in a sample of 171 students. As expected, authoritarian predisposition negatively predicted diversity beliefs. This effect was fully mediated by an authoritarian manifestation, that is, authoritarian aggression. The two other components of right-wing authoritarianism, authoritarian submission and conventionalism, did not mediate the effect. Results confirm contemporary research on authoritarianism and the differentiation of authoritarian predispositions and its manifestations.

IntroductionModern racism, nationalism, and sexism have been proposed as major influences on contemporary U.S. politics. However, most work has not examined these interrelated factors together. Thus, it is unclear to what extent each form of prejudice uniquely contributes to political behavior. Furthermore, the potential motivations underlying the link between prejudice and politics have not been well elucidated. We sought to (1) determine the extent to which racism, sexism, and nationalism were uniquely associated with political outcomes in the 2020 U.S. presidential election and (2) use the dual-process motivational model to examine whether social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) were potential motivations underlying the link between prejudice and political attitudes and behavior.MethodsA national sample of U.S. adults (N = 531) completed online questionnaires before and after the 2020 U.S. election. Structural equation modeling was used to test mediational models in which SDO and RWA prospectively predicted presidential candidate evaluations and vote choice indirectly through racism, sexism, and nationalism.ResultsWhen examined in conjunction, modern racism (not sexism or nationalism) was consistently associated with evaluations of both candidates and vote choice. Furthermore, SDO and RWA both exerted indirect effects on candidate evaluations and vote choice through modern racism.DiscussionThese results are aligned with previous findings indicating that racism plays a unique role in U.S. politics and may be motivated by status threat experienced by some majority group members.

Abstract Even though prejudice towards Bolivian immigrants is one of the main reasons for discrimination in Argentina, there is no valid measure to assess it. The aim of this study was to explore the psychometric properties of the subtle and blatant prejudice towards Bolivian immigrants scale. In addition, we tested correlations with right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, feelings towards Bolivian immigrants, and ideological self-placement. Data was collected through a convenience sample of 431 undergraduate students from Buenos Aires, with an age range from 18 to 45 years old (38.75% men and 61.25% women). Results showed adequate psychometric properties for the scale. Moreover, significant correlations between subtle and blatant prejudice and the other psychosocial variables tested were found. Implications of these findings are discussed.

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Even though prejudice towards Bolivian immigrants is one of the main reasons for discrimination in Argentina, there is no valid measure to assess it. The aim of this study was to explore the psychometric properties of the subtle and blatant prejudice towards Bolivian immigrants scale. In addition, we tested correlations with right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, feelings towards Bolivian immigrants, and ideological self-placement. Data was collected through a convenience sample of 431 undergraduate students from Buenos Aires, with an age range from 18 to 45 years old (38.75% men and 61.25% women). Results showed adequate psychometric properties for the scale. Moreover, significant correlations between subtle and blatant prejudice and the other psychosocial variables tested were found. Implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) are foundational constructs in intergroup relations, yet their development across the lifespan is poorly understood. The few studies on the topic demonstrate that age positively correlates with both SDO and RWA. However, it is unclear whether this association is due to (a) normative aging, (b) generational differences associated with the period in which one was born and raised, or (c) a combination of these processes. This study estimates a series of cohort-sequential latent growth models to examine change due to both aging and cohort effects using 11 annual waves of longitudinal panel data collected from a nationwide random sample of adults (Ns = 61,858–61,862). Mean levels of SDO and RWA both trended upward across the adult lifespan, although this pattern was more marked for RWA. Cohort effects also emerged for both constructs and were again more pronounced for RWA. Contextual factors thus appear to influence authoritarianism more than they impact the preference for intergroup hierarchy. Similar trends emerged when differentiating birth cohorts by gender and ethnic majority status. Age and cohort effects for generalized prejudice among an ethnic majority group were also assessed (N = 47,955), revealing that prejudice declined in early adulthood but began to stabilize in middle age. This is the first large-scale study to document how SDO, RWA, and generalized prejudice change over the adult lifespan while also examining trends associated with the period in which a person was born and socialized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disgust specific to sexual stimuli has been thought to be an adaptation that serves purposes of pathogen-avoidance, partner selection and social dominance. While the link between disgust responses and homonegative and transnegative attitudes has been relatively established, it is not yet clear why. Literature using evolutionary psychology perspectives of these phenomena is scarce in areas with substantial LGBT-related violence like Colombia. This research aimed to study the interplay of predispositional (e.g. sociodemographic, reported contact), affective (e.g. disgust sensitivity) and cognitive (e.g. Right-Wing Authoritarian) variables in homonegative and transnegative attitudes of Colombian adults. Participants (N = 272) had a mean age of 26.38 (SD = 9.47), women comprised 72% of the sample and men 28%. Hierarchical regression analyses showed that increased sexual specific disgust sensitivity and greater RWA predicted stronger homonegativity and transnegativity. The relationship between sexual disgust and prejudice was partially mediated by RWA. Findings suggest that sexual disgust sensitivity adaptations in homonegativity and transnegativity may respond to selection pressures that differ from pathogen-avoidance perspectives, and that are associated with maintaining social hierarchy and social dominance. Anti-prejudice initiatives would benefit from targeting emotional responses of sexual disgust, especially within communities and institutions that have historically endorsed conservative and traditional values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has consistently linked social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) to numerous forms of prejudice, but little research has examined how these personality and ideological variables interact in their associations with various attitudinal outcomes. The present study explored the interactions of SDO and RWA in predicting a wide range of social attitudes (i.e., modern racism, modern sexism, traditional gender role beliefs) and feeling thermometers toward racial/ethnic minorities, women, and other socially stigmatized groups in a cross-sectional survey of 1244 U.S. college students (Mage = 21.54; SD = 5.17). Moderation analyses found significant independent associations of SDO, RWA, or both with all attitudinal or ideological outcome variables. We found a hypothesized synergistic interaction of SDO x RWA in predicting attitudes toward women scores, but the results did not support other hypothesized SDO x RWA interactions. Findings provide further support of the Dual Process Model and suggest that SDO and RWA may employ largely independent pathways in predicting attitudes toward marginalized groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aimed to provide a more nuanced understanding of the relations between social norms, right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA), outgroup‐directed prejudice, and hostile behavioral intentions toward outgroups. Three correlational studies, conducted in two countries and three different intergroup contexts (n1 = 997; n2 = 1011; n3 = 1992), investigated the moderating role of social norms (both positive and negative) on the relation between RWA and expression of prejudice as well as behavioral intentions toward outgroups. We found that in the presence of positive (i.e., tolerant) social norms, the previously well‐established positive relation between RWA and prejudice is reduced or even reversed, whereas in the presence of negative (i.e., intolerant) social norms, this relation is strengthened. Additionally, the lower (vs. higher) prejudice of high‐RWA individuals in the presence of positive (vs. negative) social norms mediated the link between RWA and behavioral intentions toward outgroups. The present research constitutes the first comprehensive demonstration of authoritarians' potential to be less prejudiced in response to prevailing tolerant social norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last twenty years, there has been a renewed interest in dispositional explanations of prejudice. The research traditions of early dispositional and social approaches have faced fierce debate on the role of person vs. situation in developing prejudice throughout the history of prejudice research. Contemporary research practice, however, inclines toward the integration of these approaches. Moreover, there have been empirically established complementarities of the two perspectives. This paper aims to contextualize the dispositional approach to prejudice, to present the basic concepts, theoretical basis and empirical data on the relationship between personality and prejudice, and to shed light onto open questions and future directions. It focuses on the association between personality and prejudice toward various social groups, often appearing under the 'generalized prejudice' construct. This construct is of vital importance for understanding the contributions of dispositional approach to prejudice. The central part of the paper contains the review of Duckitt's dual-process cognitive-motivational theory of ideology and prejudice that is at the base of personality-prejudice relation, with a special emphasis dedicated to the role of right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation, ideological variables which mediate the personality-prejudice relationship. Further on, empirical findings on the association between prejudice and Big Five and HEXACO personality are presented. Openness to experience, agreeableness and honesty-humility stand out as key antecedents of prejudice. The concluding part discusses current disputes in the research on personality-prejudice relation: the status of agreeableness as a predictor of prejudice and the consistency of dispositional correlates of (generalized) prejudice.

Previous studies have found that Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) factors partially mediate the relationship between religiosity and attitudes towards homosexuals. Most of these studies have been conducted in the USA, which has distinct characteristics from countries such as Brazil, which is collectivistic and mostly composed of Catholics. Therefore, the objective of this study was to investigate differential mediator effects of RWA factors in the path between religiosity and prejudice towards sexual and gender diversity. Five hundred and seven individuals between 18 and 79 years old (M = 39.30; SD = 17.91) participated in the study, 60.4% of whom were male. Instruments used were the Brazilian version of RWA which is composed by the factors Traditionalism (TR); Authoritarianism (AT); Submission to Authority (SA); Contestation to Authority (CA); and the Prejudice towards Sexual and Gender Diversity – R (PSGDR) scale. RWA factors SA, CA and AT partially mediated the investigated path whereas TR fully mediated it. The results stress that interventions that aim to reduce this sort of prejudice should target support to traditional values rather than religiosity per se. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has posed an enormous challenge in medical, economic, and political terms during the past months. The threat of disease, the more or less authoritarian biopolitics of the states, the concept of social distancing, dictate the need to examine the consequences of the pandemic on an ideological level. Making use of data collected before the pandemic (N = 82) as a point of reference, the aim of the present study was to test the hypothesis that right-wing authoritarianism (Authoritarianism – Conservatism – Traditionalism; ACT; Duckitt et al., 2010) increases under conditions of threat salience (Adorno et al., 1950; Sales, 1973), while appraising the possible moderating role of cultural liberalism. Furthermore, the hypothesis that threat predicts prejudice (e.g., Florack et al., 2003) was examined. Data were collected during three phases of the pandemic in Greece: the first weeks (N = 85), the lockdown (N = 131) and the lifting of the lockdown measures (N = 126). Results confirmed our hypotheses. An increase was found in Conservatism and Traditionalism, especially among less liberal participants, whereas more liberals appeared to express reduced levels of right-wing authoritarianism during the lifting of lockdown measures compared to the pre-COVID-19 period. A progressive expression of prejudice was also found, with cultural liberalism playing a limited but still moderating role in all three phases. Implications of the pandemic for the ideological level are discussed.

The present research aimed to replicate and extend findings by Murrar and Brauer (2018), who demonstrated that an entertainment education intervention (a music video) effectively reduced US residents' anti-Muslim prejudice. Using a German sample (N = 203), we confirmed that watching the video significantly reduced recipients' prejudice toward Muslims compared to a control condition and two alternative interventions. Unlike in Murrar and Brauer, however, the intervention's advantageous effect was driven by recipients' feelings of intergroup anxiety and perceptions of outgroup malleability rather than their identification with Muslims. Extending Murrar and Brauer's findings, our results also suggest for whom entertainment education interventions may work best, namely for recipients high in right-wing authoritarianism. The findings' theoretical and practical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last twenty years, there has been a renewed interest in dispositional explanations of prejudice. The research traditions of early dispositional and social approaches have faced fierce debate on the role of person vs. situation in developing prejudice throughout the history of prejudice research. Contemporary research practice, however, inclines toward the integration of these approaches. Moreover, there have been empirically established complementarities of the two perspectives. This paper aims to contextualize the dispositional approach to prejudice, to present the basic concepts, theoretical basis and empirical data on the relationship between personality and prejudice, and to shed light onto open questions and future directions. It focuses on the association between personality and prejudice toward various social groups, often appearing under the 'generalized prejudice' construct. This construct is of vital importance for understanding the contributions of dispositional approach to prejudice. The central part of the paper contains the review of Duckitt's dual-process cognitive-motivational theory of ideology and prejudice that is at the base of personality-prejudice relation, with a special emphasis dedicated to the role of right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation, ideological variables which mediate the personality-prejudice relationship. Further on, empirical findings on the association between prejudice and Big Five and HEXACO personality are presented. Openness to experience, agreeableness and honesty-humility stand out as key antecedents of prejudice. The concluding part discusses current disputes in the research on personality-prejudice relation: the status of agreeableness as a predictor of prejudice and the consistency of dispositional correlates of (generalized) prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise of prejudice and discrimination against ethnic and immigrant minorities, strategies to reduce prejudice and discrimination, and to counteract the impact of intolerant, anti-egalitarian ideologies, are needed. Here we focused on cultural humility, i.e., the ability to have a humble and other-oriented approach to others’ cultural backgrounds, resulting from self-examination and critical thinking about structural privileges and inequalities. In this research we proposed that cultural humility might attenuate the effects of intolerant, anti-egalitarian ideologies such as social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) on negative intergroup attitudes and perceptions. In a correlational study conducted in Italy, we found that cultural humility moderated the associations between SDO and prejudice toward immigrants, as well as between SDO and perceptions of threat posed by immigrants. Specifically, the associations of SDO with prejudice and threat were lower among respondents with high cultural humility compared to respondents with low cultural humility. Conversely, cultural humility did not moderate the effects of RWA on prejudice and threat. Findings are discussed considering the motivations underlying prejudice of high-SDO and high-RWA individuals, and proposing cultural humility training to foster positive intergroup relations.

Altemeyer’s (1981) Right-Wing Authoritarianism scale is the most popular authoritarianism measure today. However, the use of a unidimensional scale to measure a three factor construct and an apparent tautology between items and predictive criteria have garnered criticism. Revisions take one of two main approaches: either they simplify the construct to be unidimensional and create new items or they retain Altemeyer’s three factor theory and alter Altemeyer‘s original items to produce a three factor scale. We combine these two approaches by retaining Altemeyer’s three factor theory while creating new items. Our new measure, the Aggression-Submission-Conventionalism (ASC) scale, allows for a test of Altemeyer’s theory divorced of the original items. The ASC scale was designed to maximize discriminant validity while creating less tautological and more politically and religiously neutral items. A total of 649 participants in three convenience samples from the United States completed surveys showing the ASC scale to have good reliability and validity. The ASC scale was found to have similar predictive validity to other three factor scales but superior discriminant validity. Most importantly, we found a clear contribution of all three factors in predicting ethnocentrism, political intolerance, and anti-democratic attitudes. Authoritarian aggression emerged as the most important and consistent predictor with submission and conventionalism effects dependent upon the criterion. The ASC subscales all added unique variance above current unidimensional measures, with aggression consistently adding the most variance. Our findings support Altemeyer’s three factor theory and show that unidimensional measures fail to capture the nuances of our ASC scale.

Mindfulness is associated with being less judgmental and with a reduction in feelings of anxiety. It is believed to increase non-judgmental cognitive processing and reduce negative associations as a consequence of automatic processing. We hypothesized that mindfulness is negatively correlated with prejudiced attitudes. In a series of five studies, with sample sizes ranging from 93 to 184, participants from Prolific, psychology research sites, or college completed measures online. We examined the relation of three mindfulness measures, the Mindful Attention Awareness Scale, the Cognitive and Affective Mindfulness Scale-Revised, and the Kentucky Inventory of Mindfulness Skills with three markers of prejudice: attitudes to outgroups, an affective thermometer scale, and social worldviews. The attitudinal instrument focused on stigmatized groups, such as newcomers, homeless persons, handicapped individuals, and Blacks. The affective thermometer measured feelings of warmth to individuals classified as dissident, derogated, or dangerous. The two social worldviews assessed were Social Dominance Orientation and Right-Wing Authoritarianism, both associated with prejudice. Few significant associations were found. The only significant associations found were between the Kentucky Inventory of Mindfulness Skills, Right-Wing Authoritarianism, and Social Dominance Orientation. These findings provide little support for the relation between trait mindfulness and attitudinal expressions of prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Idealism and relativism were designed to assess different ethical ideological views. Their relation with attitudes toward a variety of outgroups has not been previously studied. Understanding how concerns over ethical principles and consequences are related to prejudiced attitudes could provide some insight into these constructs and into the nature of prejudice. In two studies totaling 311 participants, participants completed measures on ethical ideologies, right-wing authoritarianism, and attitudes toward various outgroups. The differential predictive validities of ethical ideologies, in comparison to right-wing authoritarianism, on prejudicial attitudes toward dangerous, derogated, and dissident outgroup members were examined. We found that both idealism and relativism contributed to predicting attitudes regarding outgroup members, over and above right-wing authoritarianism. As such, people’s personal moral standards and code of conduct for dealing with interpersonal problems and transgressions can partly explain their negative attitudes toward outgroup members. More research is required to determine the unique influence of ethical ideologies over other constructs previously shown to predict prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the centrality of ‘coming out’ in the gay rights movement, transgender people may be less likely to disclose their transgender status due to the severity of anti-transgender stigma, structural factors and differences in how transgender status and sexual identity are expressed. As a consequence, intergroup contact with transgender people may be less common than gay contact, which may limit its effectiveness. In Study 1 (N = 174), transgender contact was much less frequent than gay contact, and transgender contact frequency was not associated with anti-transgender bias, although more positive transgender contact was associated with lower anti-transgender bias, and gay contact frequency was also independently associated with lower anti-transgender bias. In Study 2 (N = 277), greater transgender ‘media contact’ was associated with increased empathy for transgender people and decreased anti-transgender bias. In addition, several participants left unsolicited anti-transgender comments at the end of the study, and these participants tended to have less transgender contact and were higher in right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation. Our results suggest that increasing contact with the LGBT community and increasing media representations of transgender people may decrease anti-transgender bias. Future directions building on these results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many studies have focused on mediated paths by which social dominance orientation (SDO) and rightwing authoritarianism (RWA) predict prejudice; fewer have identified factors that moderate their effects. We applied social cognitive domain theory to test whether different ways of reasoning about antigay discriminatory acts moderated the association between SDO, RWA, and condoning antigay discrimination. Moral reasoning (e.g., emphasizing fairness, equality) and personal reasoning (e.g., emphasizing individual interests, qualifications) attenuated the association between SDO, RWA, and condoning discriminatory resource denial in general and religious-specific contexts. Conventional reasoning (e.g., emphasizing group norms, rules) magnified the association between SDO, RWA, and condoning resource denial, but only in a religious-specific context. Findings highlight the need to examine moderators of SDO and RWA effects in effort to disrupt discrimination by those most likely to engage in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationships between social value orientation, socio-political attitudes and prejudice was investigated in three studies (total N = 1069). Participants filled in questionnaires containing measures of social value orientation, left–right political orientation, social worldviews (i.e. dangerous world and competitive jungle), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO) and prejudice towards immigrants. Study 1 showed that a proself orientation was associated to right-wing political orientation through the mediation of RWA and SDO. Study 2 revealed that social worldviews mediated the relationships of a proself orientation with RWA and SDO. Finally, Study 3 indicated that a proself orientation was related to prejudice through the intervention of social worldviews, RWA and SDO. Overall, these findings provided robust evidence about the elevant role of interpersonal orientation underpinning socio-political attitudes and prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prejudice has been described as a generalized phenomenon because individuals who express prejudice towards certain social groups also tend to express prejudice toward other groups. However, recent studies indicate that the perception of danger expressed by right-wing authoritarians and the perception of intergroup competence expressed by individuals with a social dominance orientation could be distinguishing factors in explaining the generalized prejudice. The main aim of this study was to analyse the dimensionality of generalized prejudice and then investigate if right-wing authoritarianism and a social dominance orientation were predictors of various forms of prejudice. The sample comprised 376 college students from Buenos Aires aged between 18 and 42 years (M = 23.17, SD = 3.1), of whom 42.1% were male. The main results suggest that there are three dimensions that distinguish different social groups, which are differentially explained by a social dominance orientation and right-wing authoritarianism. These findings reinforce the notion of generalized prejudice as a complex and multidimensional phenomenon, differentially explained by the perception of danger and competence that manifests through individual levels of authoritarianism and social dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy theories explain complex world events with reference to secret plots hatched by powerful groups. Belief in such theories is largely determined by a general propensity towards conspirational thinking. Such a conspiracy mentality can be understood as a generalised political attitude, distinct from established generalised political attitudes such as right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) (Study 1a, N = 497) that is temporally relatively stable (Study 1b and 1c, total N = 196). Three further studies (combined N = 854) show that in contrast to RWA and SDO, conspiracy mentality is related to prejudice against high-power groups that are perceived as less likeable and more threatening than low-power groups, whereas SDO and RWA are associated with an opposite reaction to perceptions of power. Study 5 (N = 1852) investigates the relationship of conspiracy mentality with political behavioural intentions in a specific catastrophic scenario (i.e. the damage to the Fukushima nuclear reactor after the 2011 tsunami in Japan) revealing a hitherto neglected role of conspiracy mentality in motivating social action aimed at changing the status quo. Copyright © 2013 European Association of Personality Psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politically conservative (versus liberal) individuals generally report more prejudice towards various low-status out-groups. Three studies examined whether prejudice suppression factors-specifically, internal and external motivation to suppress (IMS and EMS, respectively) prejudice-can help explain the relationship between political orientation and prejudice. Study 1 showed that IMS and EMS partially mediated the relationship between political orientation and affective prejudice towards Arabs. Study 2 demonstrated that when justification [right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation] and suppression (IMS and EMS) factors are simultaneously tested as mediators, only RWA partially mediated the relationship between political orientation and prejudice towards deviant (e.g. gay men) out-groups, whereas RWA and IMS fully mediated the relationship between political orientation and prejudice towards derogated out-groups (e.g. Blacks). Intriguingly, IMS rendered social dominance orientation effects non-significant for derogated out-groups. Study 3 showed that anticipating an out-group interaction (with a Black or lesbian confederate) diminished the mediational contribution of IMS in the political orientation-prejudice relationship because of increased IMS among participants; yet the increases in IMS did not completely eliminate differences in prejudice as a function of political orientation. Ultimately, these three studies demonstrate that suppression (in addition to justification) factors do help explain the relationship between political orientation and prejudice. Copyright © 2013 European Association of Personality Psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights: [•] Both empathy and alienation predicted unique variance in racism and sexism. [•] Empathy functioned as a mediator for Social Dominance Orientation, but only for sexism, not racism. [•] Alienation was a mediator between Social Dominance Orientation and both racism and sexism. [•] Right-Wing Authoritarianism and racism and sexism relations were not mediated by alienation. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This study tested the pathways between personality, social worldviews, and ideology, predicted by the Dual Process Model (DPM) of ideology and prejudice. These paths were tested using a full cross-lagged panel design administered to a New Zealand community sample in early 2008 (before the effects of the global financial crisis reached New Zealand) and again in 2009 (when the crisis was near its peak;n = 247). As hypothesized, low openness to experience predicted residualized change in dangerous worldview, which in turn predicted right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). Low agreeableness predicted competitive worldview, which in turn predicted social dominance orientation (SDO). RWA and SDO also exerted unexpected reciprocal effects on worldviews. This study provides the most comprehensive longitudinal test of the DPM to date, and was conducted during a period of systemic instability when the causal effects predicted by the DPM should be, and were, readily apparent. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We studied the influence of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) on the relationship between a multicultural ideology and attitudes about ethnic diversity and immigrants. We hypothesized that a multicultural ideology poses a threat to authoritarian individuals, which leads to a decrease in positive diversity beliefs and an increase in prejudice toward immigrants. On the basis of representative survey-data from 23 European countries, we showed that the negative relationship between RWA and positive diversity beliefs was stronger the more a country engages in multiculturalism (Study 1). In addition, in two experiments we demonstrated that RWA moderated the relationship between a video promoting multiculturalism (Study 2) or a picture showing a multicultural group (Study 3) and attitudes toward immigrants and diversity. As expected, for high-RWAs, both stimuli led to an increase in prejudice. In Study 3, perceived threat mediated the relationship between a multicultural norm and prejudice for people high in RWA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]