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The document provides information on three keynote papers and presenters. The first paper, presented by Prof. Dr. Agnieszka St¿pi¿ska, discusses the concept of media populism and its three perspectives: populism by the media, populism through the media, and populist citizen journalism. The second paper, presented by Prof. Dr. Ewa Mazierska, explores the meanders of populism in Polish cinema, particularly focusing on the oppositional cinema of the state socialism period and its depiction of the people against the corrupt government. The third paper, presented by Prof. Dr. Susana Salgado, examines the interconnections and processes between populism and denialism, using examples of the COVID-19 pandemic crisis and climate change. [Extracted from the article]

In this editorial, we aim to introduce the diverse set of 21 papers we have curated over the past 2 years, to review their collective contribution to the knowledge base in critical management and organisation studies, and to reflect on how they add to and challenge existing debates within our field. These papers speak about populism in a wide range of voices from multiple perspectives. The geographical reach is wide, with populism discussed in relation to the contexts of India, Latin America, France, the United Kingdom and the United States by authors working in the latter three countries as well as Belgium, Brazil, Denmark, Finland, New Zealand, Pakistan, Sweden and the Netherlands. The papers cross disciplinary and theoretical boundaries, drawing on political science, history, sociology, psychoanalysis and philosophy. Methodolotgical approaches include ethnography, historical narrative, discursive approaches and autoethnography. As such, these papers raise important questions and offer perspectives and ways forward that are in urgent need of attention and discussion by critical management and organisation studies communities, challenging readers' understandings of populism at macro, meso and micro levels of analysis. Here we tie the whole series together by highlighting emergent themes and identifying future research directions that these papers have opened up. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populism has been hotly debated for decades, yet both political scientists and environmentalists have largely neglected its potential to galvanize popular support for the environmental movement. I argue that everyday experiences of being at home in one's environs, which I call "ecological belonging," can inspire a politics of self-defense in which everyday people act politically to defend their homes, broadly conceived, against the economic norms and institutions that threaten them with destruction. Drawing on the legacy of the American farmer-labor Populists of the late 19th-century, I call this politics in defense of home "ecological populism." Rather than rejecting the label of populism in light of its authoritarian and xenophobic varieties, I argue that environmentalists should embrace a pluralist and egalitarian populist politics to counter developmentalist policies that threaten to destroy the habitats and dwellings we call home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly debates on the links between the rise of populist parties, leaders, and movements and the role of civil society are growing and increasingly fascinating. However, this is one of the areas within 'populism studies' that has received less attention. Exploring the links between populism and civil society opens up space for many possible avenues of research, rooted in different research traditions. This special issue, with a total of 10 papers, aims to deepen this increasingly important line of research, highlighting both lesser-described forms and examples of populism as well as dominant forms of populism in Europe, such as right-wing or left-wing populism. In this introduction, we aim to (1) outline the various links between populism and civil society and place them in the context of populism studies, and (2) summarise the papers in this issue and their main findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates over the difference between populism and nationalism have been at the forefront of political research on the far right in recent years. This paper aims to provide an empirical support for the claim that nationalism and populism are two distinct phenomena by analysing the articulations of both discourses in Vlaams Belang gender politics. In this perspective, this paper starts by presenting Benjamin De Cleen and Yannis Stavrakakis's discursive-theoretical distinction of populism and nationalism (De Cleen and Stavrakakis 2017, 2020), before to introduce the literature on far right gender politics. The contribution then analyses Vlaams Belang's gender discourses by mobilizing this theoretical framework in order to show how this distinction can help us identifying the different dimensions underlying contemporary far right gender discourses. The article concludes by suggesting new avenues for a better understanding of the various discursive strands composing far right politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article focuses on varying degrees a process of deindustrialization which, combining relocations, development of international subcontracting and financialization has led to a reclassification of territories. It mentions decline of the working class, appearance of industrial wastelands, rise of populism. It also mentions management sciences is also due to the fact that sub-disciplines have captured part of the deindustrialization by relating to categories.

In the last decade, there have been numerous studies on the rise, characteristics, and consequences of the emergence of populist parties in Western liberal democracies. However, most analyses of European populist parties have focused on the right-wing populist parties. Although some scholars have made valuable efforts to understand left-wing populism in Europe, these studies have paid attention to their ideological-organizational idiosyncrasies or the characteristics of their electoral bases. This paper aims to fill the gap in the economic and political contexts in which Radical Left Populist Parties have achieved significant electoral results putting into practice a fsQCA analysis and examining their uneven electoral performance in Europe. Following some previous work applying QCA techniques, this paper tests the theory on the importance of economic and political factors. Findings indicate that the electoral performance of radical left populism cannot be explained in a univocal way, highlighting the crucial role of equifinality in understanding this political phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an introduction to the special issue of the Athens Journal of Social Sciences on Politics. It includes six papers, which relate to various aspects of politics in today's democracies. The first paper examines populism in selecting political parties of the European Union (EU); the second explains a political experiment performed in USA; the third discusses the prospects of the 2022 elections in Brazil; the fourth states that democracies need leaders as this is the case with Israel; the fifth looks at a real threat to democracy which is radicalism and violence using the case of the Slovakian youth; and the last paper examines a case of primary elections of a Greek political party (PASOK). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws lessons from security and populism studies to theorize how radical right-wing populism (RRWP) utilizes borders as a symbolic resource in crisis narratives to clearly frame an "Us" and a threatening "Them". By analyzing the Hungarian Orbán regime's evolving rhetoric on borders, the paper illustrates how populists employ crisis narratives not to mitigate, but exacerbate ontological insecurities, and thereby facilitate de-democratization by (re)shaping voter attitudes (cf. Homolar & Scholz 2019; Steele & Homolar 2019). The paper suggests that populists-in-power rely on crisis and bordering narratives beyond voter mobilization: such narratives are in fact designed to legitimize and affirm illiberal practices that undermine liberal democracy itself, and contribute to regime building. Border crises, and crisis politics, hence become a template for the manipulation of individuals' security-of-being, and thereby a tool in the politics of reassurance and control at the broader, societal level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to identify the patterns of populists' tactics in foreign policy and to propose actionable recommendations to minimize the impacts of populism in Pakistan's foreign policy. International politics witnessed a surge in the rise of populist leaders all across the globe. The rise of populism is a new phenomenon with profound implications for state relations, and Pakistan is not an exception. This is non-experimental exploratory research employing qualitative data collection and analysis techniques. In line with Michael Zurn's analysis, this article assesses Pakistan's Foreign Policy in populist leaders' tenures. This paper delves into exploring the populism of Bhutto and Khan, and its impacts on Pakistan's foreign policy. The paper finds that Bhutto and Khan follow centralized foreign policy decision-making, employ populist Islamic and anti-west rhetoric, and poised foreign policy with their notorious political agendas. The paper recommends increasing public awareness and strengthening foreign policy-making institutions to minimize populist elements in foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines three attempts to build 'party unions' of the far right in Western Europe: the Vlaams Belang's creation of its own trade union organization in 2011, which folded after failing to develop a meaningful membership base; the Front National's creation of its own sectoral trade unions in the mid-1990s, which were disbanded following a series of court rulings; and the distinctive case of Zentrum Automobil as a pre-existing sector-specific workplace group with far-right roots founded in 2009, which leading figures from the radical nationalist wing of the Alternative for Germany subsequently tried to turn into a party-sponsored trade union until an incompatibility resolution of the party executive in 2021. All three cases point to the limits of party unionism in the face of institutional constraints as well as an internal tension between anti-(neo)corporatist populism – directed against the institutional power of established 'monopoly unions' – and a commitment to industrial peace as an extension of an organic national community. Drawing on post-foundational discourse theory, the paper proposes a discourse-analytic approach as a particularly fruitful avenue for examining these tensions and limitations as well as the dynamic interplay between the conflictual and regulated nature of industrial relations more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many citizens feel excluded from political decision-making, which, in their eyes, is dominated by an unresponsive political elite. Citizens with high populist attitudes perceive the world through a populist 'lens' and therefore yearn for more popular control and for 'the people' to be included in the political process. Participatory budgeting should be particularly suited to address populist demands due to the fact that it is focused on giving citizens actual influence on policy-making. However, so far, no study has examined the effect of participation in a democratic innovation on populist attitudes. This paper empirically assesses if and to what extent participation in a participatory budget affects populist attitudes, and whether citizens with high populist attitudes are affected differently than citizens with low populist attitudes. We analyze panel data on participants of four local participatory budgeting events in the Netherlands before and after participation and find that citizens with high populist attitudes decrease these attitudes significantly after participating in a participatory budget, whereas citizens with low populist attitudes are not significantly affected. Moreover, the significant difference in change between these two groups suggests that citizens with high populist attitudes go 'through the looking glass' and become less populist after participating in a participatory budget. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Leading to Australia's 2019 Federal election, then-Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, drew attention for posting images of him making family dinners on Facebook. These 'curry night' posts became the subject of media banter as he publicly cultivated his 'daggy-dad' persona. Assuming this behaviour was strategic, questions arise as to why. This paper considers theories of irrational appeals in political communication to interpret this behaviour. In doing so, it clarifies and operationalises 'politics of the gut', a nexus between populist politics and mediated authenticity. This paper tracks authenticity and populist appeals from Australian politicians on Facebook and gauges their efficacy by contrasting randomised and high-engagement samples. Results show these appeals were widespread but differed in configuration between candidates. Furthermore, during the sampled period, authenticity demonstrated increased engagement from users while populist appeals received decreased engagement, offering new perspectives on the efficacy of these communication styles on Facebook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]