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Drawing from the experience of the Limpopo River Basin in Mozambique, the paper analyses the articulation of a water rights framework in the context of decentralised river basin governance and IWRM-inspired reforms. The nexus between financial autonomy, service provision, stakeholder participation and the resultant allocation of water within the river basin is explored by scrutinising the newly instituted system of water permits and payments. Three cases are examined: (1) parastatal agencies managing large perimeters of irrigated land; (2) large-scale commercial companies irrigating land; and (3) so-called focal points representing groups of smallholder irrigators. The three presented cases show that structural challenges, local geographies and power relations shape the final outcome of water reforms in relation to decentralised river basin management, stakeholdersʼ participation and accountability. Rather than improving accountability to users and securing the financial basis for sustainable infrastructure operation and maintenance, the permit system in place reinforces existing inequalities.

This paper uses the water-reallocation scheme created within the National Water Act (1998) to analyze the impacts of water policy on farm livelihoods in South Africa. Based on one of the most water stressed catchments in the country, the Olifants river basin, we provide an integrated modeling approach combining water and agricultural modules to investigate the impacts of compulsory licensing and water market on crop production and investment made to improve water use efficiency. The model maximizes net farm profits and takes into account the characteristics of the agricultural sector in the region in classifying farmers between large-scale (LSFs) and emerging (EFs) groups, according to their land acreage, irrigation efficiency and historical heritage. Compulsory licensing is analyzed through curtailment of water-use rights from large-scale to emerging farmers. The water market is investigated to provide conditions under which farms trade water to complete their irrigation schedules. Our results show that, though compulsory licensing might promote a rise in emerging farmers and a re-balance of past riparian-based water allocation schemes, care should be given to the level of that curtailment rate in order to balance equity measures with efficiency objectives. Indeed, we found that the losses associated with water curtailment for LSFs are not entirely captured by the EFs. Therefore, beyond water policy, there are other factors, which also influence farms’ profits and water use efficiency. The results also demonstrate that a water market provides a good opportunity to increase water use efficiency. The introduction of water market induces LSFs with good water storage facilities a possibility to trade their remaining water-use rights. It also offers EFs an alternative to diversify their water supply sources when they encounter shortfalls in amount of water allocated.

While driving to the douar 1 Ait Ali in the agricultural plain of the Saïss in Morocco, we always passed by a fallow land plot of approximately 10 hectares. We passed this plot without noticing much, until the day we spotted a Syrian tube-well driller with a checked red scarf on his head and his drilling rig on the land. He attracted our attention and his presence, as well as the newly erected fence surrounding the plot, triggered many questions: Was this land recently bought? Who bought it? Why had the land been fenced? What would the Syrian tube-well digger do if he did not find any water? What if he would find water? We decided to pull over and to interview him. He told us that someone living in the nearby city of Meknes had recently bought the land. He showed us a little device with threads of different colours, which had helped him to locate the exact spot with the highest probability of finding water. When we asked him what would happen if he did not find any water he answered, ‘the owner will resell this plot, and he will most likely buy another one and will give it another chance. But if there is water he will plant fruit trees and build a packing station’. Indeed, over the two years that followed we observed how the recently enclosed land gradually changed. Fruit trees were planted, a drip irrigation system was installed, and a packing station was built.

International audience; This article proposes an analytical approach to conflicts and policy-making related to urban water management based on multi-level policy coalitions. This is necessary to articulate four main issues. First, the repositioning of social and political struggles for access to water, along with policy variables. Second, the analysis of the effects of ecological transition, including climate change. Third, the reincorporation of these struggles and challenges in a multi-level approach. Finally, the enquiry into the apparent contradiction, in contemporary policymaking. The article proposes a definition of multi-level coalitions as collective preference systems that influence the content of policies (ideas/advocacy, decisions, policy tools) and their implementation, groups of actors that arise from engagement in policy issues. In the first section, the article presents the objectives of research on urban water management in the Americas, within the framework of which this analytical approach by multi-level coalitions is fashioned. In the second section, the article details four analytical issues. In the third section, it gives a definition of multi-level coalitions.; Este artículo propone un abordaje analítico, basado en coaliciones de política multinivel, sobre conflictos y policy-making relacionados con el manejo urbano del agua. Esto es necesario en pos de articular cuatro asuntos principales. En primer lugar, el reposicionamiento de las luchas sociales y políticas por el acceso al agua, junto a variables políticas. Luego, el análisis de los efectos de la transición ecológica, incluyendo al cambio climático. Terceramente, la reincorporación de dichas luchas y desafíos al abordaje multinivel. Y por último, la evidente contradicción en la formulación contemporánea de políticas. El trabajo sugiere una definición de coaliciones multinivel: sistemas colectivos de preferencias que influencian el contenido de políticas (ideas/defensa, decisiones, herramientas políticas) y su implementación; grupos de actores que surgen al involucrarse con los asuntos políticos. En la primera sección, el artículo presenta los objetivos de la investigación en manejo urbano del agua en las Américas, dentro del marco de trabajo del abordaje de coaliciones multinivel. En la segunda parte, se detallan los cuatro temas analíticos previamente mencionados. Y en la sección final, el trabajo brinda una definición de las coaliciones multinive; Este artigo propõe uma abordagem analítica para conflitos e elaboração de políticas relacionadas com a gestão das águas urbanas com base em coligações políticas multi-nível. Isso é necessário para articular quatro questões principais: em primeiro lugar, o reposicionamento das lutas sociais e políticas para o acesso à água, juntamente com variáveis de políticas; em segundo lugar, a análise dos efeitos de transição ecológica, incluindo as alterações climáticas; em terceiro lugar, a reincorporação dessas lutas e os desafios no contexto de uma abordagem multi-nível, e por último, a pesquisa sobre a aparente contradição, na formulação de contemporânea de políticas. O artigo propõe uma definição de coalizões multi-níveis como sistemas de preferências coletivos que influenciam o conteúdo das políticas (ideias / defesa, decisões, instrumentos de políticas) e a respectiva implementação, grupos de atores que surgem de envolvimento em questões relacionadas com as políticas. Na primeira seção, o artigo apresenta os objetivos da pesquisa sobre a gestão das águas urbanas nas Américas, no marco conceitual no qual esta abordagem analítica por coalizões multi-nível é desenvolvida. Na segunda seção, o artigo detalha quatro questões analíticas. Na terceira seção, se apresenta uma definição de coalizões multi-nível.

[Departement_IRSTEA]Eaux [TR1_IRSTEA]GEUSI; International audience; Cet article propose un modèle visant à expliquer la diversité et l'évolution des principes qui structurent la gestion des services d'eau potable et d'assainissement à travers le monde. Il questionne un modèle purement évolutionniste, reconstitué à partir de travaux existants.Ce dernier suggère un sens dans l'évolution des modèles structurant la gestion sur les plans technique, financier et de gouvernance. L'analyse de trajectoires française, colombienne, sud africaine et ougandaise montre l'intérêt de compléter ce modèle par les travaux de Kingdon (1984) et Jabko (2009). Sans contester « le sens de l'histoire », le cadre proposé explique la persistance de combinaisons de principes de gestion diverses et parfois sous-optimales. En outre, ce travail met en évidence des mécanismes de changement fondés sur l'émergence de crises et le jeu de coalitions d'acteurs, au sein desquels l'ambiguïté joue un rôle fondamental.Ce cadre d'analyse explique enfin les limites de la transposition transnationale de modèles de gestion et peut donc être applicable à d'autres secteurs de l'action publique.

Pourquoi des politiques de privatisation apparemment très formatées ont-elles provoqué, en Amérique latine, d'amples mouvements de protestation dans certains cas et pas dans d'autres ? En comparant deux privatisations des services urbains d'eau potable, cet article met au jour des ajustements différenciés entre les anciens systèmes de normes et d'attente et les nouveaux systèmes de normes néolibéraux (accommodement normatif versus choc normatif). La nature de ces ajustements n'a toutefois pas dépendu d'un véritable travail politique de légitimation, mais de la capacité à superposer des normes demeurant étrangères les unes aux autres. Il convient dès lors de distinguer nettement la légitimité de l'acceptabilité, phénomène social caractéristique des contextes démocratiques de basse intensité.

L'irrigation concerne 18 % des terres cultivées et assure plus de 40 % de l'alimentation mondiale. Si la productivité à l'hectare de l'agriculture irriguée est plus élevée et plus régulière que celle de l'agriculture pluviale, l'irrigation est cependant plus contraignante à bien des égards : investissements élevés, charges de fonctionnement et de maintenance importantes, systèmes de cultures intensifs très dépendants des filières en amont (agrofournitures) et en aval (mise en marché), gestion collective souvent obligatoire, partage de l'eau devant être négocié avec les autres usagers. Ce numéro thématique fait état, de manière non exhaustive, des nouvelles problématiques de l'irrigation, des grandes évolutions en cours, de leurs enjeux et des problèmes qu'elles posent. A partir d'études de situations agraires localisées en Europe, en Asie, au Maghreb et en Afrique subsaharienne, trois grandes problématiques sont abordées : (i) l'innovation technique et l'amélioration des performances de l'agriculture irriguée ; (ii) les nouvelles formes de gestion de l'eau et des terres au sein des périmètres collectifs ; et (iii) les tensions autour de l'irrigation dans les territoires.

La politique de l'eau en France est en partie fondée sur des dispositifs incitatifs. Leur objectif est de favoriser l'application du droit de l'eau par les usagers. En dépit de résultats positifs dans certains domaines, cette politique n'a pas permis de réduire à la source les pollutions d'origine agricole. L'Etat se trouve dans une situation délicate car les agriculteurs refusent d'une part de payer davantage pour la dépollution et d'autre part de modifier significativement leur pratiques afin de réduire les pollutions. The water policy in France is partially based on incentive devices. Their objective is to favor the application of the right of the water by the users. In spite of positive results in certain domains, this policy did not allow to reduce to the source the pollutions of agricultural origin. The State is in a delicate situation because the farmers refuse on one hand to pay more for the cleanup and on the other hand to modify significantly them practices to reduce pollutions.

Establishing water rights is an appealing measure, which conveys a sense of orderliness and rationality that contrasts with a situation of assumed wastage, environmental degradation and con.icts. Transferable entitlements increase economic efficiency, while providing a compensation mechanism. The paper distinguishes between formal rights de.ned through a bureaucratic process and flexible allocation rules designed through a gradual and continuous process of negotiation. It investigates the prerequisites, advantages and drawbacks of these two kinds of water rights, and examines how they apply to the specific natural and historical conditions of Sri Lanka. It concludes by showing that policy models must be tailored to the local situation and be based on what is feasible rather than on what is considered desirable.