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Keith Harper writes in 'The Guardian': from today the club for banning the use of the words "moderate" and "militant" has been formed and I am the first member. As examples of trite terminology in trade union politics they take some beating. They are frequently bandied about in the press and elsewhere as convenient shorthand terms to describe what are generally held to be the goodies and baddies in the trade union movement.

La violencia de género contra las mujeres sólo puede ser comprendida en el marco de relaciones desiguales generadas por un modelo económico, social y político sustentado por el orden patriarcal. El presente trabajo recupera los resultados del estudio sobre Percepción de las Organizaciones Sociales sobre la Violencia Contra las Mujeres y la Participación en Políticas de Prevención, Sanción y Erradicación. Tuvo como objetivo conocer la valoración de los movimientos sociales sobre la violencia contra las mujeres y la percepción de estos actores sobre las políticas públicas implementadas sobre esta problemática. El estudio tuvo enfoque cuantitativo, de corte transversal, con análisis descriptivo a partir de encuestas a dirigentes de movimientos de mujeres, feministas, campesinos, sindicales, urbanos, de la infancia y la adolescencia, LGTBI y estudiantil en el periodo 2013-2016. Las conclusiones muestran: alto grado de conocimiento por parte de las organizaciones sociales sobre la violencia contra las mujeres; conocimiento de la existencia de políticas públicas para enfrentar la violencia contra las mujeres. Identifican además la ineficiencia de las políticas al momento de responder efectivamente con medidas para la prevención, sanción y erradicación de la violencia. Incorporan entre sus agendas, demandas relacionadas a la prevención de la violencia, y proponen asistencia social, psicológica y jurídica para enfrentar este flagelo.

Trade unions and industrial relations (IR) are central to twentieth century British History and the larger political conflicts of the Cold War. Yet, biographies of major trade union leaders are few and far between these days. Indeed, there is a danger that political historians lose the entire, now arcane industrial language of collective bargaining (shop stewards, industry bargaining, unofficial strikes and so on); without which it becomes impossible to understand an IR and political world that has largely passed. So, it is very welcome to have these two new studies. For Ernest Bevin and Walter Citrine, seen together, are crucial to understanding the rise of British trade unions to national prominence, between 1918 and 1945. ‘They were the two most remarkable leaders that the British trade union movement has ever produced’, according to Hugh Clegg (1994, p. 113; see too 1985, p. 551). And they made their decisive contribution to a distinctive and pioneering British social democratic IR long before the election of the 1945 Labour Government.

Conditionality, among other aspects, determines that the regulatory development of the countries that make up the European Union can be carried out, as is usual in the social sphere, without the intervention, or at least minimally, of the workers’ representatives and entrepreneurs, and also from other political formations in the legislative field. Logically, this absence of social or political participation can promote response actions against them, either traditional (strikes, demonstrations, withdrawal of parliamentary support in adoption of legislative measures etc.), or new types (spontaneous concentrations in public places, general assemblies of citizens without a defined convener, appearance of social and political formations of less visible typology, or other similar ones). The financial crisis unleashed at the end of 2007 and the one derived from the health emergency situation due to the global spread of Covid-19, at the beginning of 2020, have precisely encouraged the use of conditionality in the European Union space. However, the way in which conditionality has been developed in one and another crisis in the Spanish State can be said that it has not been identical. Neither have been the reactions of social and political subjects, because if in the first crisis these subjects have experienced a reduction in their functions of participation or intervention in legislative action and in the proposal of political actions, in the second the possibilities of action have been much more significant, and also their contribution to efforts to overcome the crisis situation.

La Constitución de Kenia de 2010, su Ley de relaciones laborales de 2007, su Ley de empleo de 2007, junto con varios otros estatutos laborales, están diseñados para facilitar el establecimiento de sindicatos de empleadores/empleados que desempeñan un papel importante en la salvaguardia de los derechos/intereses sociales, políticos y económicos de sus miembros. Los empleadores y los empleados generalmente necesitan un entorno propicio para realizar sus tareas diarias. Últimamente, sin embargo, la continua interferencia de las maquinarias políticas y estatales en el desarrollo de las actividades sindicales ha resultado ser la base de disputas internas regulares entre la dirección y los empleados de varias instituciones en Kenia. Por ejemplo, el Sindicato Nacional de Docentes de Kenia ha acusado en varias ocasiones a la Comisión del Servicio de Docentes ya los políticos de sabotear los asuntos del sindicato. Por lo tanto, este documento evalúa el marco constitucional y legal que regula el establecimiento y registro de sindicatos en Kenia. Además, con la ayuda de pronunciamientos judiciales, analiza el impacto de la política y la burocracia en el ejercicio del derecho a la libertad de asociación, elemento esencial para la supervivencia de los sindicatos en Kenia. Por último, el documento propone medidas que deben tomarse para contrarrestar la amenaza que representan las partes externas en el desarrollo de las actividades sindicales. The Constitution of Kenya, 2010, the Labour Relations Act, 2007, and the Employment Act, 2007, along with several other labour statutes, are designed to facilitate the establishment of employer-employee unions that play a significant role in safeguarding the social, political, and economic rights/interests of their registered members. Employers and employees generally need a conducive environment to perform their daily duties. Of late, however, continuous interference from political and state machineries in the running of union activities has proved to be a bedrock for regular internal disputes between the management and employees of various institutions in the country. For instance, the Kenya National Union of Teachers has accused, on several occasions, the Teachers Service Commission and politicians of sabotaging the affairs of the union. This paper, therefore, aims to evaluate the constitutional and legal framework regulating the establishment and registration of trade unions in Kenya. Besides, with the aid of judicial pronouncements, it analyses the impact of politics and bureaucracy in exercising the right to freedom of association, an essential element in the survival of trade unions in Kenya. Finally, the paper proposes measures to counter the threat posed by external parties in running trade union activities.

En este artículo se analizan los recursos movilizados por las organizaciones sindicales y sus posibilidades de revitalización en Argentina desde la asunción del presidente Macri, líder de una alianza de derecha a fines del 2015. El artículo se estructura en tres secciones: la primera desarrolla el enfoque de recursos de poder, la segunda describe el modelo sindical, y la tercera, las movilizaciones e interacciones entre sindicatos, movimientos sociales y partidos políticos durante 2015-2019. Se identifican dos subperíodos, uno de predominio de poder social y el otro de poder asociativo. Concluimos que las movilizaciones y trayectorias de acción colectiva mostraron unidad de acción entre partidos, sindicatos tradicionales como la Confederación General del Trabajo de la República de Argentina (CGT) y la Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina (CTA), y otro colectivo más reciente como la Confederación de Trabajadores de la Economía Popular (CTEP), abriendo el plano político. This article analyses the resources deployed by trade union organizations and their potential to be revitalized in Argentina since the election of President Macri, the leader of a right-wing alliance at the end of 2015. The article is structured in three sections: the first develops the power resources approach, the second describes the trade union model, and the third, the mobilizations and interactions between trade unions, social movements and political parties during 2015-2019. Two sub-periods are identified, one of social power predominance and the other of associative power. We conclude that the mobilizations and trajectories of collective action showed unity of action between parties, traditional trade unions such as the General Confederation of Labor of the Republic of Argentina (CGT) and the Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina (CTA), and another more recent group such as the Confederation of Workers of the Popular Economy (CTEP). This opened up the political plane. Este artigo analisa os recursos mobilizados pelas organizações sindicais e suas possibilidades de revitalização na Argentina desde a posse do Presidente Macri, líder de uma aliança de direita no final de 2015. O artigo está estruturado em três seções: a primeira desenvolve a perspectiva de recursos de poder, a segunda descreve o modelo sindical e a terceira, as mobilizações e interações entre sindicatos, movimentos sociais e partidos políticos entre 2015 e 2019. São identificados dois subperíodos, um de predominância do poder social e outro do poder associativo. Concluímos que as mobilizações e trajetórias da ação coletiva mostraram unidade de ação entre partidos, sindicatos tradicionais como a Confederação Geral do Trabalho da República Argentina (CGT) e a Central de Trabalhadores da Argentina (CTA), e outro coletivo mais recente como a Confederação de Trabalhadores da Economia Popular (CTEP), abrindo o plano político. Fil: Senen Gonzalez, Cecilia Irene. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

The Army as Internment: Forms of the Repression During the Martial Law in the Years 1982-1983 Against Activists of the Anticommunist Opposition Placed in Military Special Camps (Part I) The work focuses its issues on one of the repression forms used in the martial law introduced on 13th December 1981 to pacify the society which tried to change the fossilised communist system through activity in the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarity”. It was not a new solution in the Polish People’s Republic – just after the Second World War the communist authority drafted into “alternative military service” opponents of sovietisation of the country, directing them to forced labour in mines. Fearing a social rebellion before the second anniversary of the independent trade union registration, communist authorities interned in military special camps, functioning in Poland from 5 November 1982 to 3 February 1983, 1450 trade union activists and members of the political parties unaccepted by communists. 264 younger colleagues of these people were drafted into the basic military service lasting two years in three units intended for this purpose.

El presente trabajo es un primer acercamiento analítico a la revista Magisterio del SNTE; basado en la propuesta de Revistas Culturales e Historia Intelectual, y traza los siguientes objetivos: explicar la posición política de la publicación frente a los acontecimientos nacionales-mexicano- e internacionales a finales de la década de 1950 hasta el año de 1971. En cuanto a los nacionales se analizan los movimientos sindicales y la posición del SNTE de dicho movimiento; las manifestaciones de la derecha reaccionaria a la política educativa del presidente Adolgo López Mateos y su secretario de Educación Pública, el intelectual Jaime Torres Bodet; en el contexto internacional expongo la posición política de Magisterio respecto a la Guerra Fría y la Revolución cubana. Por último, esta investigación observa específicamente las inflexiones, las tensiones políticas, educativas y sindicales subyacentes y veladas en la publicación mensual, las cuales nos dan vistazos de cómo una revista afiliada al gobierno contiene fisuras respecto a la línea política y educativa con la que fue creada.

This article analyzes how engagement in legitimation politics in Australia and New Zealand has enabled unions to influence the industrial relations policy process. It demonstrates how enhanced moral legitimacy with the wider public positively impacts unions’ pragmatic legitimacy with governing political parties. Drawing on Grant’s insider–outsider typology, we show how enhanced legitimacy can increase unions’ power resources as insider groups with center‐left and, to a lesser extent, center‐right governing parties, which can enable greater influence over industrial relations policy.

In this study, the author focuses on clear viewpoints about Vietnam Trade Unions and grassroots Trade Unions organized in state agencies, political organizations, socio-political organizations, professional socio-political organizations, professional social organizations, establishments, enterprises, cooperatives, other organizations employing workers as prescribed by labor laws and regulations, foreign agencies, organizations, international organizations operating in the Vietnamese territory. The grassroots trade union is responsible for implementing the following tasks: propagating and mobilizing workers to improve their qualifications, skills, careers, and law observance; Protecting the legal and legitimate rights and interests of employees; Participating in state management, socio-economic management, inspection, examination and supervision of activities of state agencies, organizations, units and enterprises; developing membership; building strong grassroots trade unions and participating in Party building. From these above goals, the author uses scientific research methods such as analysis and synthesis, interpretation and inductive, abstracting and generalization, logic, and history, history, and comparison to come to the conclusion proposed to the work of the Vietnam Trade Union at the current grassroots level.

The article examines the ways and methods of digital mobilization of citizens for protest marches in the cities of the Russian Federation (for example, the city of Pskov) on January 23 and 31, 2021. The research issue is the need to understand the system of digital mobilization — from campaigning to the transition to collective, public action.As part of the study, an expert interview was conducted among the organizers of rallies, the regional establishment, party workers, and trade union activists. The monitoring of protest groups in social networks (VKontakte, Telegram, Instagram) was also carried out for the tonality of information and the mechanisms for mobilizing citizens presented. They also used the method of observing the process of transition from digital mobilization to collective action and directly following the protest processions themselves.During the analysis, the author concludes that social media is a key channel of communication and consolidation of protest activity, with the social networks VKontakte and Telegram playing the main role in Russian political practice. In this connection, conclusions are drawn about the possibility of political management of protests using an information strategy aimed at stopping negative information labels and media occasions on VKontakte and Telegram, as well as developing an alternative protest agenda.

The insider-outsider politics approach conjectures that moderate unions and centre-left parties safeguard the interests of insiders and neglect outsiders in labour market reforms. This article challenges this hypothesis. By comparing the positions taken by centre-left parties and moderate union confederations during labour market reforms in Portugal and Spain (1975–2019), it shows that while they may indeed protect insiders, they sometimes do the opposite. To explain this, the article argues that more attention must be paid to the configuration of left parties and confederations. In Portugal, where communist and radical left parties were strong, the centre-left was afraid of losing outsiders’ electoral support, and thus it did not follow a pro-insider strategy. This was reinforced by the fact that the centre-left had to face the opposition of a strong class-oriented confederation that was not willing to commit to two-tier reforms. This was not what happened in Spain. The centre-left, supported by a union confederation, undertook a two-tier reform in 1984 because there was a different configuration of left parties and confederations. Notwithstanding, this was not a stable equilibrium because this confederation changed its position over time when it realized the negative consequences of these reforms. Henceforth, their strategy became more pro-outsider.

From 1919 to 1923, Barcelona experienced unprecedented levels of social conflict. The growth of the anarcho-syndicalist National Confederation of Labour (CNT) had awakened the spectre of social revolution among the city's conservative classes, and a broad constellation of reactionary forces lined up against it, the Sindicatos Libres (free trade unions) being the most formidable among them. Created in 1919 by Catholic workers, the Sindicatos Libres were able to capitalize on the exhaustion that had set in among certain working-class groups who had grown wary of reckless strike action. Using violence to fight back against the CNT, the Libres could claim 175,000 members by mid-1922. They mobilized the religious, corporatist, and regionalist sentiments harboured by sectors of the city's workforce and, by adopting a modern repertoire of action, they bypassed the traditional aversion to mass mobilization that had characterized the Catholic labour movement and Spanish conservative parties until then. In many ways, the ideology and tactics of the Libres adumbrated fascism, but their success was short-lived. In late 1922, an upswing in strike action and an abatement of state repression allowed the CNT to recover at the expense of the Libres. This article explores the rise and fall of an organization the study of which has been neglected, situating it in a European context of political polarization whereby the traditional right attempted to modernize its tactics and adapt them to a rising challenge from the revolutionary left. It will also serve as a window through which to examine the complex relationship between workers’ trade union affiliations and their political and cultural identity.

The paper investigates the norms of laws on trade unions of the states of the Eurasian Economic Union, with respect to international labor standards, in the context of the problems of freedom of association in a comparative legal aspect. In this regard, trade union monopolies (Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan) are challenging the provision of the independence of trade unions in a number of countries of the Eurasian Economic Union. The paper concludes that there is a significant inconsistency, in particular, Art. 11-15 of the Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan No. 211-V "On Trade Unions" and Art. 7-12 of a new Law (draft) of the Kyrgyz Republic "On Trade Unions" to the principles of Art. 2 and 11 of the ILO Convention No. 87. The paper examines the trends associated with the expansion of some trade union rights in terms of their relationship with civil rights and freedoms and international labor standards. On this basis, it is concluded that in international legal acts, trade union rights are considered as a complex legal institution containing norms related to civil and political rights, to economic, social and cultural rights.

Communities of publics where citizens together develop informed opinion as basis for political decisions is crucial to democracy; and adult education can contribute vitally to such communities. This was argued by two critical social scientists, Charles Wright Mills and Oskar Negt. Researching and writing in different situations and drawing on different traditions, they voiced many of the same concerns about the inequalities and contradictions of modern capitalist societies. Mills and Negt argued that citizens and publics need to grasp the interrelations between society at large and individual lives and troubles. It is also necessary to transgress the immediate reality and its options, to imagine how societies and lives could take different turns, both in negative and positive directions. This article makes a case that imaginative fiction literature can help critical social science and adult education in promoting such social imagination.

The history and iconography of trade union banners has been surprisingly under-explored since it was first taken seriously as a subject of study in the early 1970s. The nostalgia evident in these early accounts for an age that seemed to contemporaries then to be fleeting seems particularly incongruous given the more recent reinvigoration of the trade union demonstration. This article seeks to redress the balance by focusing on the Follonsby miners’ lodge banner. First unveiled in 1928, in a pit village on the northern edge of Durham coalfield in northeast England, the Follonsby miners’ banner was later hailed as a foremost candidate for the most revolutionary trade union banner in British history. This unsubstantiated claim is important in itself, as mass trade unionism in Britain is characterized by moderation and a reluctance to engage in radical politics; an observation that broadly stands for the influential British coal miners’ unions and, more specifically, for the miners of the Durham coalfield itself.The article's argument has both narrow and broad dimensions. Narrowly, it argues that the Follonsby banner has a strong claim to be regarded as the most revolutionary in Britain, albeit with “revolutionary” understood in certain theoretical and context-specific ways. The broader argument develops the claim that the iconography of the Follonsby banner is more significant for what the process of interrogating its “revolutionary” credentials reveals about the complexities of the political culture of the mainstream British Left in the twentieth century and after. In this broader respect, the Follonsby banner—iconography, birth, life, purgatory, and rebirth—is more important for its curious representatives rather than its individuated existence as an “extreme revolutionary” outlier.

This paper focuses on the ideology and discourses of Tekstil İṣçileri Sendikası (the Textile Workers’ Union, Tekstil) in Turkey to highlight some of the specific visions of the organized labor for an emancipatory gender politics during the 1970s. This history of intersection between gender and working-class organizing has been overlooked by the Left scholarship on the one hand and liberal feminist scholarship on the other. This paper addresses this gap in the literature by highlighting gender and class concurrently throughout the history of the transformation of gender politics in labor organizations. The history of the simultaneous development of gender-related policies in Tekstil/DİSK and TEKSİF/Türk-İṣ reveals an unexplored aspect of the contentious dynamic between rival labor organizations. Between 1975–1980, the politics of gender became another pillar in trade union competition. Following the transnational influences in this transformation, this paper highlights a forgotten period of labor organizing and locates it within the history of labor and women's movements at the national and global scale.

[Invitation to dialogue and discussion about class and equality from the journal Arkiv ] As a start to what we hope will be a whole series of articles on the subject, this issue features a newly written article on the concept of class written by one of the participants in the Swedish trade union policy institute Katalys’s class project, Mikael Stigendal. Within the project he has contributed to the book Klass i Sverige. Ojamlikheten, makten och politiken i det 21:a arhundradet (Arkiv forlag 2021, “Class in Sweden. Inequality, power, and politics in the 21st century”) with a study of the city of Malmo. Stigendal’s new article emerged from discussions in connection with the class project but was outside its main focus. The journal Arkiv is now eagerly awaiting more reflections on the class theme that has attracted so much attention in recent years. Whether contributions are analytical, conceptual, empirical, methodological, pragmatic or theoretical matters less. The editors are of course looking for articles with class and quality. Citation: Editorial (2021) “Tidskriften Arkiv bjuder in till dialog och diskussion om klass och jamlikhet”, in Arkiv. Tidskrift for samhallsanalys , issue 13, pp. 7–10. https://doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.13.F

This article examines how the Swedish idea of collective wage-earner funds was received and discussed in Finland in the 1970s and 1980s, especially by the Social Democrats and the trade union movement. The initial proposal entailed profit-sharing with workers and would have made the trade unions co-owners of private enterprise. The Finnish Social Democrats were influenced by the proposal but devised a more moderate idea for company-specific ‘cooperation funds’. The Swedish debate was interpreted in Finland as a cautionary tale of too radical demands causing severe political and labour market conflicts. In negotiations with Finnish employers and bourgeois parties, the idea was further modified into voluntary ‘personnel funds,’ which in effect meant a possibility for personal bonus payments and stock-saving for employees in profitable firms. The outcome was closer to traditional bourgeois and employer ideas of people’s capitalism than to social democratic ideas of ‘economic democracy,’ which had justified the wage-earner fund proposal.

Critically assessing the role and influence of trade unions on occupational health and safety (OHS), and tracing their contribution to OHS discourse, is here examined through the lens of history in Britain positioned relative to international experience. The idea of trade union neglect of OHS is challenged through study of the historic role of trade unions and the more recent experience (since the 1970s) of unions' growing interest in OHS whilst simultaneously experiencing a sharp decline in membership and the adverse impact of this disempowerment on OHS standards. Acknowledging the politics of gender shows British unions neglected occupational health and embodiment issues that impacted upon women as workers. Robust and compelling evidence from the mid-twentieth century - that unions were a powerful countervailing force to workplace dangers, as key sentinels shielding workers' bodies - is followed by evidence of increasing occupational illnesses in the period of union decline and precarious work from c. 1980. The article urges more critical reflection on trade unions as actors and as a voice in the OHS discourse.

Ideological connections between the state, political systems and industrial relations have long been important. But the influence of the structural nature of a country's political system on trade union membership, coverage and influence has been largely overlooked. We uniquely theorize three channels through which a political system can shape unionization in the workplace independent of ideology: incentives for inclusionary governance, legislative body composition and policy enactment. Empirically, we use multiple European datasets to test the relationship between political and employee representation using multivariate analyses across more than 25 countries. We find that increased political representativeness, measured by lower disproportionality and the presence of multiparty coalitions, is a statistically significant predictor of a greater likelihood of individual trade union membership, coverage and influence, while competitive fragmentation, measured by greater numbers of political parties, is associated with weakened collective voice.

This study explores the way in which the notion of competing constitutionalisms illustrates and explains the evolution of Poland’s institutional landscape during and following the transition from communist rule. The paper considers the impact of variants of constitutionalism on constitution-making processes. While recent threats to the rule of law in Poland illustrate challenges to the consolidation of democratic constitutionalism several decades after political transformation, this paper traces processes by which citizens and political elites accept or reject the legitimacy of proposed constitutional frameworks, institutions and norms. The constitution-drafting project supported by the Solidarność trade union facilitates an original and comparative examination of these topics. Applying the concept of competing constitutionalisms to the analysis of previously unstudied archival, text, narrative interview and survey data, the study exposes the tension between the politics of constitution making on the one hand, and the symbolic, substantive and axiological aspects of constitutionalism on the other. Este artículo examina la manera en que la noción de constitucionalismos en competencia ilustra y explica la evolución del panorama institucional de Polonia durante y después de la etapa comunista. El artículo toma en consideración el impacto de variaciones del constitucionalismo en los procesos constitucionales. Si bien las amenazas recientes al constitucionalismo, décadas después de la transformación política, este artículo rastrea los procesos por los cuales la sociedad y las élites políticas aceptan o rechazan la legitimidad de los marcos constitucionales y sus instituciones y normas El proyecto de redacción de un borrador de constitución apoyado por el sindicato Solidarność favorece un examen original y comparativo de esos temas. Al aplicar el concepto de constitucionalismos en competencia al análisis de datos de archivo, texto, narrativa de entrevistas y encuestas, el estudio pone de manifiesto la tensión entre las políticas de elaboración constitucional, por un lado, y los aspectos simbólicos, sustantivos y axiológicos del constitucionalismo, por el otro. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1142

Voting analyses have documented how, behind worldwide successes of populist parties, lies growing support from manual workers, even those who are unionised. This reflects changes in political supply and demand, with manual workers frustrated by high costs they have paid in past years and disenchanted by the political vacuum left by traditionally pro-labour parties that had long given voice to their needs. What role do unions play? Can they still influence the voting of their declining but still more or less substantial membership? What are their narratives and organisational strategies on epochal challenges like immigration and EU integration? How can their sense of solidarity, universalism and labour internationalism cope with the growing fears, chauvinism and nationalism of a significant proportion of the working class? This article examines these questions from the perspective of Italy, using empirical data and qualitative insights on the partial success of union action. We conclude that there remains substantial potential for unions, through appropriate political choices, discursive strategies and socialisation with their members, to stem xenophobic and nationalistic inclinations in the world of work.

This article examines rank-and-file organizing in Windsor’s automobile factories during the 1970s. In particular, I look at the history of two organizations: Workers’ Unity and the New Tendency’s Auto Worker Group. I demonstrate how these groups were part of the North American New Left’s broader turn toward Marxism and the working class that contributed to the emergence of radical rank-and-file movements that challenged both management and bureaucratized trade union leaders. In Windsor, New Left auto workers embraced forms of autonomist Marxist politics concerned primarily with working-class self-activity at the point of production, and these activists formed connections with influential theorists and organizations in Detroit and Italy. Putting these intellectual exchanges into action, the rank-and-file organizations in Windsor used direct action in an attempt to improve working conditions and develop a radical culture of democracy on the shop floor. Although these groups were relatively short lived, their history tells us much about the trajectory of the New Left in Canada and the ways that former student activists grappled with the radical potential of 1970s working-class militancy., Cet article examine l’organisation de base dans les usines automobiles de Windsor au cours des années 1970. En particulier, je prends en considération l’histoire de deux organisations: Workers’ Unity et le New Tendency’s Auto Worker Group. Je démontre comment ces groupes faisaient partie du virage plus large de la Nouvelle gauche nord-américaine vers le marxisme et la classe ouvrière qui a contribué à l’émergence de mouvements radicaux de base qui ont défié à la fois la direction et les dirigeants syndicaux bureaucratisés. À Windsor, les travailleurs de l’automobile de la Nouvelle Gauche ont adopté des formes de politique marxiste autonomiste principalement préoccupées par l’auto-activité de la classe ouvrière au point de production, et ces activistes ont établi des liens avec des organisations et théoriciens influents à Détroit et en Italie. Pour mettre ces échanges intellectuels en action, les organisations de base de Windsor ont utilisé l’action directe pour tenter d’améliorer les conditions de travail et de développer une culture radicale de la démocratie dans les ateliers. Bien que ces groupes aient été de courte durée, leur histoire nous en dit beaucoup sur la trajectoire de la Nouvelle Gauche au Canada et sur la manière dont les anciens activistes étudiants ont lutté avec le potentiel radical du militantisme ouvrier des années 1970.

Born in 1952, Professor of sciences of education at the University of Picardie Jules Verne (Amiens, France), Bruno Poucet is a French renowned historian of education in France. He has conducted and realized various researches on education (and their interactions with politics) in contemporary France. He worked on the history of education policies of the French ‘Fifth Republic’ (founded in 1958 by Charles de Gaulle) at the national level and in the Picardie region - where he lives and works. He is interested in the history of secondary and higher education, private sector of education, school secularism (called in France «laïcité») and the teaching and curriculum of philosophy. Eclectic in his areas of interest, he has also been deeply committed in the functioning of the French education system. He has been a long-time teachers’ union deputy leader at the CFDT (currently the major trade union in France). In 2011, he has created the CAREF research unit (Centre Aménois de Recherche en Éducation et en Formation, specialized in educational studies), at the University of Picardie Jules Verne.He has kindly accepted to be interviewed by Ismail Ferhat, Associate professor at the University of Picardie Jules Verne (CAREF research Unit/Teachers training school of Amiens), for the review Espacio, Tiempo y Educación, in spite of the difficult sanitary situation in France, in April 2020.

The main directions (kinds) of the public movements for the protection of human rights in Ukraine and other states of the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in the period of 1989–1991 are analyzed. The employment of an interdisciplinary approach allowed to study the influence of these movements on the change of the social consciousness and on the increase of patriotic and opposition sentiments in the society. It is indicated that such movements appeared in different spheres of the society life and had dissimilar intensity. In particular, in the article, the following most significant directions of the public movements are being analyzed, which took place, in fact, in all CEE countries including Ukraine: Helsinki Human Rights Movement; youth movements aimed at fighting for democracy and the state independence as well as the protection of rights for education; public movements for protection of religious, ecological, and employment rights (labor and trade union movements).The political and legal analysis conducted demonstrates that the new public movements and public organizations in their first years of activity did not always have the directly protesting or clearly oppositional character. The conditions imposed by them concerned rather enhancement of the rights and freedoms, limitation of the state intrusion into particular spheres of life, improvement of the conditions of the social and political development, etc. Nevertheless, with the flow of time, such public movements in different spheres of public life very often gained political and opposing character. As a result, the conclusion has been made that the indicated movements have played the key role in the realization of antitotalitarian revolutions, the overthrow of totalitarianism, and building the new democratic regimens in the CEE countries. The development of the public movements for the protection of human rights in Ukraine in the period of 1989-1991 was aimed at preserving the identity, which contributed to the formation of the liberation movement in the struggle for independence of Ukraine and its withdrawal from the USSR.

Brazilian Labour reform Law no. 13.467, promulgated on July 13, 2017, made the 1931 corporatist mandatory trade union dues (contribuicao sindical) voluntary by amending art. 578 of the Consolidation of Labor Laws (CLT). The political justification for this change was to eliminate a legally-imposed and universal contribution that resulted ultimately in complacent and often unrepresentative unions. The normative justification was the incompatibility between the obligatory contribution and the n...

The recent global economic crisis and the concomitant austerity policy responses exacerbated the position of organized labor, both in terms of inequality in resource allocation and ideological backlash consolidated in the rise of reactionary politics. Resting upon a variety of data (ethnography, administrative data, collective agreements, press material) collected from Greek shipbuilding and ship repairing industry, we reconstruct a case of radical political unionism dealt with employer hostility and escalating far right violence. Despite the inconsistencies noticed, the Trade Union of Metal Workers of Attica and the Shipbuilding Industry of Greece (TUMW) demonstrated an exemplary resilience as regards far right counter-hegemonic practices. However vivid the far right activism might appear, it proved incapable of shaping a nationalist labor union that would dislocate TUMW. This paper tells the story of a battle against social injustice and right-wing extremism and its wider importance for the Greek and global labor movement.

Küreselleşme süreci ülkelere ekonomik, siyasal ve sosyal alanlarda değişim ve dönüşüm yaşatmış ve yaşatmaktadır. Ülkelerin sosyal politikaları ve çalışma ilişkileri kurumları da küreselleşmenin yaşatmış olduğu bu dönüşümden fazlasıyla etkilenmektedir. Küreselleşme süreci ile birlikte ortaya çıkan yeni üretim ve yönetim teknikleri sebebiyle endüstri ilişkilerinin en önemli aktörlerinden biri olan sendikalar için olumsuz bir ortam oluşmuştur. Nitekim süreçte etkinliği artan çok uluslu şirketlerin artık yerel olarak örgütlenmektense uluslar üstü örgütlenmeye gittikleri görülmektedir. Sendikaların en önemli gücü olan toplu ses mekanizması ve küresel boyutta örgütlenme istekleri sanayi devriminin yaşandığı yıllardan beri mevcuttur. Fakat günümüzde sendikaların bu isteklerini sadece küresel düzeyde bir üst örgüt çatısı altında örgütlenmekle sınırlı olarak gerçekleştirdiklerini söylemek mümkündür. Küresel üst sendikal örgütler sadece çalışma hayatındaki işçi ve işveren arasındaki sorunlarla ilgilenmenin yanı sıra toplumsal hayattaki diğer dezavantajlı grupların sorunlarına da odaklanmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın temel amacı ETUC’un küreselleşme sürecindeki dönüşümünü incelemektir. Küreselleşme sürecinde ETUC’da çeşitli değişim ve dönüşümler geçirmiştir. ETUC’un amacı Avrupa düzeyindeki işçi hareketlerinin koordine olmasını sağlamak ve bu işçi hareketlerini tek bir çatı altında örgütlemektir. Bu amacını sürdürürken bölgesel bir güç olma etkinliğini de sürdürmektedir. Bu çalışmada ETUC’un küreselleşme sürecinde geçirmiş olduğu değişimler aktarılarak, günümüzde ETUC’un örgütlenme stratejisi irdelenecektir., The process of globalization has and has given countries change and transformation in economic, political and social fields.The social policies and labor relations institutions of the countries are also affected by this transformation of globalization. Due to the new production and management techniques that emerged with the globalization process, a negative environment emerged for the trade unions, one of the most important actors in industrial relations. As a matter of fact, it is seen that the multinational companies whose effectiveness is increasing in the process are now going to transnational organization rather than being organized locally. The collective voice mechanism, which is the most important power of the unions, and the aspirations to organize on a global scale have existed since the years of the industrial revolution. However, it is possible to say that today, unions have fulfilled these demands only by being organized under the umbrella of a higher organization on a global level. Global top trade union organizations focus not only on the problems between workers and employers in working life, but also on the problems of other disadvantaged groups in social life. The main purpose of this study is to examine the role of the ETUC in the European Union. During the globalization process, ETUC has undergone various changes and transformations. The aim of the ETUC is to ensure the coordination of workers ‘movements at European level and to organize these workers’ movements under one roof. While maintaining this aim, it continues to be a regional power. In this study, the changes of the ETUC in the globalization process will be discussed and the organization strategy of ETUC will be tried to be determined.

Globally there are a lot of developments and changes happening in the tourism industry affecting the traditional business operations and with a serious effect on employment relations patterns. Trade unions have been at the receiving end owing to these changes. New forms of employment coupled with other changes have adversely affected the ability of trade unions to effectively organize. While union strength is measured by a number of aspects, membership remains the main indicator of union power. In this article, we examine the organizing challenges faced by the Trade Unions in the Hospitality Industry of Zimbabwe. We employ a qualitative study utilizing a sample of 80 respondents drawn from union officials (10), shop stewards (40) and management representatives (30). The study reveals that the unions face a myriad of challenges ranging from lack of resources to effectively organize and support all initiatives in place, political persecution affecting member perceptions, lack of management support, destroying all union efforts as well as changing demographics and employment conditions among other challenges. We maintain that the survival of a trade union depends primarily on its ability to organize workers. We advance the argument that the industry is not immune to the developments and changes happening in the contemporary world of work and for unions to survive they have to co-evolve. We conclude that the identified challenges can actually be opportunities for the trade unions.

This article examines the evolution of the Autonomous Union of the Vine (Sindicato Autónomo de la Vid [SAVID]), a radical wine industry union that operated in the Jerez area (Spain) between 1979 and 1987. The SAVID was born as a result of a series of internal conflicts and splits in the trade union Unión Sindical Obrera (USO), which was founded by Christian groups that were influenced by self-management ideas in the province of Cádiz during the 1970s. Drawing on the life stories of two union members, this article analyzes the creation, evolution, and decline of the SAVID labor union of the sherry wine industry in the Jerez area, which can be categorized as a paradigmatic case of “militant particularism.” The biographical narratives of the union members make the identification and analysis of factors involved in both the rise and the decline of this trade union possible. These narratives will also help in contesting the dominant narratives on the role of the trade union movement and the radical Left during the Spanish Transition by providing empirical evidence of labor militancy on a local scale.

Since 2017 the British Labour Party has proposed mandatory sectoral collective bargaining (SCB) as a comprehensive strategy to rebuild the trade union voice across the entire economy. The intellectual roots lie in the Institute of Employment Rights’ (IER) Manifesto for Labour Law (2016). First, this article explains the core IER approach, questioning its feasibility given current low levels of union membership and bargaining coverage and whether it would produce the stable and productive economy promised. Second, the article develops four social science objections to this state‐driven approach centred on industrial relations history; political sociology; economics; and political philosophy. The conclusion argues that while stronger voluntary trade unions could help, it is neither practicable nor desirable for the state to impose a trade union, single‐channel approach to employee voice. Instead, a ‘mixed economy of voice’ is proposed, perhaps including statutory works councils, which speaks directly to all employees—union and non‐union—and wins broader political, employer and public support.

Introduction. Despite there are quite a number of works dealing with the history of Kalmykia’s Communist party organizations, the former provide virtually no description of the latter’s structure, and, specifically, nothing has been published to characterize activities of the Women’s Affairs Department within Kalmyk Oblast Party Committee. So, the paper represents a first consideration of the issue. Goals. The study seeks to analyze Kalmyk Oblast Party Committee’s work among women in 1921–1928. Materials. The paper primarily examines materials housed by the National Archive of Kalmykia and containing valuable insights into activities of Kalmyk Oblast’s departments, including that of women’s affairs. Conclusions. The work concludes that Kalmykia’s party organizations would undertake conscious efforts for political indoctrination of women and their active involvement into industrial and agricultural development of the country, party, Komsomol, Soviet and trade union movements. The involvement of women into industrial production by regional party organizations also served to completely transform rural women’s life and attitudes.

The paper portrays the origins and ideological foundations of NSZZ “Solidarity” (Independent Self-governing Trade Union “Solidarity”) and their meaning in social life at the time of the communist regime in PRL (Polish People’s Republic). There are references to strikes (June ‘56 in Poznan, polish March ’68, June ’76, July ’80 in Lublin and Swidnica and August ’80) and, in 1980, the creation of Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee, which developed and published 21 demands aimed at the authorities. In the study, it is acknowledged that those demands are the ideological sources of Solidarity. The author of the text thinks that John Paul II sermons and encyclicals as well as Fr. Józef Tischner’s texts (published in the book Etyka solidarności oraz Homo sovieticus – Solidarity’s ethics and homo soviecticus) also had an influence on the formation of these ideas, which could bring back moral order, the rule of law, dignity and freedom for the society enslaved by Soviets. “Solidarity” also desired to improve the economic status of the country, particularly by ending the crisis. Those thoughts were, and are, beautiful; unfortunately, nowadays many of them exist only in the sphere of ideas or demands written in NSZZ Solidarity’s statute. Therefore, the article contains a sad conclusion, that in the 3rd Republic of Poland’s reality, “Solidarity’s” ideas are not attractive anymore. It happened because modern society is guided by consumerism and has become banausic. Trade union membership is not beneficial anymore, sometimes even being bothersome and seen as exceptional. That is why people, for the sake of keeping their jobs or other benefits, are leaving NSZZ “Solidarity”. Considering the ideas behind trade unions (especially the protection of worker’s affairs) – it is a peculiar paradox. W artykule zostały przedstawione geneza i ideologiczne podstawy Niezależnego Samorządnego Związku Zawodowego „Solidarność” i jego znaczenie w życiu społecznym w czasach PRL. Genezę organizacji wywodzi się od sekwencji strajków (Czerwiec ’56 w Poznaniu, Polski Marzec ’68, Czerwiec ’76, Lipiec ’80 w Lublinie i Świdnicy oraz Sierpień ’80). W 1980 roku utworzono Międzyzakładowy Komitet Strajkowy, który opracował i opublikował 21 żądań skierowanych do władz. W artykule uzasadniono, że żądania te są ideologicznymi źródłami „Solidarności”. Autorka uważa, że kazania i encykliki Jana Pawła II oraz teksty ks. Józefa Tischnera (wydane w książce Etyka solidarności oraz Homo sovieticus) również miały wpływ na tworzenie tych żądań. Były to idee, które mogły przywrócić porządek moralny, praworządność, godność i wolność społeczeństwa zniewolonego przez sowietów. Solidarność pragnęła również poprawić status ekonomiczny kraju, zwłaszcza poprzez zakończenie kryzysu. Te myśli były – i są – piękne; niestety, obecnie wiele z nich istnieje tylko w sferze pomysłów lub żądań zapisanych w statucie NSZZ „Solidarność”. Stąd artykuł kończy smutny wniosek, że w rzeczywistości III Rzeczypospolitej idee „Solidarności” nie są już atrakcyjne. Stało się tak, ponieważ współczesne społeczeństwo kieruje się konsumpcjonizmem i staje się banalne. Działanie w związkach zawodowych nie jest już opłacalne, czasem wręcz kłopotliwe i postrzegane jako wyjątkowe. Dlatego ludzie dla zachowania pracy lub innych zysków opuszczają NSZZ „Solidarność”. Biorąc pod uwagę idee stojące za związkami zawodowymi (zwłaszcza ochronę spraw pracowniczych) – jest to swoisty paradoks.

In the 1920s, the young Soviet Republic, rejecting the old social system, turned to the study of the past. Instead of engaging with professional historians, the new regime initiated a whole range of large-scale participatory projects incorporated into political and public institutions to produce new, revolutionary history. In this article, instead of approaching this topic in terms of ideology and memory I put it in the context of history of science. Focusing on the case of trade unions, I suggest considering the early Soviet non-academic history-writing as a form of radical citizen science. Even though trade unionists had no special education, they dared to use scientific methods in their research that ended with positive results. This story allows us to question the opposition between amateurs and professionals in the field of citizen science. „Możemy i musimy”: Naukowość pisarstwa historycznego o związkach zawodowych w Związku Radzieckim w latach 20. XX wieku Abstrakt W latach 20. XX wieku młoda Republika Radziecka odrzuciwszy stary układ społeczny zwróciła się ku badaniom przeszłości. Zamiast współpracować z profesjonalnymi historykami, nowy reżim zapoczątkował całą gamę dużych projektów partycypacyjnych pod kontrolą instytucji politycznych i publicznych, których celem było stworzenia nowej, rewolucyjnej historii. W tym artykule zamiast podchodzić do tego tematu w kategoriach ideologii i pamięci, umieściłem go w kontekście historii nauki. Skupiając się na przypadku związków zawodowych, sugeruję rozważenie wczesnego sowieckiego, nieakademickiego pisarstwa historycznego jako formie radykalnej nauki obywatelskiej. Mimo że związkowcy nie mieli kierunkowego wykształcenia, odważyli się wykorzystać metodę naukową w swoich badaniach zwieńczonych pozytywnymi rezultatami. Przykład ten pozwala nam kwestionować opozycję między amatorami i profesjonalistami w dziedzinie nauki obywatelskiej.

This article argues that the late 1940s in India should no longer be reduced to the twin events of partition and independence. A generalized political crisis unsettled, for a brief period, the structures of social and economic power, and not just intercommunity relations and the constitution of the state. These years were thus, among other things, a catalytic moment for the definition of ‘labour’ as both a political category and a parameter of post-colonial politics: processes dating back to the First World War, at least, were consolidated, under pressure from this crisis, into a new labour regime that has withstood political pressure for almost seven decades. The article offers an analysis of the almost-forgotten post-war strike movement, which was nevertheless unprecedented in its social and geographical spread. The movement elicited both repressive and reformist responses: the extraordinary level of emergency powers applied to suppress it are, therefore, as much examined as the series of momentous legislative and institutional changes of the late 1940s. In conclusion, the long-term consequences of this cycle of strike–reform–repression for India's post-colonial labour regime are adumbrated. A strongly etatist, potentially authoritarian, regime of industrial relations, it is argued, was checked by an enduring political trade union pluralism. At the same time, divisions within India's working classes were deepened and consolidated as labour law and social legislation sealed off the comparatively small ‘core workforces’ of public sector and large-scale industrial enterprises from the majority of workers in what would soon be called the ‘informal economy’.

This article aims to indicate and discuss a few hypotheses for investigating the role of trade unionism in the Brazilian political crisis, more precisely between the years of 2015 and 2017. My argumentation is structured in the following way: in a first moment, I briefly review some of the features of the Lula and Rousseff administrations (2003 – 2016) that enabled the recovery of strike action vis-a-vis the neoliberal period, which comprised the Collor, Itamar Franco, and Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1990 – 2002) administrations. In a second moment, I will address the political and economic crisis of the Dilma Rousseff administrations and the disputes triggered by her ousting, when labor found itself openly confronted with the labor and pension reforms. My main hypothesis, from which others, secondary ones, are derived, is that if the impeachment, to some extent, caused a division between the national trade union centers, at this juncture of neoliberal restoration the trade union centers share more points of unity, not necessarily around tactics and strategies, but rather around the same banners of struggle.

Neste artigo, pretendemos abordar as relações desenvolvidas entre o movimento sindical brasileiro com os governos Lula (2003-2010) e Dilma (2011-2016) do Partido dos Trabalhadores, com foco principal nas centrais sindicais, como representantes da cúpula desse movimento. Partindo da ideia de que a ascensão de Lula ao Planalto Federal é um marco histórico para o país, principalmente para o sindicalismo – como seu grande representante nas décadas de 1980 e 1990. Retomamos as medidas econômicas e políticas do governo que influenciam diretamente no mercado do trabalho e no campo sindical, e como as centrais e sindicatos reagiram a essas medidas. Mas não vemos o movimento sindical como mero reagente das medidas governamentais, mas também parte dele como construtor, do que ficou conhecido “concertação social”. Concluímos que neste período houve um processo de institucionalização e aumento do reconhecimento do sindicalismo como interlocutor do Estado, contudo em detrimento da ação direta grevista e aumento do afastamento entre as cúpulas dirigentes e as bases dos trabalhadores. Tendo como resultado a incapacidade de resistência aos ataques promovidos pelo grande capital de forma mais dura a partir de 2016. Fazemos isso, principalmente, através da bibliografia da área, na qual houve vasta discussão sobre essa temática, e dados econômicos, sociais e sindicais.

In this article, we seek to examine the potential for cross-fertilisation of legal regimes relating to trade union representation of members in collective bargaining. The United Kingdom has moved from an entirely voluntarist model in the 1980s to a statutory regime which facilitates recognition of a trade union following majority support from workers (usually by a ballot). By way of contrast, New Zealand has shifted from a highly regulated award-based model in the 1980s to an "agency" model whereby an employer is required to bargain in good faith with any union representing two or more of the employer's employees, but with some balloting also contemplated for coverage of non-unionised workers. It is uncontroversial that the United Kingdom legislation has been severely limited in its effects in a context of ongoing decline in collective bargaining, while the New Zealand model offers only faint remediation of the dismembering of the collective bargaining system by the Employment Contracts Act 1991. In both legal systems, a Labour Party is now proposing implementation of forms of sectoral bargaining. We explore the reasons for these political and legal developments, exploring democratic and human rights rationales for their adoption, as well as more pragmatic approaches. In so doing we examine the scope for democratic trade union representation via consent or ballot, the role of individual human rights and regulatory rationales. We conclude by considering how representative and regulatory approaches may be mutually reinforcing and address different understandings of "constitutionalisation". In so doing, we reaffirm the emphasis placed in Gordon Anderson's writings on substance over form.

In March 1974, trade union leader and Chairman of the Socialist Party of India, George Fernandes, formed a new independent trade union of railway workers and then led a massive nation-wide strike lasting about a month. Two years later—March 1976—Fernandes was arrested as the principal accused in the Baroda Dynamite Conspiracy Case, a plot to bomb strategic targets in New Delhi in resistance to Indira Gandhi’s authoritarian rule. How did George Fernandes’ political work change over these two years—from engaging in traditional trade union movement tactics during the Railway Workers’ Strike in 1974 to being the ringleader of a plan to bomb strategic targets in resistance to the postcolonial state? Why would an activist who advocated non-violent social movement tactics change strategies and end up leading a movement that primarily uses violent tactics? I argue that in its violent repression of the Railway Workers’ Strike and its illegal imprisonment of the strike’s leaders, Indira Gandhi’s administration demonstrated to Fernandes and other opposition party leaders that there was no room for a peaceful solution to the ever increasing social conflict of early 1970s India. Therefore, when Gandhi instated herself as dictator, longstanding advocates ofsatyagrahabelieved that symbolic violence against the state was the tactic most likely to lead to the restoration of democracy in India.

Em julho de 2017, o Senado brasileiro aprovou a reforma trabalhista mais ampla no país, desde o surgimento da Consolidação das Leis Trabalhistas de 1943 (CLT). A reforma provocou acalorados debates e sua aprovação enfrentou resistências. Os sindicatos, por exemplo, convocaram duas greves gerais: a primeira, em abril de 2017, obteve uma quantidade significativa em termos de participação, enquanto a segunda, em junho, terminou com a participação caindo significativamente abaixo das expectativas. Apesar da rejeição generalizada do governo Temer, a própria a lei de reforma, em junho, os sindicatos foram surpreendentemente incapazes de chegar a uma estratégia comum para contrastar a aprovação da reforma. A presente pesquisa visa explorar este paradoxo por meio de uma survey e uma série de entrevistas não estruturadas, com líderes sindicais e manifestantes; as informações permitem estabelecer uma sólida base empírica para traçar hipóteses sobre o modelo sindical brasileiro e sua evolução. On July 2017, Brazil’s Senate approved the country’s most extensive labor reform since the emergent 1943’s Consolidation of Labor Law (Consolidação das Leis Trabalhistas, CLT). The aforementioned reform provoked heated debates and its approval faced resistance. Unions, for instance, convened two general strikes: the first, on April 2017, garnered a significant amount of participation, while the latter, on June, ended with participation falling significantly below expectations. Despite the widespread rejection of Temer’s mandate and the content of the law, on June, unions were surprisingly unable to agree on a common strategy regarding a proposal on labor reform. The present research aims to explore this paradox. A survey-based analysis, along with a series of unstructured interviews with union leaders and protesters, establishes a solid empirical base from which to draw hypotheses about the Brazilian state corporatist union model and its evolution.

Historical Institute (IH) of University of Lodz was established on 24 June 1948. The first years of its activity took place during the Stalinism period. The stuff and students were subjected to propaganda and were engaged in different political actions. Researches and didactics were imposed into methodology of Marxism-Leninism. The students of IH articulated their objection towards such practices in 1956 and therefore in next years, took place many positive changes. One of them was the possibility of making trips to archives and libraries in western countries. Unfortunately, in 1968 the Institute experienced many political upheavals. The consequences of anti-Semitic campaign, which were then set off, was dismissal from work and emigrating from Poland of four employees of IH. During next years, functioning of the Institute and life of the students were subjected to strong political pressure again. Its expression were e.g. working- -class practices of first year students. The situation in the Institute changed only when in 1980 Independent Self-governing Trade Union “Solidarity” was created. The students and employees started to fight for their issues. The former ones took part in nearly month-long sit-down strike (January–February 1981). After the introduction of martial law two students were interned, besides the stuff and students were forbidden to conduct any independent activities. Some of them however got engaged in underground activity. The legal activity started again only in May 1988. In this time the students government on the IH was created. The students and employees joined into the transitions which took place in 1989. One of adjuncts became even the Member of Parliament (so-called contractual Parliament). Instytut Historyczny (IH) Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego został utworzony 24 czerwca 1948 r. Pierwsze lata jego działalności przypadły na okres stalinizmu. Kadra i studenci zostali wtedy poddani propagandzie i byli angażowani w różne akcje polityczne, a badaniom i dydaktyce narzucono metodologię marksistowsko-leninowską. Swój sprzeciw wobec tych praktyk studenci IH wyrazili w 1956 r. i dlatego w kolejnych latach nastąpiło wiele korzystnych zmian. Jedną z nich była możliwość wyjazdów pracowników do archiwów i bibliotek w krajach zachodnich. Niestety w 1968 r. Instytut doświadczył wielu politycznych wstrząsów. Następstwem uruchomionej wtedy kampanii antysemickiej było zwolnienie z pracy i wyjazd z Polski czterech pracowników IH. W kolejnych latach funkcjonowanie Instytutu i życie studentów ponownie poddano silnej presji politycznej. Jej wyrazem były np. obowiązkowe praktyki robotnicze dla studentów I roku. Dopiero gdy w 1980 r. powstał Niezależny Samorządny Związek Zawodowy „Solidarność” w Instytucie sytuacja się zmieniła. Studenci i pracownicy zaczęli walczyć o swoje interesy. Ci pierwsi uczestniczyli nawet w trwającym blisko miesiąc strajku okupacyjnym (styczeń–luty 1981 r.). Po wprowadzeniu stanu wojennego dwóch studentów zostało internowanych, poza tym pracownikom i studentom zabroniono prowadzenia wszelkiej niezależnej działalności. Niektórzy z nich podjęli jednak aktywność w podziemiu. Jawna działalność niezależna została na nowo podjęta dopiero w maju 1988 r. Powstał wtedy w IH samorząd studencki. Studenci i pracownicy włączyli się też w przemiany, które nastąpiły w 1989 r. Jeden z adiunktów został nawet posłem na Sejm (tzw. Sejm kontraktowy).

Historically the British Trades Union Congress’s (TUC) role in a significant number of major industrial disputes has been subject to both accusations of ‘betrayals’ and ‘sell-outs’ as well as more sympathetic accounts which emphasise the constraints faced by the TUC both in terms of their institutional role and their relationship with constituent unions. Drawing on evidence concerning the role of the TUC in significant disputes including the 1926 General Strike, the strike wave of 1972, 1975–8 Grunwick dispute, the 1978/9 ‘winter of discontent’, the 1984/5 miners’ strike, the 1986–7 News International strike and more recent examples, the paper highlights four constraints on the role of the TUC in relation to major disputes: their political loyalty to the Labour Party; an aversion to defying the law; the avoidance of appearing to challenge state power; and structural constraints to an extent inherent within trade union officialdom.

Este artículo investiga y comprueba cómo la orientación de los medios de comunicación masiva fundados por Leonidas Proaño dirigió sus propuestas periodísticas no solo desde lo religioso – educativo, como se ha argumentado, sino que utilizó lo social, político, sindical, acción y desarrollo para relatar la vida en las comunidades indígenas y barrios urbano marginales del Ecuador en procurar de la transformación; evidencia su faceta como periodista En el trabajo se empleó metodología de tipo mixta: cualitativa y cuantitativa, a través del análisis y la revisión documental de la información y opinión contenidas en las páginas de los impresos (Excélsior, Ganitas de Trigo, El Cuadrilátero, Mensaje, Jatari Campesino y Jatari) y en los guiones de los programas radiofónicos emitidos por ERPE y Promoción, entre 1934 y 1984. Se recuperaron, analizaron e interpretaron 366 documentos publicados-emitidos. Las observaciones fueron teorizadas utilizando criterios de especialistas en comunicación, periodismo, sociología y medios masivos publicados en libros y revistas indexadas que reposan en bases de datos internacionales. Los resultados advirtieron la cercanía del religioso con el periodismo, el adecuado manejo de las formas de presentación de las historias en la media y los actos de comunicación en los que obtuvo información para convertirla en contenidos.