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The article examines local peacemaking as a way to resolve the conflict. Criticism of the concept and practice of "liberal peace" has led to the search for alternative ways of peacemaking, including those that would take into account local peace processes. In addition, the liberal peace scheme often views the peace process statically, where all actors have to act in supposedly pre-written roles. The search for the optimal interaction of international structures, the state and local actors continues to this day – depending on the context of the conflict, it has differences in each case. Such a variety of forms of local peacemaking is due to the need to resolve the conflict at the level of the whole society for a long time, and broad sections of the population would understand and have confidence in peace processes. Territorial and geographical constraints can create obstacles in local peacemaking, especially when it comes to its interaction with national peacebuilding. In addition, the liberal peace scheme often views the peace process statically, where all actors have to act in supposedly pre-written roles. The conceptual role of "liberal peace" found its expression in modern theories of peace and conflict, where peacebuilding was originally associated with the creation or reconstruction of political institutions on the Western model. Among the common forms of local peacemaking, researchers consider local peace committees. The effectiveness of local peacemaking depends on local leaders, the geographical spread of the armed conflict, the intensity and drivers of the conflict. main directions of local peacemaking influence on peacebuilding: ability to strengthen trust and dialogue in society; ensuring the settlement of conflicts at the local level; concluding peace agreements between conflicting parties; ensuring the operation of peace infrastructure.

To understand Oman’s role in regional negotiation, mediation, and conflict resolution is to appreciate its foreign policy. Oman’s foreign policy is evaluated to understand how it has been formed and in what way this has impacted its political stances throughout the years of the late Sultan Qaboos bin Said’s reign. In a turbulent region, Oman has consequently been asked on several occasions to serve as a negotiator or mediator. This research examines how Oman has done it. The US-Iranian conflict is presented to answer the raised question, along with many areas in relation. Emphasizing on trust as a vital element to a successful intervention, Oman’s peacemaking diplomacy under an independent, pragmatic, and moderate manner is elaborated. The durability of Oman’s position in regional and global negotiation and mediation is finally measured, presenting the impact of such on its security needs and regional stability.

The Russia-Ukraine war is one of the most serious challenges of current international security agenda. Conflict resolution is an integral part of national security framework of any country. Comprehensive national security encompasses such components as political, military, informational, ideological, as well as cultural aspects. The research problem is that it is unknown which methods can be the most appropriate for Russia-Ukraine war settlement. The research goal is to analyze the current state of Russia-Ukraine war in depth and identify important lessons learned from previous confrontations that can be applied for the peace process invigoration. In particular, the research objectives are to analyze the cases of peaceful settlements in the Balkan states and Great Britain and also consider the peacemaking potential of international organizations, such as the EU, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), the GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM) and Baltic – Adriatic – Black Sea Initiative. The selected methodology is qualitative case study. The study results are that one can find a lot of important lessons learned in the Balkan region. Sustainable peace in the Balkans can be achieved by including this region in the system of Euro-Atlantic cooperation. In the same vein as the Balkan countries, Ukraine should look for long-term political stability in the framework of Euro-Atlantic integration. Besides, a case of particular interest for Ukraine is the Troubles peace process in Great Britain. The main conclusions are that the Balkan states’ and Great Britain’s experience in conflict resolution can be of particular practical interest for Ukraine. One can note that peace is not a particular point in time, but rather a continuous process. Besides, one should pay attention to information component of the peace process and inform audiences about peacemaking efforts to the extent possible. In order to settle the Russia-Ukraine war in an efficient way one should also pay attention to the memory policy component. Ukraine should also use multilateral diplomacy tools, such as international organizations, in particular, the EU, OSCE, GUAM and Baltic-Black Sea-Adriatic Initiative in order to further fight international law infringements and promote the peace process. Prospects of further research are related to usage of cultural diplomacy and track-II diplomacy tools for the RussiaUkraine war settlement.

Peace agreements aiming to end intra-state armed conflicts often provide for radical constitutional change, with more than 100 peace agreements concluded since 1989 containing provisions on constitutional reform. When such constitutional change is envisaged to take place within the framework of an existing constitution, as opposed to the making of a new constitution, hard-achieved deals between peace-making parties are exposed to “the unconstitutionality challenge.” Although there is ample literature on the making of a new constitution during transitions from conflict to peace, implementing a peace agreement within an existing constitutional framework and “the unconstitutionality challenge” to peace reforms has not been fully examined to date. In this article, we first identify the modalities in which “the unconstitutionality challenge” is directed at constitutional change rooted in peace agreements. We do so through a comparative survey and by particular reference to peace processes in Colombia (with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—People’s Army, FARC) and the Philippines (regarding the Mindanao conflict). We then examine the promise and limitations of three legal strategies in addressing the unconstitutionality challenge: (i) recourse to international law in assessing unconstitutionality, (ii) transitionalism in judicial review, and (iii) attributing supra-constitutional or international legal status to peace agreements. We conclude that while each strategy has some merit, their effectiveness may be limited where they lack legal feasibility or political purchase. The resulting intractability of the unconstitutionality challenge, particularly in jurisdictions where there is a strong commitment to legalism, warrants a rethinking of the relationship between peace-making and constitutional reform, and existing constitutional frameworks in transitional countries.

This paper contextually analyzed three major tribes’ traditional conflict resolution mechanism in pre-literate Nigerian society. Conflict is very much part of human society and it is expected. Conflict resolution encompasses a range of processes gallantly aimed at alleviating or eliminating sources of conflict. Secondary sources of data with relevant literature were engaged and the Emile Durkheim theory of societal development was adopted as a theoretical framework. Findings show that in Yorubaland, conflict is seen as unavoidable, a positive development through which people understand each other better. While the main causes of conflict among the Igbos are basically land, chieftaincy tussle and matrimonial fallouts. Prior to kingship institution, the Igbo used non-centralized forms of government which have in attendance Elders and Council of Elders which serves as the highest and most important peacemaking and conflict resolution mechanism. Hausa/Fulani pre-colonial administration is highly centralized and hierarchical in nature. The Emir, in terms of adjudication, is both the political and religious head because he ensures that the provisions of Sharia are adequately followed to the core in treating cases of individual or group conflicts. The Emir court was the highest and the final. Having perused all the conflict resolution mechanisms of the three major tribes in Nigeria, the following recommendations were made; there is a need to encourage traditional conflict mechanisms as it is accessible and economic for disputants. There should be peace education for all and sundry. Alternative dispute resolution and unofficial strategies should be subscribed to in an attempt to ameliorate and manage human’s conflicts (vigilante, militias, charms, prayers, communal solidarity, etc). Keywords: Tribes, Traditional, Pre-illiterate, Conflict Resolution

Peace processes offer opportune moments for social and political transformation in embattled nations. There is no perfect formula or peace recipe. As per the existing literature, the ‘ripeness’ of circumstances and timing of a peace process and pertinence of the ‘substance’ of settlements to the root causes of conflict are the main components of a viable peace agreement. In the past 30 years, Afghanistan experienced two unsuccessful peacemaking episodes: first after the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 and the second following the removal of the Taliban in 2001. While failure of the former is primarily attributed to the complexities of circumstance at the time, ineptness of the latter is linked to the primacy of imposed deadlines over inclusive consultations and inadequacy of contents of the Bonn Agreement. By briefly examining substantive characteristics of peacemaking processes in the context of Najibullah’s National Reconciliation Policy and the Bonn process, this article argues that meaningful structural change in favour of an inclusive and participatory political system and institutionalization of a regional balance of interests in foreign relations remain central to enduring peace in Afghanistan.

The UN has developed a diverse range of peacemaking tools, including different forms of political initiatives (diplomatic, technocratic, and political-development missions) and peacekeeping operations. Yet we know surprisingly little about when and why we observe the onset of different types of UN missions. Examining an ‘‘escalatory trajectory,’’ we analyze the United Nations Peace Initiatives data, a new dataset providing information on all different types of UN engagements. Our main contributions are that we provide insights into how the different types of missions relate to one another and conceptual clarity about what the different types of missions are., Conflict Management and Peace Science, 39 (1), ISSN:0738-8942

Following the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, the United States took a relatively passive approach to Middle East peacemaking. The passivity shown by the administration of President Lyndon Johnson stemmed primarily from its belief that the Arab states had failed to make reasonable proposals for an agreement and from the White House's awareness that pressuring Israel would likely have significant domestic political consequences. Thus, even though it felt the need to press Israel to withdraw to prewar boundaries as part of a settlement, the administration made little effort to achieve an agreement on that basis.

This paper examines the effectiveness of religion as a solution to ethno-nationalist conflicts, drawing on the case of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, PKK) in Turkey. We test for the purported peacemaking potential of religion building on an original dataset that contains data on Turkey’s state-sponsored mosques between 1980 and 2016. Results from this dataset, coupled with an alternative measure of the state’s involvement in religion – the number of religious schools (imam-hatip) per province – show that increased Islamization has no discernible impact on lowering support for ethno-nationalist Kurdish political parties or insurgency.

From Aristotle to the end of the Middle Ages, friendship was considered to be a core notion in Western political philosophy. However, as Von Heyking and Avramenko argue, friendship has lost its prominent politico-philosophical status in the modern era, particularly in the Western liberal tradition. In the Muslim tradition, and specifically in the history of Iranian thought, friendship as a moral paradigm went through a different course of development. In this article, I will present a comparative view of friendship as reflected in the works of Aristotle and three major Iranian ethicists: Ab? ?Al? A?mad Miskawayh (d. 1030), Ab??l-Q?sim ?usayn al-R?ghib al-Isfah?n? (d. ca. 1108) and Na?ir al-D?n ??s? (d. 1274). I will examine friendship-related perspectives rooted in the Irano-Islamic philosophical traditions that represent a significant but overlooked dimension of Iranian cosmopolitanism valuable for modern peacemaking approaches beyond such concepts as: “justice before peace,” “liberal peace” and “cold peace.”

* Introduction Interdisciplinary Perspectives: A Difference in Cypriot Studies and Identity (Vangelis Calotychos) * (De)Construction Of Identities How Might Turkish and Greek Cypriots See Each Other More Clearly? (Peter Loizos) An Education in Honor: Patriotism and the Schools of Cyprus (Rebecca Bryant) Enosis and Turkish Expansion: Real Myths or Mythic Realities? (Yannis Papadakis) The Role of Foreign Powers in Structuring Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflict in Cyprus (Adamantia Pollis) * Political Possibilities Cyprus in the PostCold War Environment (Tozun Bahcheli) An Outline of a Plan Toward a Comprehensive Settlement of the Greek-Turkish Dance (Theodore A. Couloumbis and Luke Klarevas) Island Impasse: Peacemaking on Cyprus, 19801993 (Glen D. Camp) * The Location Of Culture Nationalisms and Embodied Memory in Cyprus (Moira Killoran) The Cavafian Poetics of Diasporic Constitutionalism: Toward a Neo-Hellenistic Decentering of the Kypriotic Experience (Marios Constantinou) Ideology, Orality, and Textuality: The Tradition of the Poietarides of Cyprus (George Syrimis) Three Generations, Three Identities, Three Parties Within Twentieth-Century Poetry (Mehmet Yasin) * Social And Psychological Perspectives Communication Across Lands Divided: The Cypriot Communications Landscape (Gary Gumpert and Susan Drucker) Different Relationships to the Land: Personal Narratives, Political Implications, and Future Possibilities (Maria Hadjipavlou-Trigeorgis) Turks and Greeks of Cyprus: Psychopolitical Connections (Vamik D. Volkan) Greek-Cypriot Economic and Political Culture: The Effects of 1974 (Caesar V. Mavratsas) We Are Strangers HereContinuity and Transition: The Impact of Displacement and Protracted Exile on the Greek-Cypriot Refugees (Roger Zetter.)

Buddhist Monks and the Politics of Lanka’s Civil War: Ethnoreligious Nationalism of the Sinhala Sangha and Peacemaking in Sri Lanka, 1995–2010, by Suren Raghavan. Sheffield: Equinox Press, 2016. xvii + 274 pp. £85 (hb), £26.99 (pb). ISBN 978-1-78179-078-6 (hb), ISBN 978-1-78179-574-3 (pb).

International law’s affirmation of everyone’s right to have rights came into being through a peacemaking process. Its deprivation continues to typify the emergent context that brings peace processes into being – and for some cohorts of the people, namely children, the process itself. The right is intuitively seductive. It resonates as self-evident: an inexorable abstraction of having rights. Yet it is also enigmatic and challenging to concretise. What is its content? What substantive rights are expressive of this right? What is their scope in peacemaking? And why is it – above for example more corporeal rights – so fundamental? Guided by these questions, the paper begins by reflecting on the right as crystallised by Hannah Arendt: it then shifts to reflecting on, first, its expression in international law and, second, its interrelations with the law of peace. In doing so, it yields legal and political opportunities for ensuring the right in peacemaking, and imagines a framework of evolving measures for bringing the right to life in the staged process. The paper concludes by arguing renewing engagement with this understated right offers a beacon for guiding responses to the complex child rights challenges yielded by peacemaking – and our interdependent and fragile twenty-first century world more generally.

This article deals with works devoted to events on the Independence, during the Revolution of Dominion, the annexation of the Crimea and Russian aggression in general. The study raises the question of the impartiality and reliability of the facts presented by the researchers of the works which is covered by this article. The author is proposed to divide researches into three categories on a chronological basis. The subject of the study is extremely relevant as wars of a new format generate the formation of a new hybrid world order. The aggression of the Russian Federation in Ukraine became the starting point for shaping such a future world order. Investigating the work of Russian researchers, one can conclude that in Russia, aggression in Ukraine is called a civil war. The main challenge is to shift responsibility for the war to the Ukrainian leadership. Their position in the conflict is due to the alleged protection of the Russian-speaking population on the territory of Ukraine. The Russian Federation is trying to intensify the formation and support of the image of itself as a peacemaking country on the international scene. After all, creating a belt of "external enemies" unites people and distracting from the urgent domestic problems in the country. Analyzing Russian labor it becomes clear that the problems of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict are being paid little attention. Authors studying events highlight only certain beneficial aspects of the conflict and are often openly propagandistic. Also, an attempt is made to make a generalized analysis of the work of Russian authors on hybrid wars and to assess the degree of its objectivity. Generally analyzed works published in the period 2014-2017 and had a fairly large circulation and distribution. All of them, with rare exceptions, do not objectively highlight the chronicles of events and act in favor of pro-Russian propaganda. Most of the authors previously covered other conflicts related to the Russian Federation, such as the war with Georgia or the conflict in Chechnya, or they are fugitives from the east of Ukraine and are carriers of exclusively pro-Russian political thought. An interesting fact is that they are easily accessible and accessed online and even sold in some Ukrainian online stores.

This article briefly reviews the faults and merits of peacemaking efforts anchored in liberal ideologies. It further calls for a shift in strategy and outlines an approach that seeks transformation of conflicts through acknowledging the ways in which contrasting worldviews undergird and sustain the political conflict.

How does government bias affect prospects for peace agreements in communal conflicts? Government bias has been shown to have a strong impact on the incidence and dynamics of localized ethnic conflict, but the way that it affects conflict resolution remains underexplored. I argue that government bias makes the conflict parties less likely to overcome the commitment problem, because they cannot trust the government’s willingness to guarantee or uphold any agreement they reach. Consequently, bias reduces the chances that the parties are able to reach a peace agreement. A systematic comparison of four cases in Kenya provides support for this argument. I also distinguish between bias related to strategic interest and bias related to relationships, and find that the former is more durable, whereas the latter is more likely to be influenced by political turnover, thereby opening up possibilities for peacemaking.

When thinking about crime, notions of deviance, delinquency, violence and moral turpitude most often come to mind. In somewhat more open-minded conceptions, crime may evoke critical questions of class and race, among other variables. In still more expansive spaces, crime may be evaluated through the lenses of exploitation of labor, maintenance of political power, and social control. From sociology to cinema studies, crime sometimes can be viewed in unvarnished dystopian terms—as the modality through which a society expresses the limits of its conscience and consciousness alike. Yet, in all of these critical interrogations, crime is rarely considered as a correlate of peace or an expression of justice. This article builds upon traditions in criminology that highlight the restorative, transformative, and peacemaking potentials inherent in constructions of crime and the processes used to address it, arguing for a proactive and constructive vision of peacebuilding that encompasses mechanisms for urgent implementation.

The idea of conserving borderlands has been founded to mitigate the issues around the political borders. Similarly, “Transboundary Conserved Area” or “Peace Park” has been created to protect the environmental resources and precious biodiversity over the political borders as well as enhancing international cooperation through harmonizing resource management approaches. There are various forms of the peace parks created all around the world especially in Africa. Even though various kinds of these parks are created, the subject seems interesting and new in Asian and Middle East countries. Thus, this research aims to provide a comprehensive view of the subject that can be practical for the urban and environmental planners. Trying to determine their functions; this research explains seven operated projects as examples of Transboundary Conserved Area. To gain information, desk research is used, which collects secondary data from the available sources. Regarding data analysis, it shows how these parks contribute to the ecological improvement and other political, economic, and cultural benefits. The results of the cases’ surveys demonstrate a tangible consideration on ecosystem conservation, while other functions defined to the peace parks and peacemaking have been underestimated and partially ignored.

The Internationalistsargues that the outlawry of war in 1928 created the modern international order. This review essay critiques this single-cause account of world history. It shows howThe Internationalistsrelies on statistics that obfuscate the character of war and on a juridical model of international politics that makes liberal empire invisible. I argue that war making by Asian and African peasants played more of a role in bringing about decolonisation than peacemaking by Western lawyers.

Drawing on a case study of peacebuilding the District of Aguablanca in Colombia, Aura Liliana López López and Bert Ingelaere introduce the concept of localized peace trajectories and endogenous knowledge in order to overcome some of the oft-noted problems with liberal, and also ‘hybrid’, peacebuilding. They show how, in Aguablanca, endogenous peace infrastructures have their foundations in everyday responses to violent conflict and how these infrastructures strengthen collaboration amongst various actors, both inside and outside the community. Their findings, they argue, should help liberal agents to incorporate local peacemaking knowledge, trajectories and infrastructures into the ways of doing sustainable peacebuilding. Whereas in peacebuilding the approach to the local is an ‘invitation’ to participate in dialogue for policy-making and other purposes; in the search for hybrid and inclusive peace infrastructures, the trajectory analysis supposes an inquiry guided by the need to depart from what already exists, in search for avenues of collaboration between state and civic actors.

Like contemporary Western approaches to peacemaking, peacebuilding and conflict, the traditional ones are also very effective and important. Traditional and local loyalties determine both political and social, even everday life among the Kurdish tribes which live in the south-eastern part of Turkey. These tribes generally need friends and enemies to continue their existence. So, for them conflict and reconciliation are common features. Xwin (blood feud) is the unique traditional conflict of this community. Also bes/bej (blood money) is the most common form of traditional peacemaking and nane asitiye (a dinner of peace) is accepted as a traditional peacebuilding ritual. In this study, the traditional conflict and peacemaking process will be examined in the context of Kurdish tribes which live in Mardin in Turkey and the basic conflict and reconciliation practices of the Kurdish tribes are discussed with the argument that traditional practices have an effective role in peacemaking and conflict.

As President of FIFA (2016- ), Gianni Infantino launched a new FIFA freed from what he represented as its ‘toxic, almost criminal’ past, while developing FIFA as far more than a football governing body. Thus, he prioritized its extra-sporting role as an international actor operating in a globalized world, most notably in terms of harnessing ‘the power of football’ to bring peace to a troubled globalized world. Unsurprisingly, Infantino’s policies aroused debate, particularly regarding international realities and the enhanced politicization and diplomatization of FIFA. Likewise, critics of his peacemaking ambitions pointed also to George Orwell’s more negative views about international football as ‘war minus the shooting’. Nevertheless, Infantino has contributed yet another influential chapter to the long-running controversy about politics, diplomacy, and the world game. Such debates reflect the manner in which international football was trapped, from its beginnings, in a major tension capable of exerting both unifying and polarizing impacts in the wider world. As happened when Orwell’s article was first published in 1945 as both a commentary on Dynamo Moscow’s British tour and a response to the views expressed by Philip Noel-Baker, among others, no consensus exists on the subject.

This chapter focuses on the flawed transformation of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLM/A) from a rebel movement into a political organisation during the years of implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Sudan and how that contributed to delivering an unsustainable peace in Sudan and South Sudan. The chapter examines in particular how approaches to peacemaking ignited and then failed to support the war-to-peace transition, and the extent to which the drivers and factors within and outside the movement contributed to that failure. It argues that while the CPA mediators and the SPLM/A negotiators considered the SPLM to be the engine of Sudan’s democratic transition - after two decades of civil war - they did not adequately consider the movement’s structural weaknesses, namely a divisive ideology, a fractured and hierarchal military leadership and weak political institutionalisation that would affect the movement’s transformation into a national party and its ability to bring about the transformation of Sudan.

In the internationally supported Salvadoran peace process of the 1990s, high levels of consensus were reached about the road to peace and the type of legitimate order to make peace sustainable. While security arrangements based on liberal norms are widely considered as legitimate and preferable, there is a lack of consensus about the road to peace today. In that regard, the case of El Salvador reveals the tensions between the ideals of state power, rule of law and liberal norms, which still underpin most of the public and political discourses about El Salvador’s security governance, and the de facto strategies to contain violence and provide security, both at local and national levels. The first is about a type of order that is considered legitimate but only partly functioning, while the latter is about the really existing practices of (national and local) actors dealing in different ways with new power configurations and informal sovereignties. Van der Borgh illustrates these tensions with an analysis of the peace agreement of 1992 between rebel movement and government, and of a truce signed among El Salvador’s gangs in 2012.

The Israeli-Palestinian struggle is a classic case of intractable conflict. Establishing a long-lasting change requires a revolutionary peace process. The paper describes peace revolution as a three-dimensional process—peacemaking, peacebuilding, and peacekeeping. Each of these three components is itself a three-level process. Peacemaking means involving different societal elements (leaders, elites, and people) in the struggle to reach a negotiated peace deal by using political-elite diplomacy, public diplomacy, and people-to-people diplomacy. Peacebuilding means constructing international, bilateral, and domestic frameworks for a stable peace. Peacekeeping means building political, militaristic, and civilian devices to maintain a stable social order.

While mediation efforts cannot lead to holistic societal transformations overnight, this chapter argues that the Southern African Development Community (SADC) has singularly failed to lay the groundwork for such transformations in its region. In reviewing the cases of SADC mediation and involvement in Lesotho, Madagascar, and Zimbabwe, the chapter probes why the organization has been unable to fulfill its long-term agenda for sustainable peace. To improve its prospects, SADC should seek to support long-term solutions which hinge both on the demilitarization of politics and investment in effective institutions of participation and development. The chapter uses as its departure point the systemic conflict transformation (SCT) framework to explain how SADC might achieve what is referred to in academic literature as “positive peace.”

This article examines implementation of national political agendas in two urban settings—Israel’s program aimed at sole sovereign control of Jerusalem and Northern Ireland’s effort to build peace in Belfast. It is based on seven months of in-country research and 122 interviews conducted in 2015 and 2016. Political goals of united Jerusalem in Israel and shared future in Northern Ireland are problematized as they confront micro-scale urban dynamics and resistant patterns of community power. A national policy agenda aimed at managing a city requires a political-spatial process of implementation having erratic effects. National-urban disjunctions were found in fundamentally different national programs, illuminating the inherent disruptive quality of urban dynamics in resisting national mandates. Findings inform theories of policy implementation and urban governance, highlighting problematic characteristics of national goals when implemented in urban space and the role of ethnic and cultural interests operating outside formal urban governance institutions in impeding national directives.

This article examines the early stage of the Northern Ireland conflict from the beginning of the ethno-nationalist conflict called the Troubles of 1969 to the beginning of the ‘peace process’ through the Downing Street Declaration of 1993 by focusing on a process of political, non-violent resolution efforts of political agents, which affected the route of the conflict. It utilises conflict resolution approaches to determine the variables with regards to the perceptions, positions, and decisions of conflicting parties, which provide an understanding of their role in peacemaking during the highintensity conflict. Particularly, it offers three major aspects for analysis: inter-party collaboration, popular support, and interchangeability between armed and political struggle. It uses rich data from archival documents to analyse the influence of early peace efforts to de-escalate the conflict and establish foundations for peace prior to official negotiations. It argues that peace efforts do not consist of official negotiations in the 1990s. The article finds that they had been initiated long before multilateral negotiations through political conferences, direct and indirect dialogues between major political parties in Northern Ireland, and the British and Irish governments. However, the reluctance of political agents towards peace prevented making progress towards peace.

Successful peacekeeping missions led by the UN, the Africa Union, NATO, and other organizations are framed as speeding up historical sequences that might otherwise flag for lack of trust between the opposing parties. It is explained that while UN Security Council sanctioned peacekeeping minimizes free-riding, there are political constraints on both how much money is available and which missions the Council will approve. With other peacekeeping organizations free riding is an empirically acknowledged problem; the characteristics required for peacekeeping arrangements to be ‘self-enforcing’ are discussed.

Opening 'Making and Breaking Peace in Sudan and South Sudan', this chapter introduces the book’s key concepts: peace and peacemaking. The contributions in this volume show that ideas of peace have been contested in the Sudans, and that different modalities of peacemaking have both gone together and have competed with each other. This chapter draws on these contributions in order critically to interrogate diverse ideas of peace and practices of peacemaking that have been prevalent in the Sudans. It connects them to their roots in major traditions in political thought and sets out why they are often problematic when applied to complex conflicts such as in the Sudans. Rather than arguing for one specific understanding of peace or modality of peacemaking, this chapter explains why the volume has taken a perspectival approach. Adopting the vantage points of multiple different actors, a perspectival approach foregrounds on-the-ground contestations over different ideas of peace and modes of peacemaking. Understanding what peacemaking has come to mean in the Sudans – how different understandings of peace have been deployed, but also contested, in the processes of ‘making’, and with what effects – allows scholars and practitioners to reconsider prospects for peace in the region, and well beyond.

This article investigates the implications of women’s exclusion for the nature and durability of peace processes, and whether factors that undermine peace consolidation post-settlement might be prevented through more inclusive peacemaking. It examines the Sudan-South Sudan peace process that produced the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the roles women played in peacemaking and their exclusion from official negotiations, and the sources of insecurity post-CPA. South Sudan’s peace process shows that the exclusion of women can be understood as a canary in a coal mine: a highly visible marker of the broader exclusivity of such processes, and the complex dynamics of elite capture in war and peace processes. Women’s exclusion was the product of the region’s political marketplace, in which power and authority is secured by elites through violence and bargaining, to the exclusion of other groups. By understanding exclusion as a deliberate strategic tactic that extends from war into peacetime, I argue ...

Friendship is not often associated with citizenship, politics or civil society – and yet this contribution proposes that civic friendship(s) may be worth consideration as an expression of peacemaking and peacebuilding: the dynamic interplay between our ‘social’ and ‘individual’ selves working towards peace and countering violence. This theological consideration of friendship deals with the interaction between individuality and sociability in the work and thought of a theologian who was deeply interested in such interplay and which may therefore be helpful in theological reflection on friendship. This contribution draws on two theologians who were involved in higher education themselves – the German theologian Friedrich Schleiermacher, who served as rector of the Humboldt University of Berlin (1815–1816), and the South African theologian Russel Botman, who served as rector of Stellenbosch University (2007–2014) – from whom we may learn about (civic) friendship.

This chapter shows that when Dutch diplomats talk about peace, they talk about governance. Out of all the groups described in this book, they are the only ones working directly on the institutional embedding of peace, or peace-as-governance. The argument is made that this is still not a liberal peace, mostly because diplomats stress that peace is always a rather limited goal that should be distinguished from work on development or human rights. For some, this goal can also be the signing, or upholding, of a peace agreement, in line with work on peacemaking rather than peacebuilding. More personal visions of peace do not play any role in their work, diplomats all stress that peace is a political objective. This clashes with the non-Western consensus observed in Chap. 3

Pedagogy, Politics and Philosophy is a rich, somewhat eclectic mixture of chapters exploring the concept of peace in both practice and theory, with chapters focusing on philosophical reflections on...

This article analyses the broad shifts in the relationship between peace settlements and human rights from 1990 to the present day. The article points to three phases of development: from 1990 to 2000, which saw a rise in peace processes and agreements and creative engagement with human rights; from 2000 to 2010, when new approaches to human rights and peacemaking were rapidly ‘normativized’ in new international legal standards, but at a cost of a more nuanced political practice; and from 2010 to the current date, an ‘era of disillusionment’ as regards the apparent failures of peacebuilding efforts, where human rights also have a more precarious global position. In the current era I suggest that we are witnessing renewed attention to the ‘politics of the local’ which questions and even rejects formalized human rights approaches to peacebuilding. Counter to the pessimism of the current era, I suggest that this new context may in fact offer new opportunities to return to the idea of human rights as a political practice. Rather than approaching rights as a set of external normative standards to propel liberal institution-building, human rights-based peacebuilding would aim to support a political practice in which rights are given meaning through the process by which they are ‘negotiated’ into being as part of an ongoing politics of inclusion. Such an approach would not only assist engagement with peace processes but might also invigorate a radical conflict prevention approach.

For international and domestic actors, post-conflict peacebuilding is one of the most difficult policy arenas to understand and in which to operate. Environmental and natural resource governance have the potential to facilitate peacebuilding in such contexts, but existing research has not yet produced a cohesive theoretical understanding of the pathways by which natural resource management strategies can facilitate positive peace. This paper explores the wider benefits of natural resource management and discusses their potential for reducing political fragility in affected states and helping to build positive peace. The paper outlines three mechanisms through which improved natural resource governance in post-conflict contexts is theorized to have positive effects on peace: (a) the contact hypothesis, whereby the facilitation of intergroup cooperation reduces bias and prejudice; (b) the diffusion of transnational norms, where the introduction of environmental and other good governance norms supports human empowerment and strengthens civil society; and (c) state service provision, where the provision of access to public services addresses the instrumental needs of communities, thereby strengthening their belief in the state. Guided by an interest in the opportunities presented by natural resource management to support peacebuilding processes in post-conflict states, the paper seeks to revise and advance the current environmental peacebuilding research agenda.

The article analyzes the features of the situation in the Middle East in the modern world. Special emphasis is placed on consideration of the peculiarities of the perception of the region by representatives of the great powers in historical retrospect. To put these peculiarities objectively, the author uses comparative and historical-descriptive methods. The article also reveals specific causes and consequences of the strategic interest of the great powers towards the Middle East. Later the author explains the possibilities of a new approach to the region on the part of modern Russia and presents the analysis of archival materials shedding light on the actions of the great powers in relation to the Middle East in retrospect and in the near future. This allows to consider a new Concept of Russia’s foreign policy and the possibility of its implementation in the Greater Middle East in the foreseeable future. The article describes new technologies of political actions of the Russian Federation in the Middle East region, taking into account the factor of peacemaking and the creation of normal living conditions for the countries and peoples of the Greater Middle East. The specific peacekeeping efforts of the Russian Federation are compared with the policies of other great powers in the region. This allow to forge the assessment of the broad interpretation of the Greater Middle East in contemporary world politics. Furthermore, an attempt is made to clearly define strategic goals and characterize the patterns of tactical actions of the Russian government within the entire Middle East territory. This preconditions the need to expand the Russian presence not only in the Greater Middle East as well as in other turbulent zones. The article underlines the importance of consistency in the actions of effective crisis diplomacy and multilateral cooperation of the Russian Federation in the region and throughout the world.

Does individual-level exposure to political violence prompt conciliatory attitudes? Does the answer vary by phase of conflict? The study uses longitudinal primary datasets to test the hypothesis that conflict-related experiences impact conciliation. Data were collected from Israeli Jews, Palestinians, and Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland. Across both contexts, and among both parties to each conflict, psychological distress and threat perceptions had a polarizing effect on conciliatory preferences. The study highlights that experiences of political violence are potentially a crucial source of psychological distress, and consequently, a continuing barrier to peace. This has implications in peacemaking, implying that alongside removing the real threat of violence, peacemakers must also work toward the social and political inclusion of those most affected by previous violence.

Los cristianos han estado comprometidos en la construcción de paz desde que Jesús comenzó a reunir discípulos. Sin embargo, se ha prestado poca atención sistemática a su papel como promotores de la paz. La Biblia no ofrece una teología coherente de la paz, pero pasajes clave como la bendición de Jesús para los pacificadores (Mateo 5: 9) y su consejo de “volver la otra mejilla” -una iniciativa transformadoraproporcionan un marco para tal teología.Pablo de Tarso vio las iglesias (ekklesiae), un término que significa las comunidades políticas, económicas y religiosas de los convertidos, como instrumentos en manos de Dios, para la transformación pacífica de un mundo reconciliado a través de la muerte y resurrección de Jesucristo. A lo largo de los milenios evolucionaron dos modelos básicos de consolidación de la paz; el pacifismo fue el enfoque de los primeros padres de la iglesia como Tertuliano, reemplazado por el modelo de guerra justa lanzado por Agustín y refinado por Tomás de Aquino, que establece pautas para los líderes políticos sobre el uso de la fuerza.Lutero y Calvino apoyaron básicamente el enfoque católico, mientras que los reformadores radicales como Menno Simons insistieron en la aplicación literal del llamado de Jesús a la resistencia no violenta al conflicto armado. Un tercer enfoque - la Guerra santa - ganó el apoyo papal en las Cruzadas y todavía tiene ecos en el período actual, pero ha sido rechazado por la mayoría de los líderes cristianos responsables. Ninguno de los modelos básicos proporciona mucha orientación para los activistas cristianos por la paz.En las últimas dos décadas, ha surgido un nuevo modelo, “Paz justa”, para llenar esa brecha, basado en “iniciativas transformadoras” del Nuevo Testamento, aprovechando las lecciones aprendidas de la lucha contra la esclavitud, el colonialismo y el racismo y aplicando las ideas extraídas de las teologías de liberación centrada en los pobres, las mujeres y los pueblos indígenas. Paz justa apoya el activismo en nombre de la paz mediante la abogacía, la promoción del diálogo entre las partes en conflicto y la acción directa no violenta. El nuevo modelo puede ser utilizado tanto por pacifistas como por aquellos que creen que la fuerza armada a veces puede ser necesaria para hacer frente a un conflicto violento.

The idea of African-led solutions to African security problems has emerged as a holistic political, socio-cultural, economic, and intellectual endeavor to address the peace and security challenges in the continent. Though the term African Solutions for African Problems (AfSol) is coined recently, indigenous conflict management, peacemaking, transitional justice, and reconciliation have existed for much longer in Africa through African indigenous mechanism. This suggests that understanding the features of indigenous African political institutions and social organizations is quite necessary for meaningful development of AfSol. In this regard, Gadaa system which regulates the whole living ways of the Oromo people provides us an invaluable foundation. By organizing, analyzing and interpreting the data obtained from both primary and secondary sources, this study has attempted to examine the key values and principles of the Gadaa system and explore as to how these values and principles can help to achieve the idea of African-led solutions to African challenges. The conclusion up on the research has drawn is that in order to accomplish AfSol's mission as a realistic project, incorporating the principles and values embedded in the Gadaa system is crucial. This research suggests that the integration of Gadaa values and principles into the AfSol pillars, with necessary revisions, would reinforce the latter's practices and help its realization as a policy in the making.

Many religious communities continue to prioritize male leadership, to the exclusion of women in the most public interfaith roles, including interreligious dialogues and peacemaking. By looking at diverse models of interfaith work, this article highlights the alternative spaces in which women have been agents of peacemaking and peacebuilding. If “interreligious peacemaking” is conceptualized as complex actors embedded in localized material, social and political realities struggling across religious lines in the promotion of human well-being, then we might see more clearly women already at work.

This article aims to analyse the role played by the USA and the European Union (EU) in Middle East peacemaking. It argues that there exists a de facto division of labour between two actors. While the USA has played a primary role and acted as the principal mediator in successive mediation efforts and dominated political and diplomatic dimension of the peace process; the EU was relegated to a secondary and supplementary role and has mainly focused on economic and financial dimension of the peace process and the creation of the structural conditions for sustainable peace which aimed to complement peacemaking efforts at the diplomatic level.

The four books under review focus on different aspects of war and conflict, but they all make it clear that women and children are more than their victims. They can be, and often are, active participants in all dimensions of conflict, from taking up arms to working for peace. While all four books paint an appropriately grim picture of war and its impact, there is also some optimism to be found in the resilience shown by women and children as they face the brutality of war and often actively seek to work for peace. Three of the books examine women's involvement in conflict, war, peace and peacemaking, and the aftermath of these events, albeit in very different ways-although all view women as active participants in the process rather than as victims. The fourth book included in this article, Children and global conflict, is not only relevant to the discussion, but also provides another important lens through which we can examine issues of conflict, war and peace. This review article provides insight into the contrition made to the field by these recent books individually, as well as when considered as parts of a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the increasing unlikelihood of a two-state solution, several integrative solutions have been proposed as alternative visions for settling the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Offering a nuanced conceptual map of the various proposals for inclusive, egalitarian political visions for all the inhabitants of Israel/Palestine, this article identifies three strands of integrative approaches: liberal, binational, and shared sovereignty. It critically assesses the strengths and weaknesses of these integrative strands and evaluates integrationists' preference for historical reconciliation as an alternative framework to the peacemaking discourse of the Oslo peace process

This article expands the study of the politics of international criminal justice, restoring the crucial but overlooked case of Bangladesh, today the largest population confronting the aftermath of genocide. Bangladesh is one of the most important cases where the prosecution of war criminals was foiled, resulting in a disturbing impunity for one of the bloodiest incidents of the Cold War. Using unexplored declassified Indian government documents from archives in Delhi, this article uses detailed process-tracing to reveal for the first time why India and Bangladesh abandoned their plans to put accused Pakistani war criminals on trial after the 1971 war between India and Pakistan. In the face of Pakistani defiance, the Indian and Bangladeshi governments reluctantly bargained away justice in order to pursue their national security, with peacemaking with Pakistan proving more important than war crimes trials. This episode furthers the general understanding of both the causes and results of impunity for mass atrocities, while extending the study of international justice into Asia. Bangladesh's tragic experience shows the primacy of international security, while also tentatively suggesting that even when amnesty is necessary for peacemaking, it can leave a toxic legacy for future politics.