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Este artículo considera al “kirchnerismo” y al “evismo” como movimientos identitarios de carácter popular, que intentaron otorgar respuestas a la dislocación abierta a partir de las jornadas de diciembre de 2001 (Argentina) y del ciclo de protestas 2000-2005 (Bolivia). Ambas construcciones identitarias afrontan, al menos, tres procesos simultáneos. Por un lado, la paulatina incorporación a la toma de decisiones públicas de sujetos y de demandas otrora invisibilizados; por otro, el trazado de fronteras políticas al interior del orden comunitario y, finalmente, la creación de un pueblo acompañado del rediseño de la institucionalidad vigente. En el devenir de estos procesos se señalan algunos puntos de acercamiento y de distanciamiento entre las experiencias de estudio. This article considers “kirchnerism” and “evism” to be popular identity movements which have attempted to provide answers to the open social dislocations since the crisis of December 2001 in Argentina, and the cycle of protests from 2000-2005 in Bolivia. The emergence of both of these identity constructions has involved at least three simultaneous processes. Firstly, the gradual incorporation of public decision-making on subjects and demands which were formerly ignored; secondly, political divisions within communities; and finally, establishing a nation within the new institutional framework currently in force. As these processes developed, some points of approach and distancing between the case studies were noted. Este artigo considera o “kirchnerismo” e o “evismo” como movimentos identitários de caráter popular, que tentaram outorgar respostas à deslocação aberta a partir das jornadas de dezembro de 2001 (Argentina) e do ciclo de protestos 2000-2005 (Bolívia). Ambas as construções identitárias enfrentam, pelo menos, três processos simultâneos. Por um lado, a gradual incorporação na tomada de decisões públicas de sujeitos e de demandas outrora invisibilizadas; por outro lado, o traçado de fronteiras políticas no interior da ordem comunitária, finalmente, a criação de um povo acompanhado pelo redesenho da institucionalidade vigente. No devir desses processos, sinalizam-se alguns pontos de aproximação e de afastamento entre as experiências de estudo.

"La democratización de la comunicación: la construcción de sentido en la política pública de los gobiernos de Cristina Kirchner, 2007-2015", publicado por Cecilia Beatriz Díaz, sobre la base de su tesis doctoral en la Universidad Nacional de La Plata, aborda, desde una perspectiva laclausiana, un proceso de reformas regulatorias denominado "la democratización en la comunicación", impulsado durante los dos mandatos de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015)., "The Democratization of Communication: the Construction of Meaning in the Public Policy of Governments by Cristina Kirchner, 2007-2015", published by Cecilia Beatriz Díaz, based on her doctoral thesis in the Universidad Nacional de La Plata, addresses, from a Laclausian perspective, a process of regulatory reform called "la democratización en la comunicación", promoted during the mandates of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015)., Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

The paper aims at contributing to the studies on religion and politics in Latin America by analyzing the interrelations between Judaism and Kirchnerism in Argentina. In order to accomplish its objectives, the author analyzes the discursive production of ethnicity in both the Llamamiento Argentino Judío and the Jewish newspaper Comunidades. These two cases have been chosen because of their placement in opposing sides of the political spectrum. While the Llamamiento sustains Kirchnerist goverments, Comunidades expressed a kind of interrelation between Judaism and politics that we have called ethnic anti-Kichnerism. The study of these processes allows us to reflect on several issues such as: (1) Jewish integration into the national society, (2) the relevance of Jewish affairs in the Argentinean political setting, and (3) the relevance of available political identities in the making of the Jewish field. Fil: Setton, Eli Damian. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Centro de Estudios e Investigaciones Laborales; Argentina

Couple charismatique, Néstor et Cristina Kirchner ont dominé la vie politique argentine pendant une douzaine d’années (2003-2015). Se réclamant du justicialisme, doctrine politique forgée par Juan Domingo Perón au milieu du XXe siècle, les Kirchner ont bâti un mouvement politique qui porte leur nom et qui a attisé la curiosité de beaucoup de chercheurs. Présenté comme « une variante du péronisme aux frontières extrêmement floues », le kirchnérisme a fait l’objet de nombreuses études académiqu...

El artículo se propone abordar las principales disputas que tuvieron lugar en Argentina frente al involucramiento del Estado en la formulación de “políticas de memoria” durante los gobiernos de Néstor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2003-2015). Para ello, nos detendremos en las discusiones que tuvieron lugar en el Congreso Nacional en ocasión de la construcción de un Museo en el ex Centro Clandestino de Detención ESMA. Analizaremos las principales críticas formuladas por la oposición partidaria en clave de “ilegitimidad”, “apropiación” y “banalización” de la memoria. La reconstrucción de estos argumentos y las respuestas esgrimidas por el oficialismo nos permitirán dar cuenta de los términos en que se desarrolló la disputa política por el pasado e introducir algunas consideraciones en torno del papel otorgado al “consenso” como modo de legitimación de la acción estatal en la materia.¿Who is entitled to remember? Memory conflicts during Kirchner and Fernández de Kirchner’s administrations in Argentina (2003-2015).The articleanalyses the main memory conflicts that took place in Argentina vis- à-vis the State involvement in memory politics during Néstor Kirchner and Fernández de Kirchner’s administrations (2003-2015). To this effect, it examines some of the debates held in the national parliament concerning the construction of a museum at the ex- clandestine detention center ESMA. It goes over the main critiques made by the political opposition (expressed in terms of “illegitimacy”, “appropriation” and “trivialization of memories”) and the responses held by the government. Altogether, this analysis will show the way in which the political arena dealt with the past in contemporary Argentina and will allow us to introduce some consideration Key words: Memory politics, Kirchnerism, State, ESMA

The main objective of this article is to discuss gender policies - proposals and agendas, legislation and political initiatives during the presidency of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in Argentina (2007-2015). Firstly, I analyze the achievements of Kirchner's presidency on the discussed field - in legislation and in the fight against gender violence. Subsequently, I present failures and problems of the Kirchner's agenda. In the conclusions I summarize the arguments presented in the article and consider whether the presidency of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner can be identified as a step forward in terms of gender equality, women's empowerment and equal rights in Argentina. El objetivo principal del presente artículo es discutir las políticas de género - propuestas y agendas, legislación e iniciativas políticas durante la presidencia de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner en Argentina (2007-2015). Primero, analizo los éxitos de la presidencia de Cristina Fernández - en la legislación y en las cuestiones de la violencia de género. Luego, presento los problemas y las derrotas de la agenda kirchnerista en el ámbito de género. En la conclusión, resumo los argumentos presentados en el artículo y considero si la presidencia de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner puede ser identificada como un paso adelante en materia de la igualdad de géneros, los derechos igualitarios y el empoderamiento de las mujeres en Argentina.

El artículo se propone analizar las dinámicas de hegemonía y acumulación partiendo del caso nacional de Argentina, articulando dicha escala, a través del estudio de la política exterior, con el proceso de integración regional que vive en la actualidad América Latina. En este trayecto abordamos la gestación del kirchnerismo como sujeto político hegemónico en la Argentina de la última década y su vinculación compleja con el modelo de acumulación de carácter neo-desarrollista que comenzó a gestarse con posterioridad a la crisis de 2001. El trabajo constituye una invitación a pensar los proyectos societarios en juego en nuestra región, a caracterizarlos observando las rupturas y continuidades que se expresan en múltiples dimensiones y escalas, e indagando los cambios en las relaciones de fuerzas., This article intends to analyze the hegemony and accumulation dynamics of Argentina. It will study this country's foreign policy and the regional integration process undergoing throughout Latin America today. Also, it will look into the development of Kirchnerism, as hegemonic political concept during the last decade in Argentina, and how Kirchnerism has associated itself with a complex neo-development model after the 2001 economic crisis. This work encourages ways to think about the region's societal projects, finding out its shortcomings and virtues., O artigo propõe analisar as dinâmicas de hegemonia e acumulação partindo do caso nacional da Argentina, articulando tal escala, através do estudo da política exterior, com o processo de integração regional que ocorre atualmente na América Latina. Neste trajeto abordamos a gestação do kirchnerismo como sujeito político hegemônico na Argentina da última década e sua vinculação complexa com o modelo de acumulação de caráter neo-desenvolvimentista que começou a gestarse após a crise de 2001. O trabalho constitui um convite a pensar os projetos societários em jogo em nossa região, a caracterizá-los observando as rupturas e continuidades que se expressam em múltiplas dimensões e escalas, e indagando as mudanças na relação de forças., Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

The objective of this text (which also involves a working hypothesis) is to contribute elements intended to analyze social policies as political and institutional resources which can add to the building of a presidential leadership. Taking this as a starting point, social policies designed for the young—which were especially fostered and financed during Cristina Fernández de Kirchner‟s second term of office—are analyzed as elements that may have helped to build a political leadership. However, it is also appropriate to consider the presidency of Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) in order to gain a better understanding of such a construction, since this is the point where the political-institutional scaffolding that propelled that leadership lies. With regard to social interventions of the young, different studies conducted across Argentina have highlighted the increase of social participation and citizenship building. Those studies provide some hints in relation to the question raised when considering such interventions as political and institutional resources: are the young a political payoff or a transformation tool? Fil: Becher, Yussef. Universidad Nacional de San Luis. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas, Jurídicas y Sociales; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - San Luis; Argentina

Traditionally, Argentine foreign policy has been regarded as the domain of the executive, and a laudable expression of realism. Perspectives that include domestic variables as a source of foreign policy have only emerged relatively recently, and have only assumed importance in a redemocratised Argentina in the course of its recurrent economic and political crises in the late 20th and early 21st century. This dynamic was particularly marked during and after the crisis of 2001. As a result, Kirchnerist foreign policy was affected by a range of complex domestic factors. The aim of this article is to show how those factors drove the governments of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner, without abandoning executive primacy, to prioritise a neodevelopmental economic model, and combine them with an autonomous foreign policy which they believed to be the only way to meet the social demands of those affected by the neoliberal crisis. Fil: Busso, Anabella Estela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario; Argentina

The dispute over sovereignty in the Falkland Islands (called Islas Malvinas in the Spanishspeaking world) between Argentina and Great Britain has lasted for nearly two hundred years. The archipelago has been a British territory since 1833, when the crew of HMS ‘Clio’ forcibly took over the islands, which had previously belonged to Argentina. The Argentine people have never accepted this loss and have since been trying to reclaim the territory, with no further effect. The aim of this paper is to analyse the role of the Falkland Islands dispute in Argentine domestic and foreign policy during the presidencies of Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015). The thesis of this paper is that the Falklands became a crucial factor in shaping Argentine policy during the Kirchner era, not only on the international level, but also within the country.

This article studies the transformation of the frames of political activists who come from autonomous social movements in Argentina and Spain. The cases of Kirchnerism in Argentina and Podemos and the local electoral coalitions in Spain, despite all their contextual and historical differences, follow the same pattern of politicisation. They took place within a general social tendency towards post-politics, understood as the reduction of politics to technical management, without questioning the existing capitalist order. In both cases, the model of politicisation starts within an exceptional political event: the social protests of 2001 in Argentina and the mobilisations of the 15M or indignados in Spain in 2011. Drawing on participant observation and semi-structured interviews, the article examines how social actors re-adjust their frames by managing the contradictions between their previous autonomous logic of action and their new institutional roles, according to the changing economic and political context. It concludes that there has been a clear process of politicisation, materialised in the rise of new generations of political activists, but to some extent the post-political situation remains both in the exceptional political moment and in the electoral coalitions, as the core of the economic system remains unquestioned. Fil: Díaz Parra, Rubén Ibán. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Sevilla; España Fil: Roca Martínez, Beltrán. Universidad de Cádiz; España Fil: Romano, Silvina Maria. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Estudios de América Latina y el Caribe; Argentina

Este artículo analiza la experiencia de la Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina, surgida como alternativa a la tradicional Confederación General del Trabajo y como respuesta a las condiciones históricas impuestas en Argentina de la década del noventa. A partir de una mirada enfocada en las lógicas políticas (gremial, políti- co-partidaria, hegemónica, populista), reconstruimos la historia de la CTApara contribuir a la comprensión de su configuración como actor y de su ruptura en dos luego de las elecciones sindicales de 2010., This article analyses the experience of the “Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina” which emerged as an alternative to the traditional “Confederación General del Trabajo” and as a response to the historical conditions imposed on Argentina during the nineties. From a perspective that is focused on the political logic (union, hegemonic, partisan and populist), we rebuild the history of the CTA to contribute to the comprehension of its configuration as an actor and its breaking into two after the union elections 2010., Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (IdIHCS)

The current processes have reignited the debate surrounding populism in Latin America; however, the category's theoretical status is far from being clarified. In this context, the article suggests that populism could contribute to political theory, starting from the open perspective of Ernesto Laclau, while also drawing on the definition of functional fields in its political analysis: populism as discourse; as a construction of a political subject; and as promoting the inclusion of all that has been excluded in the social order. Starting from these developments, the second part of the article uses these contributions to analyze the current political process in Argentina, and specifically the phenomenon of kirchnerism., Los procesos actuales han revitalizado el debate en torno al populismo en América Latina; no obstante, el estatus teórico de la categoría está lejos de ser clarificado. En este contexto, el artículo propone una contribución a la teoría política del populismo a partir de la perspectiva abierta por Ernesto Laclau, a la vez que avanza en la definición de campos funcionales al análisis político: el populismo como discurso, como construcción del sujeto político y como inclusión de lo excluido en el orden social. A partir de estos desarrollos, en la segunda parte del artículo se utilizan estos aportes para analizar el proceso político actual en Argentina, a saber, el fenómeno del kirchnerismo., Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Los gobiernos neopopulistas de los países de la región han avanzado en políticas que tienden a combatir las corporaciones mediáticas y democratizar la comunicación. A partir del análisis del caso argentino, este trabajo busca dar cuenta de cómo estas políticas no han tenido aún eco en los sistemas de medios subnacionales. Teniendo en cuenta la relación de las empresas comunicacionales con los gobiernos locales, se propone aquí la clasificación de los sistemas de medios subnacionales en tres tipos: patrimonialistas, donde los gobiernos controlan la mayor parte de los medios locales; polarizados, donde los gobiernos se encuentran con fuerte oposición mediática, pero igualmente cuentan con medios a su favor; e híbridos, ubicados en jurisdicciones más grandes y con características específicas vinculadas a sus contextos políticos y económicos. Neo-populist governments in South America have undertaken policies that tend to combat mediatic corporations and democratize communication. Parting from an analysis of the Argentine case, this article seeks to shed light on how these policies have not yet had an effect on sub-national media systems. Taking into account the relationships communications enterprises maintain with local governments, we propose a classification of sub-national media systems into the following three categories: patrimonial, where governments control most of the local media; polarized, where governments face strong opposition from, but still have allies within, the media; and hybrids, which are located under larger jurisdictions and have specific characteristics tied to their political and economic contexts. Fil: Picco, Ernesto. Universidad Nacional de Santiago del Estero. Facultad de Humanidades, Ciencias Sociales y de la Salud. Instituto de Estudios para el Desarrollo Social; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina