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Purpose: This study aims to fill the gap in the existing literature on organizational behavior by examining the combined effects of individual factors (e.g., gender, age, job tenure) on political will (PW) and political skill (PS). Design/methodology/approach: This study employs a quantitative approach. Data were collected via questionnaires filled out by senior and middle managers employed in large and medium-sized enterprises operating in Poland. To establish the relationship between the variables, we used Spearman's rho correlation coefficient and to compare the mean values of PW and PS between the analyzed groups we implemented the Student's t-test for independent samples. Findings: The study revealed significant insights into PW and PS in organizational settings. Women demonstrated higher interpersonal influence and apparent sincerity compared to men. Negative correlations were found between age and all dimensions of PW and most dimensions of PS, indicating lower levels of these attributes in older employees. Similarly, negative correlations were observed with job tenure, as longer-tenured employees exhibited lower levels of PW and PS. These findings underscore the need for targeted developmental programs to enhance political skills across different demographic groups within organizations. Research limitations/implications: The study underscores the necessity for integrated studies that simultaneously examine PW and PS for a holistic understanding of these constructs within organizational settings. Future research should involve larger or more diverse samples to validate the findings and conduct longitudinal studies to observe how PW and PS evolve over time and with organizational changes. Practical implications: This research offers practical implications for leaders and managers seeking to foster effective political behaviors and enhance organizational outcomes. Ultimately, it aims to provide a nuanced understanding of the complex interplay between individual factors in shaping PW and PS as they are vital for navigating the complex political landscapes of modern organizations. Originality/value: This paper offers new insights into demographic influences on PW and PS within organizational settings, challenging conventional assumptions. By highlighting that older employees and those with longer tenure may have lower levels of PW and PS, the research calls for a reevaluation of developmental practices within organizations. This paper is particularly valuable to organizational leaders, HR professionals, and scholars interested in enhancing leadership effectiveness and promoting equitable development opportunities across diverse employee groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates Greek citizens' attitudes toward the current healthcare system and their perspectives on healthcare reforms. Additionally, it explores the role of both endogenous and exogenous crises in accelerating the implementation of long-overdue structural reforms that might otherwise be challenging to achieve. To this end, the research examines the level of trust in institutions and the implementation of healthcare reforms following the fiscal crisis and during the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings reveal that while most Greek citizens recognize the necessity of structural reforms within the healthcare system, approximately half of the population views these changes negatively. The primary obstacles to successful reform are identified as a lack of political will and resistance from specific interest groups. The contradiction within Greek society concerning healthcare reform is largely driven by low levels of institutional trust and social capital. Although there is a clear need for radical reforms, public perception tends to be negative when these changes are framed within political discourse. However, when reforms align with the actual needs of society, citizens' trust in institutions increases, thereby improving the likelihood of successful policy implementation. This underscores the critical role of institutional trust in facilitating significant healthcare policy transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to analyze the effect of political will and information technology on fraud prevention either directly or through the quality of financial reporting information. This study uses a survey method that intentionally targets five village officials responsible for village financial administration. The survey was conducted in Pangkep Regency, South Sulawesi Province, Indonesia. Data collection was carried out using a questionnaire with a total research sample of 325 respondents. Data analysis was conducted using partial least squares structural equation modeling with the help of the SmartPls 4.0 application. The results showed that political will had a positive and significant effect on fraud prevention (β = 0.198; t-value = 3.230 > 1.97) but had no effect on the quality of financial reporting information (β = 0.053; t-value = 0.696 < 1.97). Information technology had a significant negative effect on fraud prevention (β = –0.198; t-value = 3.019 > 1.97) and a significant positive effect on the quality of financial reporting information (β = 0.186; t-value = 2. 863 > 1.97). Fraud prevention has a positive and significant effect on the quality of financial reporting information (β = 0.161; t-value = 2.598 > 1.97). Political will has no significant effect on fraud prevention through the quality of financial reporting information (β = 0.009; t-value = 0.628 < 1.97), while information technology has a positive and significant effect on fraud prevention through the quality of financial reporting information (β = 0.029; t-value = 2.093 > 1.97).

Nigeria accounts for a substantial cholera burden globally, particularly in its northeast region, where insurgency is persistent and widespread. We used participatory group model building workshops to explore enablers and barriers to implementing known cholera interventions, including water, sanitation and hygiene, surveillance and laboratory, case management, community engagement, oral cholera vaccine, and leadership and coordination, as well as exploring leverage points for interventions and collaboration. The study engaged key cholera stakeholders in the northeastern States of Adamawa and Bauchi, as well as national stakeholders in Abuja. Adamawa and Bauchi States' group modes building participants comprised 49 community members and 43 healthcare providers, while the 23 national participants comprised government ministry, department and agency staff, and development partners. Data were analysed thematically and validated via consultation with selected participants. The study identified four overarching themes regarding the enablers and barriers to implementing cholera interventions: (1) political will, (2) health system resources and structures, (3) community trust and culture, and (4) spill-over effect of COVID-19. Specifically, inadequate political will exerts its effect directly (e.g. limited funding for prepositioning essential cholera supplies) or indirectly (e.g. overlapping policies) on implementing cholera interventions. The healthcare system structure (e.g. centralization of cholera management in a State capital) and limited surveillance tools weaken the capacity to implement cholera interventions. Community trust emerges as integral to strengthening the healthcare system's resilience in mitigating the impacts of cholera outbreaks. Lastly, the spill-over effects of COVID-19 helped promote interventions similar to cholera (e.g. water, sanitation and hygiene) and directly enhanced political will. In conclusion, the study offers insights into the complex barriers and enablers to implementing cholera interventions in Nigeria's cholera-endemic settings. Strong political commitment, strengthening the healthcare system, building community trust and an effective public health system can enhance the implementation of cholera interventions in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In an era of disruptive global challenges, from climate crises to pandemics, understanding the drivers of drastic policy innovation is paramount. This study defines drastic policy innovation as a significant shift in governmental priorities through policies untried by most jurisdictions in a country. While policy entrepreneurs are often credited with initiating change, this study argues that political will is essential for enacting and implementing such innovative policies. Political will is defined as the degree of commitment among key decision makers to enact and implement specific policies. It is characterized by three key components: authority (the power to enact and enforce policy), capacity (the resources to implement it effectively), and legitimacy (the perceived rightfulness of actions by stakeholders). Through the case of low‐carbon city experimentation in China, this study examines how political will drives the adoption and implementation of these policies. The findings reveal that a high level of political will is significantly linked to more drastically innovative policies being enacted and implemented and that when political will is institutionalized, implementation continues despite leadership turnover. These insights likely apply to other policy contexts and countries, regardless of regime type, albeit with some caveats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fabienne Peter (2020) recently proposed a taxonomy of accounts of the meta-normative grounds of political legitimacy. In this article, I argue that there is an important distinction left out of that taxonomy that complicates the picture. This is the distinction between attitude-independent and attitude-dependent conceptions of normative truth. Through an examination of these conceptions of normative truth (and correlate interpretations of what counts as a normative reason) I argue that what Peter calls a fact-based conception of legitimacy may collapse into a will-based conception. Further, the distinction has important implications for what Peter calls the belief-based conception. Finally, I defend the will-based conception against Peter's arbitrariness objection through an examination of ideally coherent eccentrics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the existence of anti-corruption whistleblowing laws, Zimbabwe's public service has suffered from maladministration, corrupt politicians, "mediators" and businesses, malpractice and irregularities for a long time. This article, employing grounded theory within a qualitative research paradigm, discusses a study which draws on eight interviews and found that whistleblowers lack state protection because state institutions do not have the political will to protect them. These realities are associated with: 1) state organisation capacity and success, or lack of it, in whistleblower protection in the public sector; 2) the significance of legislative and regulatory measures that encourage citizens to become whistleblowers as a key deterrent against corruption; 3) the lack of operationalisation of whistleblower protection within public organisations; 4) the possibility of creative intervention strategies and tactics that would increase the role and success of whistleblowing initiatives and actions; and 5) future financial incentives in laws and regulations that could encourage whistleblowing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International Humanitarian Law (IHL) strives to protect those affected by armed conflicts and limit means and methods of warfare. However, violations of IHL persist, and people often remain inadequately protected. The article traces IHL's historical evolution from its early days to the universal ratification of the Geneva Conventions, emphasizing that the framework itself is not flawed. Instead, the lack of political will to comply with IHL in good faith is the primary cause of these violations. The article argues that compliance in good faith with IHL is essential to preserve its protective nature and demonstrate its relevance. Examples of compliance with IHL illustrate how IHL can protect persons affected by armed conflicts and its potential to contribute to peace. The conclusion underscores that the persistent relevance of IHL hinges on states' commitment to uphold and enforce its principles, asserting that genuine political will is crucial for mitigating the impact of armed conflicts and fostering sustainable peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Filosofija, Sociologija is the property of Lithuanian Academy of Sciences Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

AbstractCorruption is recurrent in conversations and political debates, but it can have different meanings. This study aimed to assess how the words that 1,020 citizens and 120 politicians in Portugal associated with corruption interacted and varied. Data came from two surveys that collected responses to “What words do you associate with corruption?” from October 2020 to April 2021: the EPOCA-FCT survey conducted with citizens and the ETHICS-FFMS survey conducted with MPs and local elected officials in office. We used network analysis to find that the mass-elite incongruence when defining corruption can be used (a) to enhance corruption surveys and (b) as a tool to foster political will for anti-corruption reform in areas/sectors that are linked to corruption. In Portugal, corruption came down to “theft of money by politicians” (citizens) and “dishonesty and illegality in a crony relationship” (politicians), and the promotion of integrity in the Banking sector emerged as central to any anti-corruption reform. This was the first attempt to show that knowing what citizens and politicians have in mind can be a valid tool to enhance both the quality of future corruption surveys and the implementation of anti-corruption policies when no short-term political will for a change exists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2024, around the world nearly 60 national elections will be held involving billions of people. Many commentators see this as a make-or-break moment in terms of re-establishing democracy and pushing back against rising authoritarian regimes that have been increasing in recent years. This essay explores why –despite worldwide scientific consensus that we are facing ecological collapse –there is little discussion about the climate crisis among the upcoming wave of national elections. This silence around the climate emergency raises several pressing questions: Why is there limited political will on behalf of national leaders when it comes to mitigating the climate crisis? What does this suggest about the state of democracy when political leaders can sidestep and ignore the escalating demands of their constituencies? Finally, what actions can be taken by ordinary people who are increasingly subject to repressive anti-protest laws that prevent them from speaking out against antidemocratic leaders and their political collusion with the fossil fuel sector? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ignoring the political aspect of sovereignty forms a significant part of the legal and political discourse. But, Schmitt teaches us that the ruler's ability to set aside legal norms when an exception occurs, rather than using authority through these norms, constitutes the essence of sovereignty. We should understand this Schmittian doctrine in the context of his understanding of the Constituent power. The power's concrete will and the ruler's representation decide the constitutional law and written constitution. The meaning of constitutionalism lies in its concrete reality, not in norms above this will. Constitutional norms have no authority other than this will. To understand the ruler's decision-making in exceptional circumstances, we must view it through Schmitt's idea of sovereignty. The center of sovereignty is based on a representative of the constituent power. The ruler acts as a representative of this power using sovereign authority. To achieve a correct understanding of the system of constitutional law, one must consider sovereignty and emphasize its political aspect; this article analyzes sovereignty from Schmitt's perspective and emphasizes that claiming to limit sovereignty through written norms leads to misunderstandings of sovereignty and constitutional law. This article shows that analyzing sovereignty through Schmitt's concept is important. It helps us understand political and legal thought better and avoid confusion.

In recent years, the asset declaration regime has emerged as a useful catalytic tool against corruption. Many nations have now made asset declaration a constitutional or legislative imperative with explicit obligations on appointed and elected government officials to declare their assets and property. However, compliance with these constitutional and legislative prescriptions seems difficult or nearly impossible due to the regime being either problematically weak or there is the problem of non-implementation of the law as in Cameroon. The problem of non-implementation is rooted in the lack of promulgation of the enabling presidential decree to operationalise the law on asset declaration. This situation has made it possible for elected and appointed government officials not to declare their assets and property as required. A need remains to determine what could be done to surmount Cameroon's public sector corruption conundrum that has brought the country's image into disrepute. Can political will play this role? In this article, I attempt to make the case for political will as a tool to operationalise asset declaration in Cameroon. I argue that an asset declaration regime requires more than the enactment of legislation to galvanise the necessary political will and support for their deployment in practice to achieve the intended purpose. I demonstrate that there is a lack of political will by Cameroon's political ruling elites to ensure compliance with the constitutional and legislative mandates on asset declaration and to fully realise the constitutional democratic values of transparency and accountability. Furthermore, the lack of political will can have a dominant negative hold on the (effective) implementation of asset declaration as an anti-corruption measure. I conclude that decisively confronting compliance with asset declaration laws in Cameroon, urgently requires political will. The doctrinal method of research is used to achieve the objective of the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By using digital technologies to streamline procedures and increase the productivity of public services, e-government modernizes administrative management and makes government more accessible and responsive to citizens’ requests for assistance. The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between e-government and administrative management in the Provincial Municipality of Huaura, Peru. Using a sample of 129 administrative workers and a population of 194 administrative workers, a quantitative, non-experimental, cross-sectional and correlational methodology was developed. Participants completed a survey-questionnaire. The results showed a substantial relationship between administrative management and e-government in the Provincial Municipality of Huaura, with a sig. of less than 5 % and a Rho value of 0,596. This allowed us to deduce that the planning, organization, management and control of the entity’s public resources will improve to the extent that a more solid electronic infrastructure is implemented, political will and institutional architecture, governance through transformations and organizational redesign, and whether or not its citizens have the necessary tools or knowledge to access online information and services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

the paper analyzed the challenges facing Lagos State Public Procurement Agency in the implementation of procurement law. The paper adopted both the primary and secondary sources of data; data were collected through administration of questionnaires on the identified respondents. The study population of workers in the selected ministries, agency, contractors, and civil society organization consisted of 1398. A proportionate random sampling technique was used in selecting a sample size of 210 respondents representing 15% of the study population. Secondary data were obtained from books, academic journal official documents of LSPPA, and internet. Data collected were analyzed with the use of percentage, frequency, and mean. The result of the study revealed that the challenges facing Lagos State Public Procurement Agency; namely: poor ethical standard (58.9%, x̅ =2.5), shortage of manpower (72.2%, x̅ =2.1), and delay in the adjudication of contract malpractices (65.8%, x̅=2.1) were largely insubstantial challenges facing LSPPA in the implementation of public procurement law of the state amongst the ten acknowledged challenges. On the other hand, the paper further shown the challenges that were largely substantial for the LSPPA in the implementation of public procurement law in the state; such as: interference from political office holders (67.4, x̅=2.9), poor ethical standard (63.9%, x̅=2.6), delay in the release of appropriated budget (57.4%, x̅=2.7), political will and commitment to prosecute offenders (54.5, x̅=2.7), sharp practices in the award of contract (65.8%, x̅=2.8), politicized civil society organization (78.2%, x̅ =3.0), and submission of procurement plan (60.9%, x̅=2.8) substantially hampers LSPPA in the quest to achieve efficiency, probity, openness, value for money, accountability, and fair pricing amongst others. The study therefore, concludes that the challenges facing LSPPA, Lagos State Public Procurement Agency in the implementation of public procurement law in the state is largely substantial, and decelerates the policy objective targets of procurement law of the State. It was further evident from seven claims confirmation as against three claims that negated it respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humania del Sur: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Africanos y Asiáticos is the property of Humania del Sur. Estudios Latinoamericanos Africanos y Asiaticos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines a moderated mediation model to explore how the power value of an individual influences the use of manipulation tactics, and how hierarchy and political will of employees interact to influence this relationship. Data were collected from the employees of a public sector organization in India. Structural equation modeling has been used to explore the mediation and moderated mediation relationships between variables. The results of the study indicate that political will mediates the relationship between power value and the use of manipulation tactics, and hierarchy increases the use of manipulation tactics by strengthening the effect of political will on the use of manipulation tactics. The study elaborates upon the role of hierarchy in the process, thereby paving the way for a better understanding of leadership in the context of organizational politics. This study also calls for a fine-tuning of the organizational structure to make it more welcoming toward the political will and power values of the employees. This study also contributes to value studies and organizational psychology literature by explaining moderated mediation mechanisms through which power value and political will affect employees' use of manipulation tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The youth population in Montenegro constitutes a demographic of strong significance for study. The theme that stands out is their involvement in conventional forms of political participation. Decreasing the voting age from 18 to 16 would enable the youth population to participate in the voting process, directly impacting policies that would affect their societal status. EU member states such as Malta, Austria, and Germany serve as strong examples of good practice with regard to the voting rights of youth. The objective of this study was to assess the political awareness and will of the youth in Montenegro to take on more societal and political responsibility, and to compare the political knowledge between newly eligible voters and older minors, in line with trends in the EU. In order to examine the attitudes of youth and obtain research findings, a combination of quantitative research through a survey and qualitative research through a semi-structured interview conducted with relevant actors such as psychologists, teachers, young people, and representatives of the non-governmental sector was conducted. The research survey was conducted on a sample of 186 participants who completed the survey online. The respondents were youth attending high school or university in the Podgorica area. The results indicate that older minors reject the idea of decreasing the voting age from 18 to 16, and that older minors have the same or comparable degree of political knowledge as young adults who are already eligible to vote. Another finding points to the fact that older minors have confidence in electoral processes but do not want to participate in them. They have a higher level of trust in the non-governmental sector and believe that it is through these organizations that they become active participants in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After 29 years of democracy, South Africa's public sector is in critical condition; the capacity of the public sector to meet people's needs has been called into question. This is due to poor public service delivery and frequent service delivery protests in South Africa. Citizens have taken to the streets to express their dissatisfaction with a government that no longer serves them effectively. Political office bearers' lack of political will has harmed and nearly crippled the public sector's ability to provide sustainable public service. The involvement of those in positions of government leadership in corruption, a lack of public accountability, and poor consequence management in the public sector all point to a lack of political will. The lack of commitment shown by politicians in the leadership roles has raised the question of whether South Africans can rely on the government. The poor and vulnerable citizens are most affected by the lack of political accountability in the public sector because they rely more on the government. The country's reliance on the public sector is caused by a lack of job opportunities. The country's current challenges, such as load shedding, corruption, and public debt, are also putting the public sector on its knees. This paper seeks to examine the impact of a lack of political will on public service delivery and the costs borne by citizens. This paper is timely, as the South African public sector is nearly paralyzed by a lack of political will after 29 years of democracy. To richly address the objectives of this paper, a qualitative research method was used in conjunction with a review of literature.

The study examined the level of senior secondary school students’ knowledge of insurgencies in Nigeria as well as the difference in senior secondary school students’ knowledge of insurgencies in Nigeria based on gender, location and religion. The descriptive research design of survey type was used for this study with the population consisting of all senior secondary school students (male and female) in both public and private secondary schools in Southwest, Nigeria. The sample for the study comprised 600 senior secondary school students whose selection was based on multistage sampling procedure. For the purpose of data collection, the instrument designed by the researchers titled “Questionnaire on Insurgencies in Nigeria” (QIN) was used for the study after validation. The instrument was subjected to reliability test through Cronbach Alpha method that yielded reliability coefficient of 0.76. Data generated was analyzed using both descriptive and inferential statistics. Descriptive statistics of frequency counts, percentage, mean and standard deviation was used to answer the research question raised while inferential statistics of t-test was used to test the hypotheses at 0.05 level of significance. The findings showed that the level of senior secondary school students’ knowledge of insurgencies was moderate, significant difference existed in senior secondary school students’ knowledge of insurgencies in Nigeria based on location. It was thus recommended that security education should be intensified in Nigeria secondary schools to create more awareness to the younger ones.

Following the 2018 political reforms in Ethiopia, many rebel groups that were fighting against the government and labelled as 'terrorists' were allowed to return to the country. The most prominent of these was the Oromo Liberation Front, which had been based in Eritrea before it was granted amnesty. Subsequently, the Oromo Liberation Front announced a ceasefire, made a peace agreement with the Ethiopian government in the Eritrean capital Asmara and later entered Ethiopia. However, the details of the peace agreement were not publicised and there was no clarity on the legal grounds of the agreement. The peace agreement soon failed to deliver the expected outcome of peace. This paper argues that the failure of the agreement was due to a number of reasons, most notably the absence of a clear DDR process for ex-combatants, the presence of factions within the OLF, lack of political will and the absence of a democratic ethos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do public administration reforms develop in cases of political instability? Administrative reform has always been on the agenda of governments. Ample literature discusses its necessity and the factors that are associated with both its successes and failures worldwide. Nevertheless, only a few studies discuss the impact of political instability on public administration reform. Focusing on the Israeli experience, we explore public administration reform in the context of political instability. Using content analysis and in-depth interviews, we highlight how political instability adds more costs to politicians' cost-benefit calculations about actively promoting public administration reform, as well as how it blocks their desire to engage in mundane work when large, visible reforms have been proposed. Our findings indicate that the problems of non-governability and political instability that create the need for administrative reform also create powerful barriers to it—particularly the lack of political will. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The imperative to expedite the reduction of stunting rates has emerged as a paramount policy goal, garnering unanimous support from local governments across Indonesia. Banyuwangi Regency, in its commitment to this cause, has introduced the Banyuwangi Tanggap Stunting (BTS) Program, an innovative initiative aimed at diminishing stunting prevalence. The success of this program hinges on the endorsement and proactive involvement of all village governments within Banyuwangi Regency. Crucially, the efficacy of such policies necessitates a foundation rooted in the Political Will of village governments to facilitate implementation. This study delves into the case of Kedunggebang Village, situated in the Tegaldlimo District, which has embarked on the BTS program through a collaborative, cross-sectoral approach and extensive community counseling efforts. The primary objective of this research is to elucidate the Political Will exhibited by the Kedunggebang village government in supporting the BTS initiative, while also examining the impediments encountered during its implementation. Employing qualitative descriptive methods and in-depth interviews, this research employs the Brinkerhoff Theory as an analytical framework. Notably, the study stands out as a multidisciplinary exploration, scrutinizing public health concerns through the lenses of public policy and government bureaucracy. The findings reveal a nuanced scenario where the Kedunggebang Village Government demonstrates a lower level of Political Will, yet exhibits the capacity to effectively implement the BTS program. Consequently, the study advocates for essential bureaucratic reforms, including the enactment of village regulations, the formulation of comprehensive village development plans, and the establishment of a dedicated task force to accelerate the reduction of stunting rates.

The relationship of the United States (U.S.) agrifood sector to climate change is bidirectional; cattle production for beef consumption generates methane and nitrous oxide, both of which are potent greenhouse gases (GHGs). These gases contribute to global warming which in turn increase the frequency and strength of adverse catastrophic events, which compromise the food supply. Increased GHGs also affect crop yields and the micronutrient content of crops, which adversely affect the prevalence of food and nutrition insecurity, particularly in low- and middle-income countries. Because the U.S. is a major contributor to global warming, we have a special responsibility to reduce our contribution to the generation of GHGs. The dilemma is that beef is a highly nutritious and desirable food, with excess consumption in the U.S. and under consumption in other parts of the world, but a desirable source of nutrients in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Reductions in fossil fuels have been a major focus of concern, and the agrifood system has been largely ignored. Policy changes to reduce beef consumption have been resisted at the highest levels of government. Furthermore, shifts to more plant-based diets have been contentious. Successful reductions in beef consumption will require individual, institutional, municipal, and state initiatives. Building the political will for change will require a compelling communication campaign that emphasizes the unsustainable contribution of beef consumption to climate change and land and water use.

In a world characterised by vast wealth, technological development and strong polities, the widespread failure to respect, protect and fulfil socio-economic rights (ESR) will seem to many a matter of choice. It is no surprise, therefore, that the essentially voluntaristic, protean language of political will is drawn on as an explanation for how such rights are realised or go unmet. Few would doubt that the fulfilment of the duties of states contained in the ICESCR depends critically on the commitment of domestic leaders, national executives and bureaucracies. However, in the literature on ESR, the concept of political will has never advanced beyond the status of a synonym for those factors at the intersection of the psychological and the institutional that create a reform space. A widely shared acceptance that theory in this area lacks awareness of political processes that determine the success or failure of rights-based projects has resulted in a somewhat diaphanous promotion of ESR that has dishearteningly little to say about the very political will advocates identify as central to (non)realisation. This article posits political economy analysis in development literature as one place where human rights scholars and policy-makers might look for a better understanding of the concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon social cognitive theory, our study proposes a dual-stage moderated mediation model that utilizes moral disengagement as the mediator and self-serving political will as the moderator to investigate whether, how, and when team-oriented citizenship pressure leads to pro-group unethical behavior. Data were collected through questionnaires from 527 Chinese employees in various industries. Amos and Process macro were used to test the model's fit and hypotheses, respectively. The results showed that citizenship pressure has a positive effect on pro-group unethical behavior through moral disengagement. Moreover, self-serving political will is a positive moderator in both the first and second stages, as well as in the mediation effect. This study extends the related research field by linking citizenship pressure and political will with moral disengagement and pro-social unethical behavior, responding to some academic calls. When faced with team-oriented citizenship pressure, team members with high self-serving political will may become a sharp edge that stabs at other competing teams. Managers at the team and organizational levels can intervene in different ways depending on their constructive or destructive management goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do employees become politically motivated? In this study, we examine how ethnic minority employees interpret political experiences at work and form motivations to act politically (or not) by uncovering attribution-based political scripts. We propose that cognitive scripts entail learning about the political landscape at work and motivational pathways (personal responses to the political landscape). Adopting a mixed methods approach, we interviewed 40 ethnic minority employees and extracted 810 spontaneous causal attributions about beneficial or detrimental career-related political experiences. Using latent class analysis, we identified how combinations of these attributions formed six political scripts. The content of these scripts revealed that most political experiences motivated participants to opt out of the political arena, unless political activity was legitimized or enabled by senior gatekeepers. Our findings advance scholarship on political cognition, political will, and racialized politics at work by highlighting how the wider organizational political environment shapes employees' political motivation. We also demonstrate how politics can be perceived as racialized and offer practical suggestions for ways organizations can make workplace politics more racially inclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]