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This article examines, through the theoretical framework of realism, China’s articulation and implementation of its new model of major power relationships (NMMPR), its rationale, objectives and the strategies involved. The study will concentrate on the model’s application to Sino-American relations, though it will also briefly survey its application to China’s relations with other major powers. The Chinese leadership’s assessment of the global power configuration and its trends of evolution will be considered. The articulation of the NMMPR also reflects new variables in Chinese foreign policy and Sino-US relations. They include Xi Jinping’s distinctive leadership style, the arrival of a less favourable international environment, the concern about potential deterioration in Sino-US relations, and the increasing inclination of China’s neighbours to adopt a hedging strategy, including the strengthening of security co-operation with the US.

In line with the principle of ‘small government, big society', the Chinese authorities are likely to considerably expand the service delivery role of NGOs which do not intend to challenge the Party-state. These NGOs could be allowed a respected place in society, and they would have the financial resources from the government to offer needed services. On the other hand, NGOs which are perceived to pose a threat to the Party-state will continue to be suppressed. United front tactics are likely to be adopted, and leaders of these NGOs will be induced to alter their mode of operation into one acceptable to the Chinese authorities — i.e. both carrots and sticks are applied. Meanwhile, civil society will continue to grow quantitatively and qualitatively. Optimistic estimates are that, at this stage, China has about 7‒8 million social organizations involving about 300 million people, about one-fifth of China's total population. This critical mass is still inadequate to exert pressure on the Party-state t...

This volume attempts to understand China's rise and the China model, adopting an analytical framework linking China's domestic political economy order and the global system. Ming Wan's clearly defi...

This is a book based on a doctoral dissertation completed in 2007. Like other good books of this nature, it demonstrates serious research efforts and valuable data collection, and therefore should ...

The ASEAN–China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) is the first of the free trade agreements signed by ASEAN with its major trade partners, and is generally considered a success. However, while liberalization of trade among ASEAN countries has historically not provoked any major issues, things went differently concerning the ACFTA, and complaints have been raised that the treaty allows China too many trade benefits. The purpose of this article is to evaluate, using trade gravity equations, if there is any evidence that the ACFTA has been responsible for the growing trade imbalance between China and Indonesia. The model has not produced any conclusive results about the negative effects on the ACFTA for Indonesia. Given the relevance of this treaty for the ongoing regional integration in Asia, however, the coming years will be crucial in determining the form of it among the existing options and the outcome now seems more uncertain than ever.

There are now many books and articles on China’s global rise, and authors have to work hard to produce a new volume that is attractive and worth reading.The authors consider that the existing liter...

This volume claims to be the first of its kind to be published since the 1970s; this is probably an exaggeration but the claim reflects that China’s relations with Africa have been a relatively neg...

Observations reveal that People's Congress elections at the county/district and town/township levels in China in 2003, 2006–07 and 2011–12 were not entirely free and just. There are many loopholes, and they had been fully exploited by the Chinese authorities to control the elections. The problem does not lie in the specific provisions of the Election Law; the fundamental question is that the Chinese leadership has no intention to conduct free and just elections at the grassroots level. Its most important consideration is to control, or to maintain political stability, and this consideration became even stronger in 2011–12 because of the domestic political difficulties.

The economic rise of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) inevitably leads to a redistribution of power in the international system. Chinese leaders today accord a considerable priority to this group, and there are elements of realism, liberalism/institutionalism and constructivism in their approach. This article intends to study China's policy towards BRICS and examine the above elements so as to better understand how the Chinese leadership perceives China's role in the international system, and how it seeks to articulate its interests and enhance its influence.

Christianity in China has undergone significant changes in its development in the last three decades and more. It has become the source of a new spiritual force in Chinese society, offering support to China's social development and its movement for liberty and human rights. Christianity has affected China in an important way in the cultural globalization process, and China's democratization process is a part of the cultural globalization process too. Family churches are causing serious changes in China's state–society relationship. This article attempts to consider the impact of Christianity's development on the values and thinking of the Chinese people, and their associated effects on church–state relations.

China's economic growth leads to an increasingly ambitious ocean development strategy. In addition, China has been more assertive in the South China Sea territorial disputes. In view of the exacerbating “China threat” perception, Chinese leaders attempt to maintain a balance: while building a modern navy, China avoids its deployment in maritime law enforcement and the handling of minor territorial conflicts. Efforts have also been made to de-escalate such conflicts while establishing a deterrence effect. Given such context, the recent Sino-Filipino conflict over the Scarborough Shoal is now presented as a model of the way China asserts its sovereignty claims in territorial disputes. This article considers Chinese foreign policy from a traditional realism approach based on content analysis of existing documents, literature and interviews of Chinese academics in the field. It observes how China's neighbours remain suspicious of Beijing's intentions. It concludes that China's relations with ASEAN have been a...

In developing countries, an effective civil service pay system may provide strong incentives for better public service and rein in corruption, whereas poor remuneration can fuel corruption and disc...

This article examines the appeal of the “Chongqing Model” in the context of the socio-economic problems at this stage of China's development. Grievances have been accumulating, and an increasing segment of the population wants to see changes and reforms. The ideological and policy debates became more significant partly because of the leadership succession process finalized in the Eighteenth Party Congress in November 2012, and partly because of the perceived domestic and international challenges. The Bo Xilai case was one of the rare cases when a severe challenge came from the Left and the central leadership became seriously concerned. Bo Xilai's departure from the political scene has reduced the appeal of the New Leftists, but it does not represent a victory or even a significant opportunity for the Rightists (liberals).

China has rapidly developed a sophisticated regionalism strategy in East Asia. Minimising the region’s “China threat” perception has been a significant consideration in this strategy. Unfortunately, the ongoing escalation of tension concerning territorial disputes over the Diaoyutai / Senkaku Islands and the South China Sea, initiated by a series of high-profile naval exercises in the latter half of 2010, has reinforced the “China threat” perception and bolstered the hedging strategies of countries in the region. China is aware of its relative disadvantage, and it has been keeping its options open while allowing ASEAN to maintain the initiative.

At the turn of the century and before, the difficult conditions for laid-off workers in China generated collective action. This study examines the laid-off workers' collective actions in China in terms of the concept of moral economy. Using data collected from fieldwork in Northeast China and the considerations and strategies of the laid-off workers in China, the following questions were asked: What was the prime mover for the laid-off workers' collective actions? Why were some laid-off workers prone to take action while others remained inactive? Hypotheses based on the moral economy theory are developed to interpret the data collected. The tentative conclusion is that when the workers' subsistence rights had been infringed and their livelihood problems became serious, the laid-off workers took action. The shock of being laid off had different impacts on different individuals. Laid-off workers who were able to find or were provided with “subsistence alternatives” were less inclined to take collective action.

Economic and social inequalities are significant causes for political and social instability. In Chinese society where people were indoctrinated by egalitarian socialist principles in the first 29 years of the PRC's history, the widening of the gap between rich and poor was even more destabilizing. In 2006, there were some attempts to initiate debates on the merits of the existing reform programme. The Chinese leadership realized that its legitimacy continued to depend on raising the living standards of the people; but in view of the expanding economic and social inequalities, it had to ensure that a majority of the nation would share the benefits of economic growth. There appeared to be general agreement among Chinese leaders and policy experts on the prognosis of the problems in China's impressive economic development, and the necessary steps to correct the imbalances. The Hu-Wen leadership in the early years demonstrated their determination to implement the essential policies, and they were fortunate b...

This article intends to examine the challenges facing the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong today, as well as the general political and social situation in the territory. It argues that the deterioration and divisions within the pro-democracy movement may not be political gains for the pro-Beijing united front, as the political and social polarization poses serious problems for effective governance as well. An administration threatened by legitimacy deficit will find it increasingly difficult to deliver in terms of both economic development and social services, thus forcing itself into a vicious circle as unsatisfactory performance further worsens its legitimacy deficit.Though Hong Kong people’s confidence in China and their trust for the Chinese leadership as well as their identification with the Mainland have been strengthening since the territory’s return to China, the latter’s strong backing for the HKSAR has become a double-edged sword. Hong Kong people realize that decisions on local political reforms are made in Beijing, and they also partly blame the Chinese authorities for the unsatisfactory performance of the HKSAR government which is picked by and accountable to Beijing. The lose-lose situation can only be reversed by the enlightenment of the Chinese leadership which, hopefully, would feel secure enough to allow genuine democracy in the territory.

Migrant workers have become a major component of China's labour force in the manufacturing sector, and therefore an important force in the country's economic modernization. Yet, for a long time, migrant workers were perceived as peasants by the Chinese authorities, and were excluded from the scope of the state's labour policy. In the new century, the government has begun to consider them as an important part of the manufacturing labour force, and attempt to protect their rights through adjustments in its labour policy. However, in many aspects, migrant workers are still considered “pseudo labourers”. This article attempts to examine the issue of migrant workers within the framework of the state's labour policy. The socio-economic problems associated with migrant workers will not be resolved until they are treated as a proper part of the labour force, and granted the same legal and policy protection as urban workers.

The issue of social networks is central to scholars' examinations of China's economic reform and its transitional society. This article presents an effort to examine the impact of the property rights reform on the evolution of entrepreneurs' social networks in the context of rural China. This study proposes three different patterns of social networks: in-group networks, official-centered networks, and market-oriented networks; and examines how the significance of different network patterns has evolved under the context of institutional change. By using data collected in Wuxi city, Jiangsu province, China, this article attempts to explore four significant questions. Do social networks still matter? How is the significance of different patterns of social networks changing? Why could this happen? In which fields do social networks still matter?

The establishment of diplomatic relations between the PRC and Costa Rica in mid-2007 is a good example of Beijing's diplomatic offensive to secure international recognition and to isolate Taiwan. This diplomatic offensive has reached Central America and the South Pacific island states in recent years. It reflects Beijing's expanding global economic reach, and its political will to exploit this economic influence for diplomatic and strategic objectives. Costa Rica's decision to switch diplomatic ties from Taipei to Beijing reflects a trend which has been delayed in Central America for some years. Costa Rica came to realize the significance of the PRC as a trade partner and its potential as an important trade partner, investor and aid donor. In the past decade, it has become obvious that Taiwan can no longer compete with the PRC. Ideology and the influence of the United States have been factors in this decline too.

This article examines the Chinese perception of Russian foreign policy during the Putin administration by analysing Beijing's assessment of Russia's foreign policy objectives and its policy towards the U.S., as reflected in the official media and the authoritative publications of China's major security and foreign policy think tanks. Promoting multi-polarity and checks and balances against U.S. unilateralism has been a very significant consideration on the part of the Chinese leadership. Using the concept of the “strategic triangle”, the article demonstrates how changes in U.S.-Russian relations have probably become the most important variable in this push for multipolarity. In the past decade and a half, Sino-Russian relations have improved when Russia has become disappointed with the support it received from the U.S. There have also been periods of time when Russia has anticipated closer relations with the U.S. and thus neglected China's vital interests. The Chinese leadership, however, has exercised restraint at such times. There has been greater optimism in Beijing concerning Sino-Russian relations in recent years because of the expanding economic ties, Russia's increasing oil wealth and Putin's authoritarian orientation.

While refusing to allow any erosion of the Communist Party’s monopoly of political power, the Chinese leadership has proven very skilful in meeting emerging challenges in the era of economic reform and opening to the outside world since the Tiananmen Incident. Retaining its belief that economic growth remains the key to Hong Kong’s social and political stability, the Chinese government preserves the united front framework in its Hong Kong policy, with no intention of introducing genuine democracy.

(2008). The Development of Community-level Democracy in Urban China. Journal of Comparative Asian Development: Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 193-229.

This article attempts to examine how China perceives its energy security issues. A survey of its research on energy issues offers hints on how experts influence the Chinese leadership. This article briefly looks at the assessment of the energy situation in China and the policy programmes released to tackle the problems. It then analyses the policy programmes and evaluates the overall strategy. It mainly relies on published data from China to reflect a Chinese view. China in some ways would like to follow Japan's example in response to the international oil crises in the 1970s, i.e. upgrade its industrial structure, introduce energy conservation measures, develop new sources of energy supply, and engage in an ‘energy diplomacy’ to diversify and guarantee its energy supply.

Protecting the legitimate rights and interests of migrant workers has become a pressing public policy issue in China, which calls for coordinated efforts from the government, enterprises, trade unions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Through a case study of an NGO in Panyu, Guangzhou, this article finds that NGOs have a significant role to play in protecting the legitimate corporate social responsibility. Furthermore, the role of NGOs in protecting migrant workers' rights indicates a newly-emerged governance mode in China calling for the close collaboration between the government and NGOs. For this purpose, it is necessary for the government to create a favorable environment for the development of NGOs.

The right of association is the basic right of workers under the market economy. In a broad context, the right of association means that workers organize trade unions and introduce collective bargaining and class actions through the unions to protect their rights, which include union rights, the right of collective bargaining and the right of labor disputes. A narrow concept of the right of association refers to the rights of workers to organize temporary or permanent associations to achieve the goal of improving labor conditions, i.e., the rights of workers to organize unions and to participate in union activities.

External threat plays a diminishing role in the foreign policies of China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Some version of modernization diplomacy is pursued so that economic interests are accorded priority. It is in this context that they have gradually adopted comprehensive security and similar concepts. At the individual level, aspirations and security are also realized in the context of satisfactory economic development. At the international level, regional economic co-operation associated with market liberalization is perceived as an important means to maintain a peaceful external environment and to promote economic growth. The concept of security is thus both broadened and extended to link up the international, regime and individual levels. The Asian financial crisis exposed the contradictions between the developed countries of the West and the developing economies in the Asia–Pacific region; it also challenged the dominant domestic political coalitions in Southeast Asia based...

(2005). The Taiwan Presidential Election and Its Implications for Cross-straits Relations: A Political Cleavage Perspective. Asian Affairs: An American Review: Vol. 32, No. 1, pp. 3-24.

Chan, Chris King-chi. (2010). The Challenge of Labour in China — Strikes and the Changing Labour Regime in Global Factories. London and New York: Routledge, xi, 201 pp. This volume is based on the ...

The Asia‐Pacific region's vulnerabilities to the consequences of globalisation were vividly revealed by its financial crisis in 1997–98. ASEAN states considered the US and APEC less than helpful during the crisis, and they found the conditionalities imposed by the IMF unpalatable. But ASEAN as a regional organisation has been much weakened, and it has been working hard to revive its influence. The ‘ASEAN plus 3’ approach has been perceived as an important means to strengthen ASEAN's status and relevance. The ASEAN‐China Free Trade Area is undoubtedly an outstanding achievement of this approach; but ASEAN has been trying to keep its options open. On the other hand, China has been concerned with the danger of a deterioration in Sino‐American relations and the increasing distrust between Tokyo and Beijing. Improvement of China‐ASEAN relations therefore assumes increasing significance in China's regional policy; and enhancing mutual interests and interdependence is the best way to erode the ASEAN states' perc...

(2004). China's Overseas Chinese Policy in the Globalization Era: Challenges and Responses. Journal of Comparative Asian Development: Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 157-182.

C hina's admission into the World Trade Organization (WTO) has important implications for the international trading system.' Before its admission, China had the largest economy outside the WTO. By many estimates, China is the world's third largest economy after the United States and Japan, and the world's tenth largest trading economy. A World Bank report estimates that China's share of world trade may triple from 3 percent in 1992 to 9.8 percent in 2020, making China the world's second largest trading nation after the United States.2 China's WTO application was controversial because China was still a developing country, yet its economy and trade were significant. China's WTO membership means China must change many laws, institutions

The acceptance and promotion of partnerships among major countries reflect an attempt on the part of China to re-define its position in the new international strategic pattern. They also reveal a strategic idea offered by China in the post-Cold War era in which it is emerging as a major power. The key questions are as follows. (a) What are the contents of such partnerships among major powers? (b) What are the differences between this partnership model among major powers and the Chinese foreign policy of independence and peace in the 1980s? (c) What are the motivations behind China's promotion of this model of partnerships among major powers? (d) Does the new model of partnerships among the major powers provide an important innovation in the management of relations among the major powers in the coming century? This article attempts to answer these questions so as to better understand China's international strategic behaviour patterns in the post-Cold War era, the inner logic of partnership relationships, a...

********** This article examines Sino-ASEAN relations in the early twenty-first century through a study of the role of ASEAN and China in their respective foreign policy frameworks. The interests of the United States and Japan in the Asia-Pacific region and how they have influenced regional co-operation and conflicts will be analysed. China's territorial disputes with the ASEAN states, the Taiwan issue, economic co-operation, and the evolution of regional international organizations are among the major issues examined. Sino-American strategic competition has increased ASEAN's weight in China's foreign policy. The Chinese leadership is worried about the emergence of a new U.S .-led Asian security alliance, and it appreciates the ASEAN states' reluctance to get involved, despite their eagerness to retain a substantial American military presence in the region. Hence, the bargaining power of the ASEAN states has been increased in their dealings with China. Introduction At the end of the Cold War, major changes took place in Southeast Asia. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, confrontation between alliances disappeared in the region, and this was accompanied by the settlement of the Cambodian issue. The ASEAN states were then able to concentrate on economic development and regional economic integration. Attempts had also been made to establish regional security institutions which could play a significant role in the Asia-Pacific region. The Asian financial crisis was certainly a major setback to the ASEAN states. It not only exposed their economic structural problems, but also led to political instability in some of those states. As a result, ASEAN has been weakened, and member states such as Indonesia and Malaysia now tend to look inwards because of domestic political problems. Singapore's pursuit of bilateral free trade agreements certainly reflects a decline in confidence in ASEAN's ability to push for regional economic integration. China should be satisfied with its achievements in its relations with ASEAN during the previous decade. In August 1990, China restored its diplomatic ties with Indonesia. This was followed by the establishment of diplomatic relations with Singapore in October of the same year, and with Brunei in September 1991. Two months later, China normalized party-to-party relations as well as state-to-state relations with Vietnam. In July 1991, Chinese Foreign Minister, Qian Qichen, attended the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting (AMM) as China had initiated a dialogue with the regional grouping; subsequently, in July 1996, China became a full dialogue partner of ASEAN. Despite the Chinese leadership's initial hesitation, China joined the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in 1994, and in the following year started regular senior officials meetings with the ASEAN states at the deputy foreign minister level. Finally, in December 1997, a summit meeting was held between the then nine ASEAN members, on the one hand, and China, Japan, and South Korea, on the other, as well as between the ASEAN states and China. In the joint statement released after the latter summit, it was announced that the two sides had established a partnership of good-neighbourliness and mutual trust. Both parties pledged to resolve their differences and disputes through peaceful means, and not to allow existing differences to obstruct the development of friendly and co-operative relat ions between them. ASEAN's Role in the Chinese Foreign Policy Framework In an era of economic reforms and its opening up to the external world, China wants to secure a peaceful international environment to concentrate on economic development. Its strategy in the Asia-Pacific region has been consistent: to stabilize China's periphery, and treat the region as China's base. Chinese leaders accept that regional co-operation is an irreversible trend in global economic development and in the evolution of the contemporary international power configuration. …