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The six Western Balkan countries are experiencing simultaneous democratization and EU integration processes. The EU has been leveraging the possibility of EU membership and EU conditionality for the implementation of a range of policies and promotion of democratic reforms. In the context of EU conditionality, along the other issues there is an emphasis on the 'week civil society' across the Western Balkan countries. This study examines the situation of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) as agents of change in region. Through a comparative approach, it aims to map the role of civil society across the WB countries to understand the main issues and challenges in state-civil society relationship for WB countries in promoting democratic governance, reconciliation, and EU accession.

Digitalization and automation are restructuring the geographical landscape of operations and labor, significantly altering operations in global value chains (GVCs). Digital technologies are expected to boost resilience, enhance transparency, and foster sustainability in GVCs. In this context, this paper looks at how the application of fintech solutions fosters the creation of regional value chains (RVCs), increasing attractiveness and generating new opportunities for enterprises in the Western Balkan region to participate in GVCs To fill the existing gap for granular analysis at the industry level, the paper examines if enterprises in the Western Balkans that apply of fintech solutions in financial management have better opportunities to create RVCs than the ones that resist fintech implementation. Using a benchmarking instrument on fintech solutions implemented on 370 enterprises, this paper tries to identify industries with the highest potential to create RVCs and higher prospects for integration in GVCs. Our findings indicate that fintech solutions and applications can be one of the main driving forces in transforming and upgrading RVCs in Western Balkan countries.

The brutal start of Russia's invasion in Ukraine in February 2022 had numerous unexpected consequences. One of them was that it brought enlargement back at the top of EU's agenda. This was also followed by a revitalisation of EU's own internal dilemma between prioritising deepening or widening, together with the increasing contradictions between member states on how should enlargement proceed. It is thus relevant to assess whether this geopolitical shift had an overall positive or negative impact on the EU. In this context, the main aim of the article is to assess the various forms of 'wartime politicisation' between 2022 and 2024 among the main policy actors in EU's public sphere around the topic of advancing its enlargement policy. In end, the article demonstrates that 'wartime politicisation' can have both stabilizing and destabilizing effects on EU and discusses future avenues of research.

Background: The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is the world's largest and most powerful collective security organisation in modern times. Membership in this organisation is the objective and effort of many countries, including most of the countries of the Western Balkans. Membership ensures collective protection, security and political stability. Since its inception, NATO has emerged as a global force for security and the spread of peace almost across the globe. Not everyone deems it as such, considering the Russian Federation sees it as its main enemy. Its military operations have been centred around protecting human rights and maintaining peace. The best example of this commitment is NATO's humanitarian intervention in Kosovo, one of the countries of the Western Balkans. Even after June 1999, NATO was present in this country and took care of the peace and security of the entire Western Balkans. The presence of this organisation in this part of the globe remained essential, as did knowing the geopolitical history of this region. The Balkans still suffers from nationalist policies and interethnic divisions, which in either case remain a very important factor for security in this region. One fundamental issue of Western Balkan countries is the acceleration of economic reforms, the rule of law and the fight against corruption to achieve membership in the European Union. Instead of these important issues in the Western Balkans, clashes have continued over border changes and nationalist rhetoric, which could undermine peace and security in this region. The current problems of the Western Balkans are inherited from the dissolution of the Socialist Federation of Yugoslavia. The wars in the former Yugoslavia, despite being the cause for the establishment of new independent states, did not fulfil the ethnic expectations of these countries. Given that the Republic of Serbia, in the preamble of the 2006 Constitution, foresees the Republic of Kosovo as its own territory, legal action that expresses territorial claims against a sovereign state poses a risk for new conflicts in the Balkans. A situation with conflicting tendencies is also present in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the official policy of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia has openly shown the tendencies for secession from the Federation and union with Serbia.2 This paper deals with the role that NATO has played and continues to play with its presence in the Balkans in maintaining peace and regional security, the challenges of security and building a stable peace in this region of Europe, where nationalist tendencies dominate as well as interethnic problems, lack of political culture and deficits of democracy. Methods: Combined scientific methods were used in this paper, starting with the qualitative method and literature review. The qualitative method was used to interpret the scientific theories related to security. Reviewing the literature, we managed to combine the results of other studies related to our study topic. This paper also used the analysis method, which helped us separate the elements from the totality of the study problem. The historical method has served to show the axis of the security problem in the Balkans and to explain the development of NATO. Results and conclusions: As a security organisation, during the Cold War, it served as a mechanism for collective defence against the nuclear threats of the Warsaw Pact and the spread of democratic values of the Western world. After the fall of the Iron Curtain, it has served as an organisation that promotes global peace and security, democracy, human rights and the rule of law. The existence of open political issues in the Western Balkans, in particular the territorial claims of Serbia against Kosovo, the nationalist tendencies of the Serbs from Bosnia and Herzegovina for separation from the Federation, the attempts of Russia to influence this region, using history, culture and intelligence services and some other issues such as the lack of political culture in Albania and Montenegro and the issues of North Macedonia with Bulgaria have posed risks to the regional security. In this geopolitical environment called the Western Balkans, the integration of all countries in NATO and its presence in this region is essential for the future and security. In this context, the membership of Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina in NATO will have to be a priority for Western countries. The membership of these two states would serve regional peace and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Western Balkans have historically confirmed predispositions for the development of radical Islamism, and in recent times, especially through Wahhabi communities and parajams. In this regard, the aim of the paper is to analyze the history of the spread of Wahhabism and radical Islam in the Western Balkans and the conditions that contributed to the creation of Wahhabi communities. Also, the goal is to determine how much of a security threat the Wahhabi communities pose to the Western Balkans and what are the goals of the radical Islamists who create and commit these communities. Ultimately, the goal is to identify/map potential conflict zones.

The European Union's role in the region and in the world is changing rapidly due to several internal dynamics and external crises and challenges. EU's project of integration remains a role model for peace and stability in the region and beyond. The EU Integration has emerged as a shared key priority for the EU institutions and Western Balkan countries that are in different trajectories of the accession process due to several dynamics and developments within the Western Balkan countries, regional dynamics, and enlargement skepticism among EU member states. While a comprehensive academic thinking exists about the EU's enlargement policy at its approach to this region, this study aims to understand the internal/regional dynamics in the EU integration path of Western Balkan countries through an overview of their history of integration as well as the EC Progress Reports (2022) for each country. It combines theoretical and empirical knowledge to offer a descriptive analysis of internal and regional dynamics in the Western Balkans affecting their EU integration paths.

The strategy of power games and peaceful diplomacy in the media and new media age are essential in defining the rules and values of the global political system. Soft power becomes a key tool for strengthening the global position and promoting the positive image of states at the international level. This study explores the concept of soft power and highlights the importance of the Erasmus+ Program in EU diplomacy. Erasmus+ facilitates international cooperation in education, culture and European values, thereby influencing global policy. Through this program, the EU can promote dialogue, pluralism and democracy, having a significant impact on the enlargement process of the European Union and on international relations in the regions of the Eastern Partnership and the Western Balkans. In the course of this article, we will analyze the objectives and the implementation methods of the Erasmus+ Program in the regions of the Eastern Partnership and the Western Balkans, in order to show that this is an effective soft power tool of the European Union.

Although Western Balkan economies are still on the list of EU candidates or potential candidate countries, they do have some integration with EU economies. The EU is the leading trading partner of the Western Balkans and is one of the top destinations for the fl ow of people. The Western Balkan economies have been trying to address their populations’ ongoing emigration (the so-called “brain drain” phenomenon) by implementing targeted economic policies. Since one of the main contributors to economic growth is the ability to create innovation, it is crucial to building innovation potential. The main challenge for innovation policy is to provide a favourable environment for entrepreneurship and economic growth to create jobs. Thus, this paper aims to examine innovation potential – an innovation input – as it creates the conditions needed for innovation development. The results of analysing the data (on research and development spending, human resources, an environment friendly to innovation, and intellectual property rights) indicate that the Western Balkan countries are lagging behind the EU in many aspects of innovation potential, so they should still develop their strategies towards creating higher innovation potential. Thus, they will be able to have a higher level of innovation and, as a result, be more competitive in economic terms.

Russia’s attack on Ukraine is a watershed moment that forced the EU to confront its weaknesses and reshuffle its priorities. In this context, the war brought back at the top of the EU’s agenda the enlargement process. In light of these developments, the aim of this paper is to evaluate the impact of the war on the EU’s enlargement process and to demonstrate that enlargement policy has acquired a greater geopolitical value than ever before. The paper begins with a historical overview of the challenges that have defined the enlargement process and have led to a deadlock, demonstrating that the war can provide impetus for the revival of the stagnant enlargement process. The discussion proceeds, in turn, to the pros and cons of further expansion of the EU. A pro-enlargement position is adopted, arguing that enlargement is a valuable tool for the transformation of the Union into a real geopolitical actor. Finally, the paper builds upon the previous analysis and proposes ways of adjusting the enlargement process to the new challenges created by the war. To conclude, the paper argues that Russia’s aggression can reinvigorate the enlargement process, which in turn can strengthen the EU’s role on the geopolitical chessboard. The stakes are too high and the EU cannot afford to lose the momentum.

France has a long tradition of cultural and scientific influence in the Balkan region, and historically especially in Serbia and in the countries formed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Kingdom of Yugoslavia). The aforementioned influence, which followed its economic and political influence, was founded not only on the basis of the Alliance in the Great War (1914-1918), but primarily on the basis of the education and training of the Serbs and Balkans at the Sorbonne and at other French universities. After returning to their homeland, they not only occupied key positions in the state administration and reached ministerial positions, but also founded scientific disciplines and continued cooperation with their French professors and scientists. This historically long scientific cooperation, which showed elements of "science diplomacy", was also a foundation for creating France's scientific cooperation with Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Albania (the countries of the Western Balkans, under which France also includes Kosovo*1 ). Through the analysis of available documents, press, interviews and statements of officials and diplomats, as well as scientists participating in joint projects, our main goal is to research the role of France in strengthening scientific cooperation in Serbia and the Western Balkans. Qualitative and quantitative analysis of the results of the "Pavle Savić" cooperation program, scientific cooperation in the Danube region and ES-Balk program, enable the observation of France's activities in the Balkans in the context of the scope of scientific diplomacy. Our research shows that since the Strategy for the Western Balkans (2019), France has been continuously committed to the development of political, economic and cultural cooperation with the countries in the Balkans, with more intensive scientific cooperation in accordance with the basic principles of France's science diplomacy strategy. It is observed that France insists on regional projects in the field of science, which contain a strong European component. Paper give recommendations for further cooperation in the field of science. The focus is on the special importance of the transfer of knowledge and the role of science in the framework of diplomacy, and therefore the role of France in the Balkans will also be research through this prism.

The inevitable security paradigm shift is the special focus of socalled small states and regions with multitude if fundamental cultural and general identity features that are represented as insurmountable. Thirty-year period of existence of new states on the post-Yugoslav area has been marked with misunderstandings and conflicts, which caused the need for deterring each other from another one, or rather everyone from everyone. The Western Balkans is a blatant example of security sensitive region where military approach to problem-solving often was a preference over all the other elements from the so-called civil action. That is why, by inertia, the domain of enhancing military power in the region is considered as the key (some would say the only) factor of deterrence from the other one, different, and threatening. Who is being deterred, from whom, and with what, in the complex security paradigm of the Western Balkans region? Is it time for the countries of the region to break the chain of vicious circle of indefinitely frozen conflicts, and what are the ways for the change of the deterrence perception in this region, are some of the research questions this paper is trying to answer. Likewise, the paper is analyzing the reach of the economic integrations of the Western Balkan countries, as 'tools' for the reduction of tensions and deactivation of omnipresent security dilemmas. The importance of "Open Balkan" initiative is specifically analyzed because of its potential for additional connection of present member states, but also as a capacity for attraction of other regional countries. Thus, the elimination of security dilemmas (and eventually the elimination of threats) between the Western Balkan countries would present the result of the attraction as the most constructive category in strategic deterrence. The chance that the Republic of Serbia has (again) - to replace the role of decades long deterrence factor with the progressive one, attraction - should not be missed.

Russia’s war on Ukraine has taken both the Western Balkans and the rest of the world by surprise. Stuck in its inability to make progress in its EU accession efforts, the region is now reliving memories of the ‘90s – refugees, bombed buildings, corpses in the streets. While the new geopolitical reality of the entire world from February 24, 2022, will continue to have economic and political implications, the continuation and even increase of military, political and economic commitments in the region of both the EU and the US are playing a crucial role in defining the future of the Western Balkan states. The main goal of this paper is to discuss the impact of the war in Ukraine on the Western Balkans countries (WB6), and to assess how these implications are influencing their EU accession path. While the research is focused on the analysis of the current situation, the aim is to highlight those critical points where EU strategic action is needed in order to mitigate the effects of the war in Ukraine on the WB6. The paper also addresses the idea that only through an increased resilience of the WB6 and a strong engagement in this region, EU will be able to counteract the subversive actions of the Kremlin. In this sense, the paper presents the dependencies of the WB6 on Russia and how its influence can drive the region into more instability, by analysing the reactions to the war in each of these countries. Ultimately, the paper focuses on the implications the war in Ukraine has on EU’s strategic autonomy, as well as on the priorities which need to be calibrated to the current needs and in the logic of an open strategic autonomy, in which the WB6 are an essential piece of the puzzle, helping the EU build a stronger profile in the global arena.

In this article, the author argues that political actors in Kosovo and Serbia, together with international actors from the UN, NATO, and the EU, have developed strategies of political communication in which the threat or promise of external intervention in Southeast European processes of state-building and state consolidation have been deeply inscribed. Based on a critical security studies theoretical framework, especially pragmatist securitisation, the author illustrates such “securitised state-building” with speech acts on interethnic violence, the Kosovo army, and NATO intervention commemorations. While securitised language does not necessarily lead to violence, actors with communicative strategies of segregation, confrontation, and even violence have proven more likely to be favoured by the governing mode of “securitised state-building”. Such a mode thereby may shape regional processes of de- and re-territorialisation in the future, too.

Montenegro and Serbia are on track to join the EU, followed by other Western Balkan countries. The purpose of this study is to demonstrate these countries' economic integration maturity. The analysis covers the period between 2006 and 2019. The main questions concern the evolution of Western Balkan countries during the last 15 years, the results that have already been achieved, and the weakest points of their potential accession. The paper suggests that, although these countries are about to fulfil the economic criteria, they are not fully prepared to join the EU from an economic perspective as they face significant challenges in terms of integration maturity. To endorse this suggestion, the paper forms a new composite indicator to provide a comprehensive understanding of the recent development of these countries' functioning market economy, competitiveness, macroeconomic stability, convergence, and financing ability. Results can contribute to the integration theory and enlargement decision-making.

For many years, the priority of foreign policy determined by subsequent governments of the six Western Balkan countries, i.e., Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia has been their accession to the European Union. Yet, in recent years, this process has slowed down, and so it can be assumed that in the coming years there will be no further enlargement of the EU to include any of the Western Balkan countries. The following article is aimed at analysing the present status of European integration with regard to the aforementioned states, and discusses the causes of regression in this process which can be identified on the side of the non-EU Western Balkan states and the European Union itself. Their integration is also a key issue in the context of the increasingly stronger presence of non-EU players such as China, Russia, and Turkey, all competing with the European Union for influence in this important region. The study was based on discourse analysis (including the critical discourse analysis approach) and content analysis.

Hungarian-Serbian relations have never been as cordial as they are now, and this is an opinion shared by the leadership of both countries in spite of the modern history of the two nations. In our paper, we seek explanation for this change and argue that it is a consequence of multiple factors: First, the geopolitical changes in the Western Balkans, which have resulted in a great power competition that has opened up space for small states, like Hungary, to assert their interests. Secondly, the changes in domestic politics in Hungary that have brought national interests into the foreground, resulting, among other outcomes, in more active foreign policy with regard to the Western Balkans region. In this paper, we attempt to give a different, critical view of these relations, discussing migration, economic cooperation and political maneuvers in particular.

This article examines the political dynamics of Euro-Balkan police cooperation in the context of recent Balkan history. In the existing scholarship, the process of the ‘externalisation’ of EU-wide law enforcement cooperation outside the Union's geographic frontiers is widely considered to be a ‘functional-instrumental’ response to the menace of organised crime. Scholars believe that the functional rationale has been a primary driver behind the Union's endeavours to extend its governance of internal security to the EU's core strategic neighbourhood of the Western Balkans. Perceived in EU political discourse as a ‘stronghold’ of organised crime, in the 2000s this region acted as a major site for the Union's counter-crime initiatives. However, more detailed examination of the EU’s internal security collaboration in the Western Balkan region against the contrasting dynamics of organised crime reveals that Euro-Balkan cooperative initiatives were not functionally-, but rather politically-driven par excellence. In this article, the crucial period of 1999/2000-2010, when collaboration on internal security issues with the Western Balkan partners assumed major significance for the EU, is examined as an example of how political factors have been major triggers of the Union's anti-crime police cooperation with its Balkan neighbourhood.

This article is examining the effects of party dynamics on changeability of party leaders, arguing that significant differences can be expected with regard to ideology, parliamentary strength, and involvement in government. Authors claim that leaders are more prone to change, when their parties lose elections or depart from the government. Moreover, they explore variations in leadership longevity in relation to degree of democratic consolidation, based on the analysis of experience from the Western Balkans and Visegrad Group countries. Findings confirm the hypotheses regarding electoral failure and departure from government, as well as regional differences between transitional and more consolidated democracies.

The EU is currently embedded in a new enlargement process, this time towards the Western Balkans; a particular relevant geopolitical area for the EU. Among the Western Balkans EU membership candidates Serbia occupies a privileged position due to its territorial size, population and economic ties with the EU. Nevertheless, Serbia’s relationship with the EU is complex as a result of the regional conflicts that took place during the 1990s and, currently, due to the authoritarian character that it is steadily adopting. Bearing in mind the Serbia’s commitment to EU membership, our main purpose throughout this piece is to carefully look at Serbia in order to assess the options and challenges that it has to be an EU member state; particularly after the EU Commission reformed the EU Enlargement Process to be more political. Two major obstacles that Serbia faces in its accession process to the EU are highlighted: a weak democracy and the lack of rule of law. Despite the internal challenges that the EU is facing, both the European Commission and Germany, are clearly engaged with the Western Balkans enlargement process, mainly because of geopolitical reasons. Therefore, it is an opportunity that all of them, and particularly Serbia, should not miss.

Bu makale, AB koşulluluk politikasını ülkelerarası meseleler ve iyi komşuluk ilişkileri çerçevesinde analiz etmekte ve Güneydoğu Avrupa (Batı Balkanlar) genişlemesi kapsamında Sırbistan-Kosova Diyaloğu özelinde tartışmaktadır. Koşulluluk politikasının ortaya konduğu ilk zamandan bu yana stratejik bir şekilde ve önemli oranda değişikliğe uğradığı, günümüzde ise Batı Balkanlar’da bölgesel barışı tesis etme yönünde bir araç olarak kullanıldığı anlatılmaktadır. AB’nin ve üye devletlerinin siyasi kontrolüyle şekillenen genişleme politikası, üyelerin genişleme sürecinde sahip olduğu veto yetkisini önemli kılmaktadır. Bu çerçevede, Sırbistan’ın üye olma durumunda Kosova’nın AB sürecini tıkamaması+ için Sırbistan’a üyelik perspektifi verilen 2025 yılından önce Sırbistan ve Kosova ilişkileri bağlamında stratejik adımlar atılması gerektiği sonucuna varılmaktadır.

The aim of this article is an attempt to answer the question of the impact of Aleksander Vucic political leadership on democracy in Serbia. In this analysis it will be used the new concept of stabilitocracy which describes the semi-authoritarian regimes in the Western Balkans. Furthermore, in order to measure the state of democracy in Serbia I will analyse the Democracy Index produced by The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), Nations in Transit reports (Freedom House) and the Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders. I will summarize the article with some conclusions regarding the need for further research.

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU’s enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU’s policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

The European Union is in the process of re-assessing the various challenges engulfing it. Enlargement - a flagship policy of the EU, is now materialising as a challenge, critically testing its competence. The course of Western Balkan enlargement comes with its own tier of difficulties. Complications stem from the very conceptualisation of the six Western Balkan countries as a single bloc and the underlying fragilities that characterise them. This paper attempts to deconstruct the EU’s political conditionality applied in the Western Balkan enlargement. It postulates the critical issues of ethno-political conflicts within these territories as one of the major causes behind the delay in accession and highlights the limits of EU’s approach to influence these countries. As a result, the geopolitical vacuum gives space for external actors like Russia to become proactive. The growing Russian intervention in these regions, contributes to the construction of salient political discourse in the enlargement.

The EU-Western Balkans Cultural Heritage Route, international activities for the protection of cultural heritage in Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yemen, Silk Route Heritage Corridors in Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia, projects promoting European cultural heritage through EU Delegations in third countries are projects implemented outside the European Union as part of the European Year of Cultural Heritage (EYCH) in 2018. At the same time, the EU promoted these activities as flagship examples of the implementation of the EU Strategy for international cultural relations launched in 2016. The aim of the article is to analyze the ways of implementing the international dimension of the EYCH, which, although important in the context of the activities of European institutions and organizations involved in the implementation of the EU strategy in the fi eld of international cultural relations and EU cultural diplomacy, remains for the time being a side theme and is not deepened in the subject literature. The article indicates that the specifi c moment for heritage, which became the celebration of the European Year of Cultural Heritage, was important not only for the internal dynamics of shifting culture from the periphery to the mainstream of EU policies, but also for the process of operationalisation of the 2016 Strategy.

The aim of this paper is to analyze if the Western Balkan and Eastern Partnership countries converge towards the twenty-eight members of the European Union. The relationships between the selected macroeconomic variables and per capita GDP growth rate are econometrically tested to support this research. The analyzed period is 2004–2017, with two sub-periods: 2004–2008 and 2009–2013. The subdivision is made to test whether the recent financial crisis affected the absolute and conditional convergence process in the analyzed group of countries. The empirical findings support the economic convergence hypothesis. The results show that the recent financial crisis negatively affected the absolute and conditional convergence process, when economic variables are included in the analysis. The negative effects of the crisis on conditional convergence with economic and socio-political variables are not identified. The poorer countries in the analyzed group should do more to attract investment and open their economies, as gross fixed capital formation and economic openness have a positive impact on per capita growth, and keep low inflation or stabilize it, while general government debt and unemployment should be decreased in the examined sample of countries.

This contribution explores the Visegrad Four’s (V4) foreign policy initiatives in the Western Balkans by considering each state’s interests and policies and the evolution of joint V4 objectives. My underlying hypothesis is that the foreign policy‑related behaviour of individual states is shaped by certain roles that they assume and by their national interests. This work uses role theory to explain the V4 states’ foreign policies both generally and in the specific case of the Western Balkans. The V4 have prioritised cooperation with this region, and I analyse the programmes of the last four V4 presidencies (Slovakia 2014-2015, the Czech Republic 2015-2016, Poland 2016-2017 and Hungary 2017-2018) to reveal key foreign policy objectives and explore why they were selected. At the same time, I examine the interests of each V4 country and the reasons for their joint attention to the Western Balkan region. My analysis shows that the V4 perceive themselves as supportive and constructive EU and NATO members and see their policies as reflective of European values. Moreover, they believe they should contribute to EU enlargement by sharing experiences of economic and political transformation with the Western Balkan states and serving as role models.

The article examines the eventual existence of a security community within the Western Balkans region by exploring the contribution of police as a profession/epistemic community in Croatia to the security community building process. In order to do so, two theoretical concepts have been applied: first, the one of security community which, according to Deutsch, as well as Adler and Barnett, is something that is leading IR and humanity out of the era of nation-state; secondly, the one of professions as exclusive occupational groups in Abbott’s interpretation (wherein the police is considered to be a profession). Our approach builds on a combination of the aforementioned theories, while the study itself has been based on the developments in the field of policing in Croatia since 1990 and its implications for the creation of a security community in the region.

The article aims to assess a change in the EU’s soft power in the Western Balkan and Eastern Partnership states in the light of the crises the bloc has undergone in recent years. Generally agreeing with the common argument that the EU’s attractiveness for those countries has decreased, the author challenges the popular wisdom that such a decrease is likely to reverse those states’ pro-EU foreign policy orientations. To prove it, the author applies Joseph Nye’s and Alexander Vuving’s “power currencies” approach to operationalize soft power, considering the bloc’s attraction as a combination of “brilliance” (the actor’s relationship with its work), “benignity” (the actor’s relationship with other actors) and “beauty” (the actor’s relationship with values and ideas). Elaborating on the crises’ influence on each of these currencies, the author shows that their lessening, first, has mainly taken place in absolute rather than relative terms, so the EU’s attractiveness remains strong compared to that of its competitors, and second, it has primarily affected the bloc’s soft power potential rather than its actual behavior towards the target countries.

The article discusses corruption, anticorruption and democracy in the Western Balkans, with an emphasis on FYR Macedonia, Montenegro and (less so) Serbia. The article does not advance a claim that its conclusions are valid for all West Balkan democracies. The main question is the following: what the political functions of corruption are (beyond its economic functions) and how corruption serves in reproducing the same elites in power. The research presented in the article shows that high-level or grand political corruption in FYR Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia, is something larger than a side-benefit of exercising government authority. Such corruption is one of the several means which an elite purposefully uses to stay in power, that was originally attained by winning democratic elections. Furthermore, anticorruption mechanisms are often used with a sole purpose to discredit political opponents, especially those in the opposition. Democracy in the Western Balkans is, thus, distorted in obvious, but also in less obvious ways.

The Western Balkans went through a transition process when globalisation was at its maximum strength and expansion. This paper examines the Western Balkan economies during said transition period and the impact of the 2008 economic crisis on their social fabric. The aim is to investigate the repercussions of economic globalisation on nationalism. Using a comparative approach, this work firstly analyses the economic transition of Western Balkans, focusing on social consequences of economic globalisation. The results found in this first step are then compared with the electoral results of nationalist parties in the region. Furthermore, their attitude towards globalisation is examined. The findings show that the economic transition had strong consequences on unemployment, poverty, and inequality rates in the region; this fallout had a subsidiary role in the growth of nationalist parties. Finally, with the only exception of the Serbian case, nationalist forces appear to be in favour of globalisation.

This paper analyzes the census in Kosovo in 2011 with specific focus on the political implications and ethnic minority rights. A key conclusion is that this census highly influences public policy-making, and with regard to minority rights, the census data, in comparison to previous estimates and Kosovo Constitutional provisions, is not favorable to ethnic minorities. Expressing a lower number of minorities in total terms, the 2011 census explicitly reduced the representation of minorities at the central and local institutions, and consequently affected budget allocations. However, we must be aware that to some extent, because of the full boycott in the North by local Serbs, and the partial boycott in the South by the Roma and Serb communities, comparisons are limited and the data needs to be analyzed with care.

After the socio-economic transformation and the establishment of the free market institutions, the development and improvement of living standards in post transition economies are deemed to depend more and more on the so called secondary “generating” reforms, at the core of which is the good governance. Drawing from this approach, this article seeks to address the role and the effect of the good governance in the economic development of the Western Balkans countries. More specifically, the article investigates the impact of good governance in the rates of economic growth of GDP. The article adopts a quantitative methodology approach, i.e. an econometric model based on the examination of a panel – data of good governance indicators for Western Balkans countries for the period 1996 – 2012. The analysis concentrates on the following Western Balkan Countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia.

This study aims to present the impact of infrastructure investments in economic development of Kosovo. A broader focus will be given to the transport and energy as key infrastructure sectors. In the case of Kosovo infrastructure investments are also very important for Kosovo's integration in EU. The biggest transport and energy infrastructure investments made in Kosovo are the Construction of the 400kV Interconnection Line between Kosovo and Albania and the building of R6 and R7 Highways. Despite the fact that 400kV Interconnection Line between Kosovo and Albania is not yet functional due to political issues and the last segment of R6 Highway is not yet finished, the paper shows that these investments in a long term period may have a great impact in Kosovo's economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new century with the dynamics of international relations has challenged theories, as it called Popper 'strict universality' and the need for 'numerical universality' theoretical explanations. In the twentieth century, theories of international relations developed, but these theories are in the battle with explanation changes rather than expanding the theoretical framework. The need for new explanations doesn't reject old theories, only requires their axioms to be more inter-theoretical and with new variables that explain the course of the deliberate actions of state actors to the intended purpose. So this theoretical change and the acquisition of some realistic axioms, by adding inter-theoretic variables (pragmatism, foreign policy analysis, offensive realism and defensive realism), sends us to a theorization we have called "spider diplomacy". Almond in the 1960s considered that "with the decline of the norms and traditions of political sciences, the need for political theory and theories has increased", where we find the same situation today for explaining the new geopolitical and geostrategic circumstances. Therefore, these circumstances we try to explain, through "spider diplomacy" as hybrid theory for empirical, inductive, probable and testable studies based on three initiatives of international subjects (from state actors to non-state actors, from state actors to other actors state and mix). With this research we have analyzed the causes and the chronology of a diplomatic network, the wild stretch that Russia is trying to make today and Serbia in the new state of Kosovo. But for the illustration we have taken another example from the past. One of Israel's wars with Arab countries. We have found verifiable, pragmatic and analytical results that prove the "spider diplomacy" scheme is needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore the impact of the economic crisis on the Western Balkan countries, and how the new, unfavorable international environment is affecting their EU accession prospects. The analysis will be presented in three sections: the first part will examine the effect of the “first wave” of the global economic crisis on the economies of the region, specifically the impact on the region’s macroeconomic indicators, foreign direct investment flows, financial sectors, etc. Part two will analyse the repercussions of the “second wave” of the crisis, namely the Greek sovereign debt crisis, which rapidly spilled over into the entire Eurozone. Part three will build on the issues examined in parts one and two and will discuss the repercussions of both waves of the crisis on the region’s enlargement process and prospects. The paper will also propose that although the EU’s role in Southeast Europe remains crucial (not least as a provider of economic assistance) its hitherto undisputable symbolic role as an “anchor” of stability and as a goal to be aspired to may be losing its appeal for some of these countries. This paper will explore the impact of the economic crisis on the Western Balkan countries, and how the new, unfavorable international environment is affecting their EU accession prospects. The analysis will be presented in three sections: the first part will examine the effect of the “first wave” of the global economic crisis on the economies of the region, specifically the impact on the region’s macroeconomic indicators, foreign direct investment flows, financial sectors, etc. Part two will analyse the repercussions of the “second wave” of the crisis, namely the Greek sovereign debt crisis, which rapidly spilled over into the entire Eurozone. Part three will build on the issues examined in parts one and two and will discuss the repercussions of both waves of the crisis on the region’s enlargement process and prospects. The paper will also propose that although the EU’s role in Southeast Europe remains crucial (not least as a provider of economic assistance) its hitherto undisputable symbolic role as an “anchor” of stability and as a goal to be aspired to may be losing its appeal for some of these countries.

In 2000, the European Union (EU) extended the membership perspective to the Western Balkans; however these countries have taken different political paths towards EU accession at different speeds. The population census is one of the conditions for EU accession and part of the eighteenth acquis chapter on statistics. This article seeks to explain the variation in census-taking in the 2010 census round in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia considering two Europeanisation mechanisms: (a) the conditionality and (b) the legitimacy of the EU regulations in the area of census-taking. While conditionality assesses the cost-benefit calculation between the EU rewards/pressure and domestic adoption costs, legitimacy analyses whether the EU census regulations will be accepted based on their perception of appropriateness. Congruence analysis will be used to compare the effectiveness of the Europeanisation mechanisms on the censuses in the countries under investigation. The study concludes that in Croatia legitimacy had the most impact, whereas the cases of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia can be better explained by conditionality. Therewith this study contributes to the recent findings that conditionality as well as legitimacy matter for research on Europeanisation.

This article analyses the progress made and obstacles encountered by the process to bring Macedonia into the European Union. After studying the history of relations between Macedonia and the EU and the Union’s new strategies for enlargement with respect to the Balkans, the author specifically analyses the problems which have, to date, hampered the progress of Macedonia’s candidacy (one particularly important example being the dispute with Greece over its name), as well as its strengths, paying particular attention to the backing given by public opinion and numerous EU-related areas. Finally, the author reflects on the negative consequences that the current blockade could have for the stability of the country and of the region, and formulates several proposals for action to avert this situation.