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The article explores the book "The Classical Liberal Case for Israel" by Walter Block and Alan Futerman, focusing on the overlooked aspects of justifying a state's existence and the classical liberal perspective. It questions why Israel's existence is constantly debated while other states are not subjected to the same scrutiny. The article also delves into the different positions within the libertarian movement regarding Israel, including anti-Zionist anarchists and pro-Zionist Objectivists. It argues that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict appeals to Libertarians due to its connection to property rights and coercion, and suggests that the book challenges the monolithic discourse on Israel within the Libertarian movement. [Extracted from the article]

Trying to address a series of large questions—e.g., when peasants rebel, clandestine forms of resistance, state "imagination," and the origin of the very first agrarian states—led me to abandon much of the standard political science "tool kit." This is an account of that intellectual journey. [James C. Scott died on July 19, 2024, just days before this short intellectual biography went live. Scott was an intellectual giant, an eloquent writer, and an inspiration to multiple generations of students and scholars. The Annual Review of Political Science is pleased to be the publisher of his latest, perhaps last, publication. His oral history is available here.] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a specific case study —the issues arising from Spanish colonialism and later U.S. imperialism— on Cuba at the turn of the nineteenth century through the lens of the working-class movement of anarchism. Anarchists in Cuba, many of whom were Spanish émigrés, argued that true emancipation came not from patriotism, nationalism and the political form of the state, but through self-organization and the transformation of “the social”. Tensions arose, however, within anarchist newspapers, upon which this article draws extensively, as to whether the pursuance of nationhood was an interim stage in this development or a trap offered by the bourgeois classes to domesticate workers’ demands. The state, nevertheless, was consistently rejected as a desirable medium or end destination.

This article is an Introduction to the Fundamental Research Project Encyclopedia of the Contemporary State (Vol. I, 2023). The main object of study of this Project is the performance of the major policies of the states in relation to their essential attributions – first of all, of the member states of the European Union (EU), including Romania, established in their Constitutions, in the founding Treaties of the EU and in the international Treaties to which they are a part. Along with its intrinsic academic and cognitive objectives, the Project also pursues institutional, pragmatic objectives, namely that, upon its completion, each of its co-authors can provide a good expertise in (at least) one of the major thematic areas they have dealt with preponderantly.

The concept of 'the violence inherent in the system' was famously satirized by Monty Python in their movie The Holy Grail. In order to avoid ridicule, left-wing theorists and activists for a long time stopped using the expression. The underlying social critique, which had given rise to the expression, was also widely dismissed from serious consideration, merely through invocation of the phrase. Because of this, there has been little explicit discussion of the actual political theory that was being satirized in this scene. And yet the theory has continued to exercise considerable influence on the practice of many left-wing groups, particularly in the way that protest is conceptualized and carried out. The central objective in this paper will be to provide an explicit articulation of the theory, in order to show how it falls short of providing a meaningful critique of any aspect of our social practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Disaster Anarchy: Mutual Aid and Radical Action" by Rhiannon Firth explores the potential of anarchist social movements and mutual aid in reimagining disaster relief efforts. Firth critiques dominant approaches to disaster relief, such as the neoliberal paradigm of Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR), which she argues prioritize systemic stability and efficiency over the human impacts of disasters. She proposes an anarchist theory of disaster and community response, drawing on empirical case studies of grassroots relief efforts like Occupy Sandy and COVID-19 Mutual Aid Groups. Firth highlights the utopian potential of anarchist approaches to disaster relief, while acknowledging the challenges of co-optation and the need for sustained radical intentionality. This book offers valuable insights into the intersections of political theory and social movement studies, and will be of interest to scholars and activists involved in disaster relief organizing. [Extracted from the article]

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One of the most modern currents of anarchism - crypto-anarchism - arose as a response to the global development of digital technologies and the Internet and operates exclusively within the framework of the “global web”. The paper attempts to study one of the most unusual branches of anarchist philosophy and its impact on the digital life and politics of several states. With the help of functional and comparative methods of political research, the author analyzes crypto-anarchism as part of the ideology of anarchism, the main goal of which is to find out how viable crypto-anarchism is as an independent movement. The article raises the question of whether the ideas of crypto-anarchism can be used to effectively address current socio-political problems. The theoretical basis of crypto-anarchism looks more and more relevant, as it affects the security of the individual on the Web and is aimed at fighting against widespread state control. Despite the fact that, as the study showed, cryptoanarchism as a movement does not have sufficient elaboration and influence on real politics, its deeper study can be useful for preparing political programs aimed at Internet users (which constitute around 62.5 % of the global population), as well as studying political models and their development paths using virtual simulations and virtual states (Liberland, Wirtland), which are characteristic of crypto-anarchism.

Aiming to formulate the fundamental principles behind contemporary political theory and practice, the author opposes two concepts – “value” and “efficiency” – which he believes are not only the foundation, but the primary purpose of (not only political) action. Explaining the manifestations of their conflict, the author points to the dialectics of their relationship, accentuating their points of convergence, claiming that, in those contacts “values”, being a burden to the modern man craving for efficiency, suffer defeat. In conclusion, as the solution to the problem, the author offers the idea of Christian Anarchism understood as the need to renounce the very concept of “efficiency” as the dominant one, which consequently means renunciation of a whole array of “benefits” offered to the man by the modern world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an ideology, anarchism has many currents formed through its symbiosis with various socio-political philosophies, including feminism. In the modern world, due to the growing support for feminism in Western countries, the study of anarcha-feminism as one of the most active anarchist movements seems to be useful for understanding the socio-political situation in Europe and the United States. The article examines the position of women in the anarchism ideology upon the development of the anarcha-feminist movement from the 19th century to the present day. Based on the works of the classics of anarcha-feminism (E. Goldman, W. De Claire) and modern research (D. Koval, M. Rachmaninova), the author conducted a comparative retrospective analysis of the relationship between anarchism and feminism within a single socio-political trend. The study revealed that despite the ideological similarity of anarchism and feminism in matters of equality and attitude to power, in classical anarchism women were assigned a rather insignificant, and even deprived, role. The fusion of feminism and anarchism, which came as a response to the unfair position of women in society, led to a change in the status of women in the understanding of anarchists, and also gave impetus to the development of modern anarcha-feminism (La Rivolta!, Eskalera Karakola, Wemoons Army, Radical cheerleading) including more and more men in the movement.

Scholarship drawing from a wide array of perspectives including field theoretical and functional differentiation approaches has shed increasing light on the sectoral dimensions of world politics. In contrast to dominant approaches emphasizing hierarchy and power in relations between global fields, this article offers a novel interpretive framework for understanding how diverse fields, systems, or sectors may interact and facilitate change in world politics beyond the operation of established hierarchies and power dynamics. Taking forward the previously underutilized concept of symbolically generalized media of communication, this article elucidates two processes of international political change by which different fields, systems, or sectors may transform world politics. The first process, lateral retreat, is illustrated with reference to the case study of the Protestant Reformation, in which internal changes in the religious field facilitated the development of an increasingly autonomous political domain. The second process, lateral penetration, is illustrated with reference to the international political response to the climate change and Covid-19 crises, in which the scientific sector contributed toward transformed political priorities and associated hierarchies, at least in the short term. These diverse cases are used to indicate the broad potential scope of application of the concept of symbolically generalized media of communication to enrich relational theorizing in the study of international relations, and to improve understanding of diverse dynamics of international political change missed in traditional power- (and anarchy-) centric accounts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2 Both do, of course, have a conception of "politics", but it is not one that determines what they take "political theory" to rightly apply to. 3 The "state" in question here is not only the modern state but rather states in general - thus Williams is happy to include and discuss premodern states like the Spartan polis as well. Political theory is theory of and for politics[1]; but if this is so, what is "politics"? We have seen that Williams takes the state to be a necessary condition for politics in general and that normative values which demand things that a state cannot provide are declared to be incompatible with realism because they are incompatible with the existence of the state. The problem this poses for Williams' construal of politics is that it, unlike Geuss', is based on a false and therefore unrealistic presumption that a state is a necessary condition for politics in Williams' sense of (a)-(d). [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The subject of this article is anarchism interpreted as a form of opposition and an alternative to the dominant narrative about the contemporary Western world. The aim of the article is to indicate the areas that shape the dominant narrative about the world and the methods and arguments used by anarchists in attempts to disrupt this narrative by creating their own narrative. The author formulated a hypothesis according to which European anarchism defined the idea of freedom in opposition to the concept of freedom inherent in liberal democracy and consumerism, redefined democracy, criticized the tendencies inherent in modern politics, such as European integration and militarism, as well as the spread of economic patterns inherent in neoliberalism and materialistic and consumerist attitudes of modern societies. The method used to verify this hypothesis is an aspectual analysis carried out in the context of the above mentioned problems on the basis of program documents, propaganda texts and journalism of the contemporary anarchist movement in Europe.

In the lecture notes of a 1965 course titled "Political Experiences in the Twentieth Century", Hannah Arendt states, '[w]e look upon [experiences] from the viewpoint of the man upon whom they were raining as it were and who re-acted' (Arendt, [1]). Nolan Bennett's I The Claims of Experience: Autobiography and American Democracy i is an insightful and original investigation of action and reaction, of doing and undergoing, of possibilities lived and lost as narrated by the actor-sufferers themselves. Autobiographies, for Bennett, are also political insofar as their authors push back against 'dominant narratives, against the legal and political manifestations of popular authority that so often stay democratic progress' (p. 8). [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While world-systems anti-systemic movement scholarship has briefly acknowledged the existence of anti-state “cultural” movements—namely, autonomous indigenous movements in the periphery and anarchist worker movements in the core and semi-periphery—it relegates them to secondary importance to statist “political” movements. In this paper, we provide an intervention in the world-systems anti-systemic movements literature by centering anti-state movements in our analysis. In order to investigate the mechanisms essential for anti-state, anti-systemic movements over the longue durée of the world-system, we operationalize a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) using nine cases of non-state spaces from different geographies and historical time periods throughout the world-system. We use a Boolean crisp set, or binary approach, denoting the presence, or absence of factors to determine the pathways that lead to the variation between explicitly anarchist and implicitly anarchistic movements as well as short-term or long-term non-state spaces established by anti-state movements. We find that the core and semi-periphery classification of anarchist movements is false. We also find that non-state spaces succeed when they are not repressed by statist anti-systemic movements or core imperial nation-states. In effect, the anti-systemic political actor replicates the logic of the core nation-state it claims to be opposed to when it comes to its repression of non-state spaces and movements. Prior to the “liberal geoculture” (1848–1968), even core states had difficulty repressing non-state spaces, and after the liberal geoculture semi-periphery and periphery states have had difficulty repressing non-state spaces.

Copyright of Journal of Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Decades before the term 'degrowth' had gained currency as a rallying cry against the ideology of economic expansionism, John Africa founded The MOVE Organization in Philadelphia based on sanctity of life and dismantling institutions of state and capital (including economic growth). Members eschewed many forms of technology, lived collectively, harbored stray animals, and strove toward an entirely raw food diet in a communal lifestyle that many today would label 'simple living' or 'primivitist.' They rejected fashion and cosmetics, demonstrated for animal liberation as well as against police brutality, militarism, prisons, and pollution of land, water, and air. Notably, John Africa and MOVE emphasized the need to maintain sobriety and break with personal addictions in order to achieve personal and societal balance. Yet, rather than a set of 'single issues' strung together, John Africa formulated an all-encompassing paradigm. This article presents John Africa's paradigm as well as his grassroots decolonial semiotics that critically deconstructed, qualified, repurposed, and reframed conventional English language terms toward emancipatory and radically egalitarian ends. This paradigm, based on 'Mother Nature' and oneness, aligned with (without overtly borrowing from) many Indigenous and Aboriginal paradigms that similarly locate human life as interwoven with habitats and nonhuman animals. Whether or not one agrees with his ideas or approach, John Africa and the organization he co-founded seem to clearly qualify as early pioneers of degrowth. This article brings their hitherto unrecognized contributions into conversation with degrowth literature both to fill out the historical record and provide potentially useful insights for degrowth researchers and organizers alike.

This research examines the relationship between anarchist culture and Gothic literature, focusing on the study of Mary Shelley's Frankenstein. The aim of this paper is to show the political, conflicting, and revolutionary scope of the Gothic genre, for a study of literary genres that also focuses on their transcultural and transnational scope. At first, it will be evaluated the weight that the thought of Mary Shelley's father, William Godwin, had on her artistic production. And, secondly, an eminently political analysis of Frankenstein will be assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proposing that formal political institutions provide autocrats with a particularly valuable and stable mechanism for co-optation, Jennifer Gandhi and Adam Przeworski find that single-party regimes survived in power significantly longer than authoritarian leaders who permitted either no parties or multiple parties. This difference was even more pronounced when she eliminated already defunct autocratic regimes from her dataset: the average age of either military or personalist regimes still in existence in 1998 was 7 and 19 years, respectively, whereas single-party regimes had endured for an average of 35 years.[9] A more recent study found that, as of 2006, one-party regimes were the most common subtype of authoritarian rule, representing 57 per cent of non-democracies; single-party states comprise fully a third of the total number of regimes across the globe.[10] Furthermore, as Martin Dimitrov more recently points out, when compared to other nondemocracies, communist regimes are far and away the most resilient, outlasting both non-communist single-party regimes and nondemocratic monarchies by a wide margin.[11] To what do single-party states, including communist regimes, owe their durability? Xi Jinping has considerably amplified Party authority by subordinating the government apparatus to the Party, strengthening Party organizations, deploying the cadre management system to control leadership rotations, and overseeing an increasing reliance on "managed campaigns.". [Extracted from the article]

The Influence of Pestalozzian Theories on the Theory and Practice of Josiah Warren's Philosophy of Education – The Genesis of the System Josiah Warren is portrayed as the father of American individualist anarchism and the first American anarchist. This paper investigates his contribution to the development of educational theories and his educational practices, since for Warren, as many anarchists, education is the main path to create a new society. Warren’s educational theories and experiments originated mainly from his stay in New Harmony between 1825 and 1827, where he encountered innovative method of teaching that nurtured children’s independence, invented by Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi. Therefore, the aim of this text is to trace how Warren’s philosophy of education was shaped to become an essential element of his theory of stateless political and legal order and how Warren combined concepts of extreme individualism with his economic theories, such as equitable commerce and cost the limit of price. The knowledge of Warren’s New Harmony experience where he encountered William Maclure and Pestalozzian social reformers will enable the reader to better understand the framework of his own concept of education that he practiced at the Spring Hill School in Ohio.

Under the specific conditions of Northern Syria, this also includes water infrastructure built by the Syrian Arab Republic, which, in turn, is dependent on the upstream control of the Euphrates River by Turkey, making Rojava's water supplies geopolitically vulnerable. Rojava: Revolution, war, and the future of Syria's Kurds. The Rojava revolution's feminist dimension is far more than the orientalist accounts of sexualised Kurdish female fighters confronting the Islamic State suggest. Going beyond this gross misrepresentation of Rojava's feminism, Shahvisi argues, requires more groundwork in the social structures of Rojava and the wider region, which remain highly patriarchal. [Extracted from the article]

I fear that my book leaves the impression that the state is little more than a "legibility" manufacturing machine, that the state strives to impose a grid of legibility upon everything it governs. 2 Nicholas Rush Smith, "Seen Like a State", I Polity i 53 (2021): 485-91; Ayça Çubukçu, "After I Seeing Like a State i : The Imperialism of Epistemic Claims", I Polity i 53 (2021): 492-97; and Jimmy Casas Klausen, "Seeing Too Much Like a State?" Reification of the State Smith, Çubukçu, and Klausen accuse me in various ways of reifying the state.[2] I plead guilty as charged. [Extracted from the article]

5 James Scott, Foreword to Ranajit Guha, I Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India i (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999), x-xi; and James C. Scott, I Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance i (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 273n58. Scott subsequently acknowledges the influence of Clastres' "daring interpretation of state-evading and state-preventing native peoples"[21] on his I Art of Not Being Governed i . Scott thus seems to reproduce the trap that the political anthropologist Pierre Clastres tripped himself up in, namely, to set up an opposition between "society" and "state" and to organize power relations according to either "centrifugal" or "centripetal" logics. When I finally discovered James Scott's work, somewhat belatedly, I found a kindred spirit: an anthropologically inclined political scientist inspired by anarchist critique; a scholar who orients his thinking of politics less to the modal citizen ofliberal democracies and more to peasants, "tribal" peoples, and other subalterns mainly beyond the Global North; and a researcher who treats the category of resistance sensitively and views it capaciously. [Extracted from the article]

Anarchists have played a visible and significant role in global civil society since the 19th century and in the New Global Left since it emerged in the 1990s. Horizontalism and social libertarianism have been central components of the contemporary World Revolution and were also important in the world revolutions of 1968 and 1989. Anarchists have participated in the Social Forum process at the global, national and local levels and, in various ways, have influenced the contemporary world revolution far beyond their numbers. We use surveys from Social Forums to examine how self-identified actively involved anarchists are similar or different from other attendees. We also conduct a formal network analysis to examine the links that the anarchists have with other social movement themes. Despite the small number of self-identified anarchists, our findings suggest that anarchist organizational approaches and political values are widely shared among the activists who have been involved in the Social Forum process.

Undeniably, one of the rare characteristics of James C. Scott's scholarship is that his analytical insights are widely recognized in many fields beyond political science and Asian studies. Scott's contributions to the vast literatures of agrarian and environmental studies, the theory of hegemony and resistance, development studies, postcolonial studies, state formation, and anarchism, to name just a few, are recognized by scholars of diverse disciplines as new standards that challenge widely accepted assumptions and theories and reveal underappreciated aspects and untold narratives of social history—particularly for those who, under normal conditions, do not raise their voice and did not have letters to leave records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores in 1835, Théophile Gautier published his sensational novel Mademoiselle de Maupin, the story of a cross-dressing, swashbuckling lady knight who falls in love with both a man and a woman before riding a horse into the sunset while both of her lovers weep. Among his many other exploits, the publication of Maupin helped turn Gautier into one of French Romanticism's most-caricatured bohemian artists;.

For many, the discourse on anarchists' violence belongs to the past, to an era that shocked the world but ended a long time ago. However, this assumption is not accurate in the twentieth-first century. It ignores the reality that allows extremists to rise from the dust, gain popularity and use available tools to promote themselves and their ideas, and thus, to pose a new potential threat. While most of the research on radicalization and political violent extremism focuses on jihadism or the contemporary right-wing extremism, it is important not to ignore the reaction that right-wing extremists created and provoked in the past, which is still relevant in our days: left-wing extremism, which is embodied today in violent anarchists and anti-fascists. This article sheds light on the contemporary left-wing extremism and violent mobilization in Europe and North America, its reflections on the Internet and in music, and its violent activity at home against "fascist" representatives (such as right-wing extremist groups and individuals), and even abroad, against other "fascist" representatives, such as the Islamic State organization. The purpose of the article is to examine this under-researched phenomenon while focusing on popular and recent modes of mobilization and recruitment of this "new revolutionary left", which reflect a threat that is developing in Europe, North America and the Middle East – but not from the jihadi or right-wing aspects, but from anti-fascist and anarchists' militancy aspect.

Anarchism and Marxism are two of the longstanding intellectual frameworks through which anti-capitalism is articulated and practiced. But the contemporary post-Cold War era, and collapse of the hegemony of Marxist-Leninism, has seen a re-emergence of anarchism, and alongside this, a renewed ideological convergence has been evident within numerous movements. Drawing from Marxism, anarchism, indigenous and landless rights movement, as well as the writings of Emilio Zapata, they very quickly became the post-Cold War's first mass articulation of non-statist resistance (Holloway, [10]). What they note is that whist both anarchism and Marxism can be evident in the manner in which some of the anti-austerity resistance have been orchestrated, the lack of conscience ideological framing around them have made potential divisions redundant. [Extracted from the article]