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Studies conducted between the 1950s and 1970s found that the principles embodied in the First Amendment constituted a “clear norm” endorsed by large majorities of community leaders and virtually all legal practitioners and scholars. This consensus has since weakened under the strain of arguments that racist slurs, epithets, and other forms of expression that demean social identities are an intolerable affront to egalitarian values. Guided by the theory that norms are transmitted through social learning, we show that these developments have spurred a dramatic realignment in public tolerance of offensive expression about race, gender, and religious groups. Tolerance of such speech has declined overall, and its traditional relationships with ideology, education, and age have diminished or reversed. Speech subject to changing norms of tolerance ranges from polemic to scientific inquiry, the fringes to the mainstream of political discourse, and left to right, raising profound questions about the scope of permissible debate in contemporary American politics.

The article examines the role of the Cyprus issue in the bilateral relations between Greece and the USSR in 1956-1960. It is based on primal archival research realised at the Constantine Karamanlis Archive (AKK) and at the Diplomatic and Historical Archive of the Greek Foreign Ministry (DIAYE) in Athens. The analysis of the recently declassified documents relate to the events which took place in 1954, when the Soviet Union supported the Greek claims for self-determination of the Cypriot people in the United Nations on the basis of the anti-colonial principles. This contributed to the impressive increase in trade between Greece and the USSR, especially after the unofficial visit of the Soviet Foreign Minister D.T. Shepilov to Athens in 1956. Against the backdrop of the deterioration of the international situation in 1957, Kremlin heavily criticized NATOs decision to deploy the US Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles (IRBMs) in Europe and applied diplomatic pressures to NATO member-states including Greece. The shift from tensions to a peaceful offensive strategy, characteristic of the Soviet diplomacy towards Greece, proved to be a double-edged sword for Moscow in the long term. The author concludes that both countries exploited the Cyprus issue for their benefit. Thus, Moscow managed to take advantage of the Greek discontent with the NATO allies as a means of increasing its own prestige in the region, while the Greek governments capitalized on the Soviet tactics in order to increase its political leverage in confronting NATO on Cyprus.

Con el objeto de contribuir al estudio de la clase patronal en los puertos chilenos, este texto introduce, reproduce y apunta algunas notas sobre un documento emitido por la Asociación General de Comerciantes de Valparaíso a comienzos de 1921. A partir de su contenido – una serie de dificultades entre la firmante y un agente embarcador –, los apuntes observan un esfuerzo de disciplinamiento en las propias filas patronales como condición de su posterior ofensiva contra los obreros organizados. Según se propone, este requerimiento asociativo resultó crucial en un contexto laboral como el portuario, signado por una multiplicidad de empleadores con escasa capacidad de control sobre trabajadores eventuales.

The article is devoted to the definition of problematic aspects and prospects for improving the information and legal support of special information operations (hereinafter - SIO), because currently there is no sufficient legal basis for the development of methodological principles for their implementation. SIOs have a special place in the system of means of counteracting threats to the national security of Ukraine as an independent means of implementing information and psychological measures and as an auxiliary tool in the implementation of political, economic, military and other measures. At the same time, SIOs can be implemented while providing not only information, but also other components of national security, which is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon. As special operations in general, including SIOs, are now considered under Ukrainian law as a form of hostilities, it is virtually impossible to conduct SIOs of a protective nature, including counterintelligence SIOs on the territory of Ukraine. Thus, the current legislation does not provide for conducting SIOs against citizens of Ukraine (except for those who are members of terrorist groups and illegal armed groups), as well as conducting SIOs in Ukraine outside the territory where martial law is imposed, outside the area of anti-terrorist operations or other places (areas) of training and use of the Armed Forces. However, both the intelligence and counterintelligence aspects of SIO are manifested at all stages of SIO, regardless of their direction, offensive or defensive nature. Therefore, the issue of urgent need is to provide the authority to conduct the SIO to the Security Service of Ukraine while depriving it of the status of a military formation, which will ensure compliance with the requirements of Art. 17 of the Constitution of Ukraine, as well as the effective conduct of SIO in the interests not only of defense but also of anti-terrorist, anti-criminal, information and other components of national security of Ukraine. Similar powers should also be given to the intelligence agencies of Ukraine, as well as to other entities of the security and defense sector in accordance with their competence. No less important is the actual normative consolidation of the definition of SIO at the level of law and the construction of a modern model of SIO and the formation of the algorithm for conducting SIO.

Cyber Attack is part of use of force. The scope of use of cyber force in this article is limited to use by state against another state. The increasing of cyber attack grow within the awareness of every country in the world including Indonesia in matters of strategy and regulated their National Security Law. Interpreted cyber attack as some forms of offensive attacks will be challenging. The reason why will be difficult to regulate is that the factual bases for there have to be casualties, physical destruction and attribution will be addressed. Furthermore Indonesia needs to develop new policy and regulated cyber attack in Indonesia National Security Law.

The main aim of this article is to prove the significance of the missile defense system for military deterrence at the allied (NATO) and national level (the US, Poland, etc.). To achieve the aim, theoretical research methods such as analysis, synthesis, comparison and generalization were applied. The results of the conducted research show that the missile defense system of Poland and other alliance members, and the NATO Integrated Air and Missile Defense System should be considered as the crucial elements of the military deterrence, even though such systems are not offensive in nature. Thus, the formulated thesis undermines the up-to-date understanding of the problem, and therefore may contribute to further discussion on the topic of using means of defensive deterrence.

China’s rising power status has guided scholars and experts to draw an ambiguous conclusion about its military relations with the countries in South Asia. Placing India at the center, the scholarly debates allege that China is strengthening the military capacity of the countries in India’s neighborhood to encircle and challenge its position in the region. However, these discourses are descriptive and lack scientific validity. In this regard, the paper examines China’s military engagement with the other states in the region to assess the authenticity of the debates. Thus, given the limitation of the research, the paper analyzes the data published by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) on domestic and international arms and weapons transfer to the region between 2009 and 2019. The findings contradict the conclusion the discourses draw regarding the military ties between China and South Asia. A thorough analysis of the military composite shows that other than Pakistan, China’s arms and weapons transfers to the rest of the states are minimal. Since the actual situation undermines the claims, India’s view of the military relations between China and other states in the region is puzzling. Therefore, the paper applies a constructive approach to provide a theoretical understanding of the factors that contribute to India’s view. Adhering to the theory, the intersubjective meaning that India attaches to its interaction with China, Pakistan, and other states in the region explains the source of the debates. Further, the theoretical analysis demonstrates that the allegations are merely a socially constructed idea and a consequence of perceiving China as an offensive strategic competitor, Pakistan as an enemy, and other states in the region as subordinates that lack objective reality. Finally, the paper departs from such literature, grounded on skewed rhetoric, and provides alternative reasoning to China’s military engagement in the region. Indeed, China’s economic interest, particularly in the Indian Ocean Region, promotes this military engagement.

The article reviews the documents of the archive of unregulated documentation of the Azov Volunteer Battalion for May-September 2014, recently recorded in the Central state archive of public associations of Ukraine. The aim of the publication is to determine the information potential of these documents, in particular their role in studying the history of the unit, the Ukrainian volunteer movement and the initial stage of hostilities in sector «M» of the Anti-terrorist operation in eastern Ukraine as a whole. The research methodology involves the application of the principles of historicism, the usage of studying whole historical sources and being objective. Descriptive method, methods of classifi cation and systematization as well as methods of analysis and synthesis have been used. The scientifi c novelty is conditioned by the high source value of the documents of the Azov Battalion Archive, which are currently completely unexplored within the framework of academic science; these documents are introduced into scientifi c circulation for the fi rst time. The prospects of further research are that by studying the contents of the documents of this archive we can reproduce in detail the history of the unit from its initial recruitment to transformation into a regiment of the same name, including formation, participation in hostilities, structure, personnel, internal organization reform and other features of the unit. In addition, the study of the content of these documents makes it possible to assess the impact of the unit’s activities on key military and political events in eastern Ukraine in 2014. The conclusions. Due to the study of documents, the important role of the Azov Battalion Archive in studying the history of the Azov Volunteer Battalion and its infl uence on the course of hostilities in eastern Ukraine was determined. The information potential of these archive is signifi cant, as it consists of documents containing unique information that is not available in any other sources, so these documents cover previously unexplored aspects not only of the history of a volunteer unit, but also key historical events in Ukraine in May-September 2014. References: 1. Azovska dokumentatsiia batalionnykh chasiv pryiniata do Tsentralnoho Derzharkhivu hromadskykh obiednan [The Azov documentation of battalion times has been accepted by the Central State Archives of Public Associations]. Azov. Retrieved from: https://azov.org.ua/azovska-dokymentacia-prujniata-do-cdago/ [in Ukrainian].2. Polk «Azov» poyasnil znachenie simvola na svoem shevrone [The Azov regiment explained the meaning of the symbol on its chevron]. National Correspondent. Retrieved from: https://nackor.org/en/znachenie-na-shevrone [in Russian].3. Pro zvilnennia politviazniv: Postanova Verkhovnoi Rady Ukrainy vid 24 liutoho 2014 r. № 786-VII (vtratyla chynnist 14.03.2014 r.) [On the release of political prisoners: The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine Resolution, dated February 24, 2014 № 786-VII (expired on March 14, 2014)]. Retrieved from: https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/786-VII#Text [in Ukrainian].4. Кhomerikki, M. (Comp.) (2016). Shyrokynska operatsiia. Spohady uchasnykiv nastupu [Shyrokynska military operation. The memories shared by the fighters who participated in the offensive]. Kyiv–Мariupol–Mena: Dominanta. [in Ukrainian]. 5. Stasyuk, Yu. М. (2018) Ukrainski dobrovolchi formuvannia: stvorennia ta funktsionuvannia (2014–2015 rr.) [Ukrainian volunteer formations: their establishment and functioning (2014–2015)] (Candidate’s thesis). [in Ukrainian]. 6. Tysk na perlynu Azovskoho Rukhu – «Kozatskyi Dim» [Pressure on the pearl of the Azov Movement – the «Cossack House»]. National Correspondent. Retrieved from: https://nationalcorps.org/tysk-na-perlynu-azovsjkogho-rukhu-kozacjkyj-dim/ [in Ukrainian].7. Кravchenko, M. (Comp.) (2018). Vyzvolennia Mariupolia. Fotozbirka viiskovoi memuarystyky [Liberation of Mariupol. Photo collection of military memoirs]. Kyiv: Orienteer. [in Ukrainian].

This paper assesses the role of drones in furthering or undermining US grand strategy. This is against the backdrop of the thinking that contemporary use of drones in the context of post 9/11 era undermine the successive US administration’s strategic objectives as evidenced by the rise of anti-Americanism in Muslim world, proliferation of drones by US near peer competitors, civilian death toll and weakening support for the US in targeted countries. This implies that while drones has played a historical and significant role for the US in power projection and asserting its unilateralism and military hegemony when dealing with rogue states and terrorist groups post 9/11, the political and strategic utility of drone strikes for US grand strategy is not apparent. Thus, this paper posits that though armed drones has played a quintessential role as a key instrument of statecraft for facilitating US offensive strategy in targeted states, the aftermath of drone strikes and its controversial aspects engender inimical outcomes that serve to undermine US strategic objectives. Based on qualitative analysis of secondary data, the paper questions the wisdom and benefits of using and shifting greater reliance towards armed drones, as a pathway for furthering US grand strategy., Este artigo avalia o papel dos drones em promover ou enfraquecer a Grande Estratégia dos EUA. O pano de fundo do artigo avalia o pensamento de que o uso contemporâneo de drones, no contexto do pós-11/09, enfraquece os objetivos estratégicos das sucessivas administrações dos Estados Unidos, conforme evidenciado pelo aumento do antiamericanismo no mundo muçulmano, proliferação de drones pelos concorrentes próximos, número de civis mortos e enfraquecimento do apoio aos EUA nos países-alvo. Isso implica que, embora os drones tenham desempenhado um papel histórico e significativo para os EUA na projeção de poder, afirmando seu unilateralismo e hegemonia militar ao lidar com Estados pária e grupos terroristas após o 11 de setembro, a utilidade política e estratégica dos ataques com drones para a grande estratégia dos EUA não é clara. Assim, este artigo defende que, embora os drones armados tenham desempenhado um papel fundamental como instrumentochave da política para facilitar a estratégia ofensiva dos EUA em estados-alvo, as consequências dos ataques de drones e seus aspectos controversos geram resultados hostis que servem para prejudicar os objetivos estratégicos dos EUA. Com base na análise qualitativa de dados secundários, o documento questiona a conveniência e os benefícios da utilização e do aumento da dependência dos drones armados, como caminho para promover a Grande Estratégia dos EUA.

On 11 September 1973, a military coup was successfully launched against Chilean President Salvador Allende. British-made Hawker Hunter jets were used to attack the Chilean presidential palace, and ...

International audience; Founded in December 1958, Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) was dissolved on 11 May 2018. During its almost sixty years of existence, ETA underwent phases of military offensive and then a decline in its operational activity. In order to understand the limits of these episodes and their reasons, we have created an original database listing all the actions of the armed group. Our analysis contributes to highlighting the strategic developments of the clandestine organisation and stimulating discussion of the conclusions previously drawn from the group’s databases of fatal victims. We will thus consider the consequences of methodological choices on the interpretation of the history of a clandestine organisation.

North Waziristan, one of the former tribal agencies of Pakistan, was brought to the spotlight largely by militancy and terrorism. After curtailing terrorism through the military offensive, the focu...

Objetiva este artigo enfocar a crise da democracia liberal com a ascensão de movimentos populistas e o seu riscodemocrático, sob a perspectiva do sistema interamericano. Para tanto, foram analisados três julgados emblemáticosda Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, identificando dois importantes aspectos: a tendência populistaem atacar a independência judicial e o princípio da separação de Poderes; e a essencialidade da atuação conjuntados atores institucionais internos e internacionais para a necessária proteção dos princípios básicos democráticos,considerando, sobretudo, o impacto do sistema interamericano de proteção dos direitos humanos.

The Black Sea region (BSR) is becoming a geopolitical space of clash - a frontline zone for the formation of a new system of international relations. After the Cold War, the region from the peripheral became one of the centers of competition between regional and global powers. It has mostly geopolitical rather than simple geographical character, significantly expanding its borders in at least four variations: the BS as the space of seven coastal states, the BS as the Baltic-Black Sea region, the BS as the Black Sea-Caspian Sea region, and the BS as the nerve center of the Greater Mediterranean. The article analyzes the geopolitical projects of great powers in relation to the Black Sea region in 1991-2019. The aim is to study the evolution and dynamics of these geopolitical projects by comparing the conceptual and doctrinal levels, as well as the level of practical policy of the key actors in relation to the Black Sea region. The scientific novelty lies in the systematic analysis of the geopolitical projects of great powers in the BSR after the Cold War, which becomes one of the critically important regions in the current period of world history. The authors conclude that the United States, the EU and Turkey follow an offensive strategy in the BSR, while Russias strategy is aimed at maintaining the status quo. After 2014, the USA and its allies have embarked on a third attempt to implement the Euro-Atlantic Black Sea project and the Greater Black Sea project, which involve the displacement of the Russian Federation from the Black Sea region. The geopolitical significance of the BSR is determined by its strategic location at the intersection of the interests of key actors. Their competition in the BSR is carried out both at the regional (Russia - Turkey - EU) and global (USA - Russia, Turkey, Iran; EU - Russia, Turkey, USA; China - USA, EU, Russia) levels, determining the content of conceptual approaches to the political structure of the region and specific integration (and infrastructure) projects. The complexity of the current geopolitical situation in the region is determined by a large number of competing powers and changing contours of the international system. The main axis of intra-regional competition in the BSR is focused on achieving a balance of power between Russia and Turkey.

A cikk címében szereplő offenzív kiberműveletekhez szükséges képességek kialakításáról számos országban hatalmas szakmai vita alakult ki az elmúlt időszakban. Ugyanakkor az offenzív kiberműveletek alkalmazásának körülményei és azok következményeinek számbavétele ugyanolyan fontosak, mint maguk a műveletek. Ennek megfelelően jelen írás címe önmagában is sok kérdést felvet. Szükséges-e az offenzív kiberképességek kialakítása? Ez egyenlő-e a kibertámadó képességek kialakításával? Ezek a képességek milyen feltételek mentén alkalmazhatók akkor, ha egy kibertámadás mögött állami szerepvállalás áll? Része lehet-e a modern fegyveres küzdelemnek a kibertérben való támadás? Ezeket a kérdéseket igyekszik jelen írás számba venni két részben. A tanulmány első része az offenzív képességek általános hátterét járja körül, míg a második rész a képességek kialakításának feltételeit, szervezeti hátterét és az alkalmazás módjait, valamint annak feltételeit vizsgálja.

Brian Simon (1915–2002) was a leading advocate of comprehensive education in the second half of the twentieth century in Britain. In the 1980s, in the face of the ideological offensive from the New...

Purpose This paper explores reasons behind Muslim fervour, in response to advertisements that cause them offence – where marketing promotions and brands are seen to contradict or challenge the tenets of their religion (Islam) and culture. Design/methodology/approach The authors investigate Egyptian Muslim Millennials’ perceptions post 2011 Egyptian Arab Spring revolution qualitatively – through a series of iterative focus groups, diaries, and laddered coding procedures. Findings In contrast to the way in which media stories regularly highlight this phenomenon locally, internationally, and inside and outside of the Muslim world, we find that the landscape is more cultural, contextual, dynamic, politicised, and subtle. In addition, religiosity may not in fact be the determining factor and its presence is much more nuanced. The socially mobile, educated, and digitally connected Egyptian Muslim millennial demographic, that grabbed headlines during the Arab Spring for their influence, were found in this study to describe offence as being annoying or provocative advertisements where the message, theme or execution disregards their intelligence. Furthermore, parents, access to basic utilities, and having a stable living environment command a greater influence than religiosity for them. Finally, an environmental paradox exists, where restricted living conditions juxtaposed in parallel with escapism offered by social-media consumption, leads millennials towards being more accepting of advertising that could be classified as offensive. Practical implications This study is of value for researchers, educators, and professionals in the fields of advertising, marketing communications, consumer behaviour, and sociology. Social implications The observations raise questions concerning how the media reports stories, or advertisers conduct their campaigns – as to whether they are representative, motivated by sociopolitics or propaganda, an intended tactic, highlight unintended poor execution, ambivalence, or part of a wider phenomenon. Originality/value The authors present a new dual-process personality/religiosity conceptual model – designed to explain the stepwise process of Muslim opinion-forming, behaviour, and consumption of advertisements. Furthermore, we illustrate this with a supporting allegory the authors call a “Narnia paradigm”, drawing from C.S. Lewis’s fictional story “The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe”.

The article is based on the author’s processing of the archives of Ukrainian emigration during his research internship in Great Britain. His task was to find out and clarify the means and ways used by the Ukrainian diaspora in its struggle against Moscow’s information and propaganda offensive against the Western community’s positive resolution of the “Ukrainian question” after World War II.That was the time when the Russian governmental machine intensified its counter-propaganda work in the Western direction. Under those conditions, the world continued to perceive Ukrainians as part of the “great Soviet people” who unanimously built communism, and Ukraine itself as only a formal state declaratively writing its name in UN documents as a country with a significant contribution to the victory over fascism.Under the conditions of statelessness, Ukrainian public institutions abroad replaced state embassies and official representations and took on the responsible task to constantly plant the Ukrainian information field.The Ukrainian diaspora used the following means in its struggle against Moscow’s information and propaganda offensive against the Western community’s positive solution of the “Ukrainian question”.In particular, it was a matter of checking the presence of materials on Ukrainian studies in the main libraries of the countries where Ukrainian emigrants lived compactly. Foreign authors’ interpretation of mentions was said about Ukraine and Ukrainians in those few texts was analyzed.Representatives of Ukrainian public organizations established personal contacts with directors of libraries in cities with a compact residence of Ukrainians. The goal was to create Ukrainian book and press departments there. In 1948, a centralized network was established in Munich to provide major foreign libraries with Ukrainian publications.The successful breakthrough of the Moscow information blockade on the issue of the Holodomor of 1933 happened due to publication of a series of English-language brochures on this issue at the expense of the Ukrainian Youth Association abroad.

Introduction. This article is devoted to studying the influence of the Soviet “economic offensive” factor in the 1950s on the formation of the New World Economic Order by the American by the American ruling elite in general and the use of such an important tool as foreign assistance in particular in the framework of this process. The reconstruction of this process makes it possible to clarify the specifics of the foreign policy decision-making mechanism in the United States, to identify the ideological approaches of main political interest groups to the goals and methods of building a new world order. Methods and materials. The study uses a group analysis approach as well as American executive and legislative documents, press material, speeches by key politicians, etc., to identify the reasons for the differences among representatives of the three leading interest groups in interpreting the nature of the Soviet “economic offensive” in the Third World countries. Analysis. These differences were primarily due to the possibility of using the factor of the Soviet “aggression” for conducting domestic propaganda campaigns as part of the interest groups struggle for control over the foreign assistance program. Thus, the representatives of the atlantists group claimed that the main threat from the Communist world remained in the military sphere; the globalist-oriented progressives insisted that the Soviet “economic offensive” was a critical danger to U.S. interests, while conservatives declared that the “myths” about the Soviet-communist threats to the United States in the Third World were invalid. Results. In the second half of the 1950s the group of progressives used the factor of the Soviet “economic offensive” more effectively in the framework of their campaigns (there were four of them), which allowed them to take control over the foreign assistance program and begin to reorient the American strategic course from the prevailing ideology of “mutual security” towards the global developmentalism.

The article is dedicated to the study of the measures used to combat cybercrime in different countries. It is observed that the world's leading countries are actively expanding and creating units in the armed forces and intelligence services that should ensure the development of offensive capabilities in cyberspace. In particular, the operational cooperation of law enforcement agencies, such as Interpol, Europol and Eurojust, in the fight against cybercrime is being stepped up. Anti-cybercrime activities are carried out not only by individual states, but also by their blocs, including NATO. In Ukraine, unlike the developed countries of the world, measures to combat cybercrime are less developed. Despite the existence of special laws and strategies, in particular the Cyber Security Strategy of Ukraine, the fight against cybercrime is not effective due to the declarative nature of most of the provisions of this strategy. It is concluded that one of the problematic aspects of the phenomenon of cybercrime is the low level of education in information technologies of the population of Ukraine.

Recent analysis has interpreted Russia’s approach to the EU-led dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia through the lens of its actions in Ukraine. This has been characterised as “hybrid warfare” design...

The Brigade II of the Polish Legions in the Carpathian Mountains (November‑December 1914): Part II In this article, the author presents the activity of the Polish Legions, at that time commanded by the general Karol Durski, in the Carpathian Mountains. Polish soldiers had to fight there under very difficult conditions as a result of the numerous deficiencies in equipment and arms. Nonetheless, they tried to perform the tasks to which they were entrusted as best as they could. As opposed to the weakness of the Austro‑Hungarian army, the Polish units in this region played a decisive rule in halting the Russian offensive. This was a significant factor because if the Russians had crossed the Carpathians, this would have led to an invasion of Hungary, which could have had unpredictable consequences. In the first phase, the Polish units participated in the fight to liberate Máramaros County. The second phase comprised the armed conflict in the Nadvirna and Bohorodchany regions. This part of the skirmishes was finished with the bloody Battle of Mołotków on October 29, 1914. Although it ended with a tactical defeat of the Polish units, which were forced to retreat, it was, however, a tactical victory, as the Russians, exhausted by the daylong battle, were forced to cease their offensive manoeuvres.

This article comparatively analyzes the origins of the military doctrines in Israel and Iran, which are positioned at the poles of status quo and revisionism in the Middle East. In a conceptual hybridity, both parties stand strategically on the defensive but operationally combine defensive with offensive elements. These combinations are backed by powerful cultural motivations and organizational interests in each country. The implications enrich our understanding of the nature of military doctrine and indicate another contributing factor in regional destabilization.

The article, on the basis of published sources, analyzes the experience of the Black Sea Fleet counter-evacuation operation during the Crimean strategic offensive operation in April — May 1944. In the conditions of the “hybrid” armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the development of rational forms and methods of the Naval Forces of Ukraine employment in a modern environment is topical for their further development. It stipulates the necessity of retrospective analysis and the lessons learned of various operations (actions) in the maritime domain. In this context, the experience of preparation and conducting of counter-evacuation events at sea are considered to be topical. At the same time, the above-mentioned aspects can be put into consideration only after carrying out the detailed research and generalization of experience of the maritime operations (actions). Thereby, the author paid attention to the preparation and organization of the Black Sea fleet counter-evacuation operation during the Crimean strategic offensive operation. A detailed analysis of the Ukrainian and foreign documentary materials concerning this topic, which was conducted by the author, indicates that this issue has been little studied. Therefore, there is a need for a scientific generalization of the experience of the troop’s (forces) employment during the preparation and conducting of counter- evacuation activities at sea to use it for the development of naval art, as a theoretical basis for solving scientific and practical problems. Consequently, the aim of the article is to carry out the complex research of the experience of preparation and implementation of the Black Sea fleet counter- evacuation actions in 1944. The author reconstructed the course of actions of the Black Sea fleet in counter-evacuation actions, exposed the mechanism of planning and preparation of the actions, gave the analysis of opposing parties activity as well as the tactical measures that were used by the Black Sea fleet for counter-evacuation actions, assessed their results, in particular the role of the separate branches of the Fleet. Principal reasons and factors that negatively influenced the results of the Black Sea fleet activity in counter-evacuation actions are identified and investigated. Keywords: evacuation of troops at sea, evacuation of 17-th army of Wehrmacht from Crimea, counter-evacuation operation, Crimean strategic offensive operation, Black Sea war theatre, Black Sea fleet.

The article deals with the concept of air-landing operation developed by Israeli Army of Defence (TСAHAL) and some aspects of its implementation in Six-Day War (1967). The main emphasis is on the conceptual elements of operational troops (forces) employment and the “Six-Day War” tactical principles development. The readiness and ability of troops (forces) to act independently in the context of the war tactics were determined. In this case the nature and course of events during the Six-Day War was accounted, when the high dynamics, manoeuvrability, and locally limited fighting (their locally-focused character) that conducted by TCAHAL troops (forces) created the greatest difficulties for the Egyptian armed forces. This approach became the basis for interpretation by the TCAHAL command the air-land operation conception at the stage of preparation and beginning of the operation, in which the Air Force played a decisive role. It is shown in the article that the theoretical position of command was based on the justification of the nature of the possible combat actions in the context of qualitative changes in the military capabilities, taking into account the quantitative advantage of the enemy forces and means. It provides the ability to create an operational reserve, which must be put into battle at the right time to strike a decisive blow at the enemy. The TCAHAL concept of air-land operation in framework of armored doctrine emphasized shock action and mobility, flexibility and aggressiveness. These were combined to make armored vehicles the principal ground-force elements in the course of war. There was a major change at the top level of TCAHAL on the eve of war. The change fundamental operational concepts (not only on the doctrinal level) made a significant effect. There were some key elements of the Israeli plan for offensive: surprise, early achievement of air superiority, early and decisive engagement with main enemy forces as far as possible. There were some extremely significant factors in TCAHAL concept of air-land operation: flexible; aggressive; dynamic; successful achievement of surprise; superiority in the air achieved by the superbly executed attacks; the achievement of information superiority over the enemy by the intelligence; the conquest of air supremacy by pre-emptively destroying the air force’s operational (capabilities) while simultaneously suppressing or destroying the enemy air defence system; the transition to the active stage of ground operation and gaining the advantage of firing with the support of all the Air Force at the entire operational depth of the enemy. Key words: concept of air-landing operation, local wars, forms and methods of warfare, Israeli Army of Defence (TСAHAL), “flashing” war, operational art, Six-Day war.

In modern conditions and for the period up to 2030, when the main burden in the ground domain in the event of repulse of armed aggression against Ukraine will be placed on the Land Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, and the priority of developing means capable of continuous fire support is given to artillery. It is important to study the lessons learned from combat operations by artillery units in eastern Ukraine. The aim of the article is to analyze the lessons learned during the artillery operations during in armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine, highlight the current contradictions that arise during the implementation of fire support tasks, and their impact on the survivability of artillery units. The analysis of the theoretical study of artillery operations and lessons learned from their conduct during in armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine clearly indicates that in modern conditions the question of ensuring their survivability has become acute. Reducing the length of stay in the firing position and constant maneuvering to ensure survivability made it possible to reduce losses during active hostilities in 2015 compared to 2014 in guns (howitzers) 5 times, and in multiple rocket launchers and mortars — 2 times. Thus, in the theory and practice of artillery combat in the offensive based on lessons learned during in armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine, two dialectically related components of combat operations by artillery units became contradictory: target and defensive. This determines the relevance of developing a scientific and methodological apparatus for assessing the survivability of artillery units during the maneuver and substantiation of recommendations that will be of practical importance for its provision during the offensive of all-military formations. Key words: lessons learned, artillery units, survivability, maneuver, East of Ukraine.

This article sought to analyze whether the production of the circumstantial term of occurrence at the scene of the facts by the Military Police makes the Mato Grosso State more effective in guaranteeing the rights and duties of the citizens involved in the occurrence of minor offensive potential crimes. It was used exploratory research with a hypothetical-deductive approach, bibliography review, data collection via questionnaire and structured interview, with the objective of understanding the systemic process adopted by police forces in dealing with events of this nature and analyzing their efficiency in guaranteeing rights and duties of citizens. At the end of the studies, it was found that the elaboration of the Circumstance Term of Occurrence at the place of the facts effectively promotes citizenship to citizens involved in the occurrence less offensive potential crimes.

This paper explores the graffiti and street art produced during the 2017 postal plebiscite for same sex marriage in Australia, including activists’ creative visual responses to the hate speech that proliferated in urban and suburban areas during this highly charged period. The paper has a particular focus on the wholesale erasure of street art and graffiti bearing political messages in support of, or against, marriage equality. Communities increasingly exert stewardship over the public visual landscape, and may engage directly in buffing graffiti or street art deemed offensive, or defending and restoring work deemed valuable. This analysis draws on repeat photography and video materials showing a series of attempted erasures of pro-same sex marriage murals by so called religious ‘activists.’ These materials show both the active challenges from passersby these erasures attracted, and the buffers’ defense of their actions, which affords a unique level of insight into the divisive social dialogue of this period.

As a result of large-scale processes and trends that have taken place in recent decades in the context of globalization and the information revolution, forms, methods, means and, accordingly, interpretations of national interests and national security are being more or less noticeably metamorphosed. Against this background, in recent years, the concept of "hybrid wars" has rapidly entered the military-political lexicon. It is not only firmly established in the scientific and journalistic literature, as well as in the media, but is also widely used in official documents determining the behavior of states in the international arena. New concepts and methods of conducting hybrid war are developing very rapidly today, which requires a revision of the classic military methods of forecasting and planning both offensive and defensive strategies. Like any other war, gybrid war is an area of unreliability and uncertainty. The inaccuracy of intelligence and the constant intervention of chance lead to the fact that the parties to the conflict actually face a completely different situation than expected, and this can not but affect the planning or at least the perceptions of the situation that formed the basis of strategic plans. The transformation of hybrid warfare into a new type of interstate confrontation raises the issue of the use of modern tools of support and decision-making as a priority. The use of the hybrid war model for this purpose is increasingly going beyond the purely scientific sphere, making it an effective factor in ensuring the national security of countries. The development of effective hybrid warfare strategies and counter-strategies requires the introduction of new technologies based on the modeling and application of AI. The symbiosis of modern scientific knowledge and approaches allows us to study, predict and plan modern hybrid military conflicts as nonlinear objects operating in conditions of high uncertainty. Model, created for this purpose, should be easily integrated into the political and military decision-making process and, given the complexity of this activity, be integrated. This approach will provide an adequate understanding of the complex, ever-changing phenomena of hybrid warfare and hybrid threads and take them into account in the system of national and global security.

Kenya’s Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act makes it an offence, in Section 27, for a person to communicate with another a message that they know or ought to know would cause the recipient fear; is indecent or offensive in nature; or would detrimentally affect the recipient. This offence carries a penalty of either a 20 million shilling fine or a 10-year term of imprisonment or—discretionarily—both. While the offence is termed ‘cyber-harassment’, its wording appears to exclude a number of offences that would count as cyber-harassment such as cyber-stalking, doxing or impersonation. In fact, its wording is vague and overbroad, using undefined terms such as ‘detrimentally affect’ which require subjective interpretation. Cyber-harassment laws constitute a limitation on the freedom of expression and as such, ought to conform to the limitations of human rights test as provided in Article 24 of the Constitution. Where the aim sought is legitimate in a democratic society and other conditions such as legality are met, this limitation is valid. This paper reviews Kenya’s law that was recently upheld by the High Court in Bloggers Association of Kenya (BAKE) v Attorney General & Three others; Article 19 East Africa & another and finds that it fails to meet the limitations test prescribed under Article 24 of the Constitution. It argues that Section 27 of the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act is therefore overbroad and has the potential to be used as a tool for the unconstitutional suppression of legitimate criticism.

Russia"s national interests are indispensable for international cooperation with Northeast Asian countries as the economic revitalization and development of Siberia and the Far East are important in terms of balanced national development. Unlike Putin"s 1st and 2nd phases, it means that Russia"s interests in Northeast Asia became as important as Europe in the 3rd and 4th phases of Putin. In this paper, the theoretical basis for Russia"s aggressive and active foreign security policy in Northeast Asia was explained through Russia"s foreign policy concept and Russia"s national security strategy analysis. Russia"s foreign policy concept, Russian national security strategy, and new geopolitical theories were used to understand Russia"s offensive approach to Northeast Asia, and to analyze Russia"s recent approach to Northeast Asia, especially to the Korean Peninsula. In conclusion, the future behavior of Russia"s offensive foreign policy and military intervention is predicted.

The purpose of the research is to investigate the armored and mechanized troops’ combat employment during the Vistula-Oder offensive operation and their contribution to operational art development in the theory and practice of dispersal and large enemy groups destruction . The research methodology is to use a set of methods: dialectical, analytical, historical, biographical, comparative. The methodological approach made it possible to analyze retrospectively the large mobile formations (unit) improvement employing methods while engaging into battle of mobile groups of armies and fronts and during dispersal and large enemy groups destruction, which took place as a single process. As well as the mobile groups’ employment during the battle for the tactical zone of the enemy’s defense. The scientific novelty of the results is a comprehensive analysis of the process of preparation and conduct of the offensive operation of the two fronts with the use of four tank armies, due to the lack in domestic historiography of special historical generalizations on certain topics within these chronological limits. An objective assessment of the importance of the Vistula-Oder offensive operation for the development of the military art in operations for their massive use of rapid and maneuverable nature, which led to the dispersal of the enemy group into parts and their rapid defeat. The Conclusions. The Red Army offensive from the Vistula to the Oder was a model of the largest strategic offensive. It developed almost without pauses with an average daily rate of 25 – 30 km per day, and tank armies – up to 70 km. The armored and mechanized troops made a significant contribution to the success of the operation. The tank armies, individual tank and mechanized corps were the main force for the development of success and were a powerful vanguard of the 1st UF and 1st BF, which operated at a significant distance from the combined arms forces. The armored and mechanized troops’ combat employment’s peculiarity was the use of two tank armies in one operational direction, which increased the strength of the strike groups of the fronts.

Aru Sultanate was a state in Sumatra Island cited by numerous local and international sources between 13th and 16th centuries CE. In the middle of 16th century CE, the sovereignty of Aru was threatened by Aceh Sultanate’s aggression to its neighbouring states in Sumatra. Aru Sultanate’s strategic moves to deal with that aggression is the subject matter of this article. The discussion of such strategies is aimed at revealing what options came to surface by the defensive side to counter the aggressor. Historical reviews of two main records of the Portuguese Tomé Pires and Ferna-O Mendes Pinto revealed the potential strength and strategies adopted by Aru Sultanate to repel Aceh Sultanate’s attack. The presence of the fort as a supporting defensive factor allows Aru Sultanate to deploy a defensive strategy in Aru War I. The defensive stance, however, turned into offensive one in Aru Wars II and III as a strong ally, Johor Sultanate came to assist. Despite more alliances were formed with more states, victory ultimately belonged to Aceh Sultanate. Kesultanan Aru adalah salah satu negeri di Pulau Sumatera yang disebut oleh sumber-sumber tertulis lokal dan mancanegara sejak abad ke-13 – ke-16 M. Pada pertengahan abad ke-16 M, kedaulatan Kesultanan Aru terancam oleh agresi Kesultanan Aceh ke negeri-negeri tetangganya di Pulau Sumatera. Langkah-langkah strategis apa yang ditempuh oleh Kesultanan Aru dalam menghadapi agresi Kesultanan Aceh, merupakan permasalahan yang diulas dalam karya tulis ini. Pembahasan tentang strategi yang dipakai oleh Kesultanan Aru dalam menghadapi agresi Kesultanan Aceh bertujuan mengungkap pilihan strategi yang diterapkan oleh pihak yang bertahan dalam menghadapi agresi dari luar. Melalui kajian historis terhadap data utama berupa dua catatan bangsa Portugis yakni Tome Pires dan Ferna-O Mendes Pinto, diungkap potensi kekuatan dan strategi yang diterapkan oleh Kesultanan Aru dalam menghadapi serangan Kesultanan Aceh. Keberadaan benteng sebagai salah satu unsur kekuatan negara, membuat Kesultanan Aru memilih strategi yang defensif pada Perang Aru I. Strategi Kesultanan Aru berubah dari defensif menjadi ofensif -saat Perang Aru II dan Perang Aru III- setelah memperoleh sekutu yang kuat yakni Kesultanan Johor. Meskipun jalinan persekutuan telah dibentuk oleh Kesultanan Aru dengan sejumlah negeri, namun kejayaan akhirnya menjadi milik Kesultanan Aceh.

This essay reconstructs defensive/offensive mechanisms of Aboriginal communication networks and presents historical examples of their application as a means of resistance during Australia’s frontier wars. The principal focus is on smoke-signalling systems, especially in Queensland.

O estudo apresenta a Administração Pública como competente para buscar a melhoria na prestação de seus serviços à sociedade. Assim, o Sistema de Segurança possui em seu aparato a possibilidade de apresentar à sociedade resultados positivos no tocante à solução de casos. Aliado a isso, a promulgação da Lei 9099/95, a Lei dos Juizados Especiais, entre outras situações, apresenta a desburocratização para concluir crimes de menor potencial ofensivo. Para tanto, o Termo Circunstanciado de Ocorrência – TCO – feito pela autoridade policial é o elemento primordial, pois é o instrumento enviado ao Juizado Especial. A proposta neste artigo visa analisar a questão em torno do TCO que tem se desdobrado a partir da adesão dos estados brasileiros à lavratura pelas autoridades policiais, especificamente a Polícia Militar e a Polícia Rodoviária Federal. Apresenta, ainda, as decisões mais recentes sobre o TCO. Por fim, além de traçar um panorama dos estados que já aderiram ao sistema, apresentam-se os aspectos positivos que a sociedade já vivencia, a partir da celeridade dada à resolução dos casos. O embasamento do estudo se faz por meio do texto da lei, de decisões da justiça, da literatura dos doutrinadores da área, pesquisas realizadas e publicações sobre o tema.

Russia has enlisted the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and instrumentalised it as part of what can be described as a dynamic ‘soft-power offensive’. Its aim is to consolidate hierarchical power as a...

The military conflicts of the 21st century, including in Nagorno-Karabakh, are evidence that once again proves: countries that have “unstable”, disputed territories should prepare for war, and careful preparation for an air offensive operation - the necessity of which cannot be neglected. components of the air offensive operation of the aggressor in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict were: conducting air defense to protect (cover) their troops; destruction of the enemy's anti-aircraft system; direct air support of troops (forces) in the offensive; effective engagement of critical elements of the enemy to the full depth of his operational formation and deep in the rear. Aviation was and remains a deterrent factor for the aggressor countries, as most of Armenia's combat losses were caused by the aviation of the Armed Forces of Azerbaijan. A feature of such conflicts is an increase in the share of unmanned aircraft in air operations - unmanned attack aircraft systems with missile and bomb weapons, which is due to the high cost of losses of manned aircraft. The war showed the great role of aviation in victory. The country, which had and effectively used aviation, because unmanned aviation is also aviation, which in the near future will become an independent branch of aviation, won. This fact proves that aviation must develop, it is necessary to find an optimal balance between manned and unmanned aircraft in the future model of the Air Force of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. That is, we are guided by the need to adapt defense planning and government defense procurement for the wars of the future, and not catch up with the conflicts of the past. The article summarizes the conclusions of the war in Nagorno-Karabakh for the Air Force of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and developed recommendations for their preparation for armed conflicts of today and the future.

Author continues with publications on the use of troops in strategic and frontlineoperations during World War II. A military-historical analysis of the Belarusianstrategic offensive operation was carried out: the situation in Belarus after the fightingin the winter and spring of 1944; general plans of the parties for the summer-autumncampaign; plans of front commanders to conduct frontline operations and tasks fortroops; issues of coordination between the troops of the fronts, general armies, mobilegroups, artillery and air units during the preparation and conduct of the operation. Aswell conclusions were drawn.The Belarusian strategic offensive operation enriched the theory and practice ofencirclement and the destruction of large enemy groups. The encirclement wasachieved both by a group of fronts and by forces of one front. The encirclement anddestruction of the enemy took place as a single process. During the siege, the ArmyGroup “Center” was crushed and destroyed in parts, and the outer front of theencirclement was created not by defensive actions but by offensive ones. What wasnew in the operational art of the Red Army was that the encirclement of the 105,000-strong Wehrmacht group was reached during a parallel and frontal pursuit at a depthof 200-250 km from the front line. The encirclement and destruction of the enemywas carried out simultaneously.An important condition for achieving a rapid pace of offensive was the high art ofcommand and staff at all levels in the management of troops and high responsibilityand professionalism in the performance of combat missions by personnel.One of the conditions that ensured the success of the strategic operation as awhole was the well-established coordination of all those involved in the operation.The educative side of the use of armored and mechanized troops is their variousemployment. They acted especially effectively as part of mobile groups of armies and fronts.

Introduction.A powerful system of concessional influences of Russian propaganda has been deployed against Ukraine. Russia's giant media network is trying to impose Ukraine its virtual picture of events. The doctrine of information security of Ukraine has determined the protection of the information area as a necessary condition for maintaining the positive development of society, a guarantee of national security. The concessional war requires consolidated actions of information security specialists, media people, psychologists, sociologists, which would ensure the creation of a strategic program of actions aimed at repelling the concessional aggression and implementation of the state interests of Ukraine information protection system. Purpose – to find out the core, technologies and main directions of counteracting the concessional effects of Russian propaganda against personnel of the Armed Forces and the population of Ukraine. Methods - theoretical and methodological analysis of the problem, source base, systematization and generalization of scientific information related to constant influences, method of analogies, scientific generalization, methods of logical, comparative and content analysis, system approach, expert evaluations, analysis and interpretation of the obtained data Originality of article consists in the development of further research on the structure of Russia's hybrid war, determining the nature and features of its continental effects against the population of Ukraine. New approaches to revealing military-political myths and fakes of Russian propaganda are shown. Updated and systematized recommendations for counteraction directions and ways to the concessional influences of Russian propaganda against the Armed Forces and the population of Ukraine. The practical significance of the article is found in the possibility of its use for the development of educational materials in seminars and trainings for politicians, governors and military administration staff or a special course on technologies to counter the negative information and psychological impact of Russia's hydride war against Ukraine. Conclusion. In the context of discourse, the main purpose of concessional influences is the destruction of human capacity for free identification, self-determination, of who a person seeks to be within, its cultural and historical tradition. An important task of consistent Russian propaganda against Ukraine is the regional, social-stratum and linguistic-national fragmentation of public consciousness. Social, military-political, economic, historical, religious, linguistic, cultural and ethnic myths and military-political fakes are actively used for its implementation. An adequate response against Russia's information aggression should be a full-fledged information war between Ukraine and Russia with defensive as well as offensive information operations. Further research is devoted to organize a system of strategic communications in Ukraine's security and defense sector of any forms and origin.

Since the Kenya Defense Forces (KDF) launched their military offensive against al-Shabaab in 2011, the country has experienced an unprecedented number of retaliatory attacks mounted by the jihadist...

The concept of “strategic stability” was formally defined in the 1990 Joint Statement by Russia and the United States as “the state of strategic relations between the parties that removes incentives for a first nuclear strike.” This understanding was reflected in the START I Treaty and five subsequent treaties, including the current START III Treaty (2010). Thanks to them, according to the criteria of strategic stability adopted at that time, the current strategic balance between Russia and the United States is much more stable and excludes the possibility and incentives for a first nuclear strike. Nevertheless, strategic stability is now dangerously undermined by the collapse of nuclear weapons control regimes, changes in the nuclear world order, and under the influence of military-technical development. The arguments in favor of abolishing the arms control system and process, as well as the proposed alternatives to them, do not stand up to scrutiny. At the same time, it is clear that 30 years after the 1990 Joint Statement by Russia and the United States, the concept of strategic stability requires updating in the light of changed conditions and new threats. This updated understanding of strategic stability should be the basis for further arms limitation negotiations. At the same time, negotiations with the United States should be based on a solid foundation as an effective Russian deterrent potential with an emphasis on increasing the survivability and combat readiness of information and control systems, as well as offensive and defensive weapons systems.

The recent history of the policing of Scottish football has been tempestuous. The enactment of the Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications (Scotland) Act 2012 subjected those...

During the World War II, counterintelligence played the key role in the operational activities of the state security bodies. It was aimed at repelling the intelligence, sabotage and terrorist, and other dangerous practices of the special services of the aggressor countries. The Soviet special services established the supply of intelligence in the interests of strategic operations for the liberation of Ukraine. The intelligence measures played a positive role in diplomatic efforts of determining the post-war borders and international status of the Ukrainian SSR. Intelligence and sabotage activities on the occupied territory significantly complicated the work of enemy communications. They managed to minimize the subversive activity of the aggressors who had deployed a powerful network of the special purpose bodies (military intelligence, sabotage and subversive agencies, military counterintelligence, secret police, provost corps, etc.) in Ukraine. The state security bodies played the main role in establishing the guerilla and clandestine combat in the enemy’s rear. In 1944–1945, dozens of special groups of NKVD of the Ukrainian SSR significantly contributed to the organization of the anti-Hitler Resistance Movement in Eastern Europe. The creation of the separate military counterintelligence agency (SMERSH of the People’s Commissariat of Defence of the Soviet Union) and its network from the level of fronts to separate units allowed to increase protection of the troops and military rear from the enemy attacks and to bring it closer to the operational support of the offensive of the Army in the Field. The highest demonstration of the professional art of the Soviet special services was their operational games, successfully conducted against the German intelligence bodies and aimed at spreading disinformation, among other tasks. The instructive experience of the operational work, acquired during the confrontation with Hitler’s aggressors, should be studied and creatively used for the training of the special services of the modern Ukraine for acting in the special period. Keywords: intelligence, counterintelligence, intelligence and sabotage activities, special services, security, operational art of the special services

The rise of crack cocaine in the late 1980s propelled the war on drugs. The experience of Canton, Ohio, shows how the response to crack solidified mass incarceration. A declining industrial city of 84,000 people in northeast Ohio with deep-seated racial divides, it was overwhelmed by aggressive, enterprising crack dealers from outside the city. In response, politicians and residents united behind the strategy of incessant arrests and drastic prison sentences. The law-enforcement offensive worsened conditions while pursuing African Americans at blatantly disproportionate rates, but few people engaged in reframing the drug problem. Instead, a punitive citizenry positioned punishment as the principal remedy. The emergency foreclosed on more comprehensive assessments of the city’s tribulations, while the criminal justice system emerged as the paramount institution.

The main goal of the authors is to form a holistic view of the position and actions of the leaders of the Russian Orthodox Church - Patriarch Alexy I (Simansky) and his de facto deputy Metropolitan Nikolai (Yarushevich) - in connection with the campaign to discredit the clergy, clergy and religion in general, which unfolded in the Soviet press from the late 1950s during the Khrushchev offensive against the church and was carried out under the guise of scientific atheistic propaganda. The position of the Moscow Patriarchate leadership is shown on the basis of documents of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church under the Council of Ministers of the USSR, letters of Patriarch Alexy I to this institution and memoirs of the clergy, and 23 research works are also used.

The pandemic of COVID-19 struck the world in early 2020. China, which is regarded as the source of the new disease was also the first one to overcome it. After controlling the outbreak domestically, China started conducting public diplomacy offensive, which we will call ‘coronavirus diplomacy.’ Its main focus is put on assisting other countries that are still struggling with high numbers of infections and many difficulties, such as shortages in medical equipment or medical staff. This article aims to review public diplomacy activities undertaken by China in conjunction with the COVID-19 pandemic in Spring 2020. The goal is to determine what messages the Chinese government has been sending through those activities. The investigation was qualitative and the main research method employed is content analysis. The authors analyzed statements of China’s representatives in search of the messages that were supposed to be communicated.