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Social movements in Eastern Europe have a long history. Despite problems with defining the region, most scholars tend to locate it in the postsocialist countries of Europe, which re-gained independ ...

Legal institutions, elites, and norms played an important role in the development of social movements over the latter half of the twentieth century, yet social movement scholars have only recently begun to take notice. The subfield of law and social movements has developed in two separate but increasingly integrated fields—legal scholarship and social movement scholarship—and has developed around two broad sets of research questions. First, is litigation an effective strategy for social movements? Second, what role does law play in shaping the trajectories of social movements? Early research tended to focus on the question of effectiveness, but more recent scholarship has expanded to include analyses focusing on the dynamic role that law plays in shaping movement trajectories. Here we focus on how legal institutions and strategies have been incorporated into existing social movement theories. Keywords: collective behavior; government, politics, and law; movements

Do movements matter? The impact of movements on patterns of social change is one of the most enduring topics in the study of protest and social movements, and it has gained considerable attention in recent years. Understanding this complex topic requires careful attention to several interrelated issues including conceptualizing social change and appraising whether movements matter and, if so, how. Debates continue regarding how significant movements are for explanations of social change, the conditions under which movements matter, and the movement characteristics associated with greater or lesser impact. Keywords: political sociology; movements; social change

Scholars invoke the terms “millenarian,” “millennialist,” and “apocalyptic” to refer to movements and sects that embrace ideologies positing the (typically traumatic) end of one era, promising relief from the sufferings of this world and its present age, and purporting to give rise to salvation in a new “golden age,” “heaven on earth,” or realized utopian social order. The strikingly broad range of movements that adopt such ideologies includes peaceful conversionist movements and militant religious social movements undertaking “holy war,” anticolonial movements, agrarian movements, and modern revolutionary political movements. Moreover, movements vary widely in their scale of organization and significance—from those that attract little notice beyond their participants to movements within early Christianity, the Protestant Reformation, and contemporary Islam that have been civilizational, even world-historical, in their consequences. Despite the ancient Middle Eastern origins of apocalypticism and millennialism, non-Western religions and ideologies – for example, Buddhism–have on occasion provided independent inspiration for such movements. Sometimes too, non-Western movements (for example, the nineteenth-century Tai Ping Rebellion in China) have synthesized local cultural materials with millenarian Christian ideas. In short, as rich veins of case study and comparative research document, millenarian and apocalyptic movements vary in ideology, organizational form, scale, and trajectory. The broad range of cases poses an important theoretical challenge—whether to focus on shared characteristics, or alternatively, to theorize alternative types of such movements. Keywords: ideology; sects; social change; terrorism; utopianism

Feminist movements, in the broadest sense, are collective efforts to improve the situation of women, and they have emerged in most parts of the world, beginning in the mid-nineteenth century and continuing into the present. Feminism has also influenced other social movements, such as the peace, environmental, global justice, reproductive rights, and gay/lesbian movements, through its ideologies, collective identities, tactics, and organizational forms. Scholarship on feminist movements has focused on their origins; different waves or cycles; feminist ideologies, collective identities, tactics, and organizational forms across time and place; and the impact of feminism on other social movements. Keywords: equality; feminism; gender; movements; women; United States of America; Europe; Eurasia

Social movement theorists have viewed various phenomena as aspects of the “institutionalization” of social movements. One meaning of institutionalization is that movements become established interest groups that are formalized in structure and headed by professional leaders. Along with formalization and professionalization, movements may also become institutionalized in the sense that their goals become conservative or mainstream. Another meaning of institutionalization is that movement ideas are incorporated into mainstream organizations or practices. And movements can be institutionalized in the sense that they operate within social institutions and organizations. All of these ideas are important to theories of the origins, development, and outcomes of social movements. Keywords: bureaucracy; institutionalization; movements

As has been well documented in the social movement literature, movements can take multiple forms. Accordingly, analyses of coordinated challenge tend to array social movements along a spectrum of variable dimensions. Snow and Soule 2010 suggest that social movements can be relegated to one of two general types of challenge, such that the challenge is either direct (including various forms of specifically targeted protest) or indirect (including movements that exit from or divest in authority). Indirect challenges—the less often examined form of collective action—relate to movements that are covert or ambiguous with respect to the action they employ; that may endeavor to actualize broad-based change through individual conversion; and finally, that bypass authority structures by literally “exiting” or withdrawing from undesirable systems or relations (Snow & Soule 2010). Keywords: political sociology; emigration; immigration; movements; revolution; sectarianism; sects; terrorism; utopianism

In this article, the relationship between new social movements, representative democracy and neoliberalism is examined. Starting with student protests in Europe and the United State, the late 1960s have witnessed the emegence of new social movements. Ecological, anti-nuclear, feminist, student, anti-racist, and LGBTI+ protests all have been examined with the scope of the new social movements paradigm. The remarkable protest wave of the 1970s has been followed by contemporary movements in different forms like the Arab Spring and the Occupy movement. Although these movements differ in terms of issues they deal with and goals they seek, they have a lot in common. Unlike the old movements like labour protests, these new movements primarily focus on postmaterial issues. Postmaterial identity demands and rights of these movements conflict with material demands of neoliberal governments. Furthermore, modern democracies fail to address these issues. Representative democracy is seen as an obstacle to political participation. On the other hand, postmodernism is a suitable concept to explain internal discrepancies and dispersion of new social movements. It is argued that (a) the legitimacy crisis of representative democracy and neoliberal response of capitalism to its structural crisis have triggered new social conflicts and movements, (b) these movements differ from old movements in terms of their forms, goals, and demands, (c) new social movements are postmodern.

Although populist leaders often employ an anti-elite discourse which presents the elite as unable or unwilling to represent ordinary citizens, we know very little about who elites actually think should be represented, or how this differs, if at, all from what ordinary citizens want. In this article we find that there is a considerable difference between the groups that voters want to see represented in parliament and those which political elites want to see represented. In particular, we find that political elites tend to hold far more ‘cosmopolitan’ preferences than ordinary voters, and prioritize the representation of greater diversity in parliament based on the groups politicised by the new social movements and identity politics of the 60s and 70s, such as women, ethnic minorities, LGBT and the disabled. By contrast, voters more often hold nativist preferences than political elites and more often prioritize the representation of groups such as the working class, and white local people. Moreover, British voters who hold nativist preferences of political representation are more likely to be politically alienated and more likely to support Brexit.

During the 1970s, industrialized society seemed to be on the cusp of sweeping change, moving away from the Fordist ‘modern’ era and into an undefined ‘post-modern’ future. To contemporaries in Fran...

Addressing climate change globally requires significant transformations of production and consumption systems. The language around climate action has shifted tangibly over the last five years to reflect this. Indeed, thousands of local governments, national governments, universities and scientists have declared a climate emergency. Some commentators argue that the emergency framing conveys a new and more appropriate level of urgency needed to respond to climate challenges; to create a social tipping point in the fight against climate change. Others are concerned to move on from such emergency rhetoric to urgent action. Beyond emergency declarations, new spaces of, and places for, engagement with climate change are emerging. The public square, the exhibition hall, the law courts, and the investors’ forum are just some of the arenas where climate change politics are now being negotiated. Emergent governing mechanisms are being utilised, from citizens’ assemblies to ecocide lawsuits. New social movements from Extinction Rebellion to Fridays For Future demonstrate heightened concern and willingness to undertake civil disobedience and protest against climate inaction. Yet questions remain which are addressed in this thematic issue: Are these discourses and spaces of engagement manifestations of a radical new climate politics? And if these are new climate politics, do they mark a shift of gear in current discourses with the potential to effect transformative climate action and support a just transition to a decarbonised world?

Spillover refers to the influences that social movements have on each other. Social movement spillover takes place through both direct and indirect paths through which one social movement affects another's ideology, frames, tactics, membership, organizational structure, or available cultural or political opportunities. These and related phenomena are also referred to as diffusion (McAdam & Rucht 1993; Soule 1997) and “spin-off movements” (McAdam 1995). The study of social movement spillover focuses on the paths, types, and mechanisms of influence. The types of social movement spillover can be broken down into two broad categories. First, movements can lead to new challenges, by changing the overall level of protest or opportunities for protest, sparking “spin-off” movements (McAdam 1995), or provoking countermovements. They can also affect or enable later waves of the same movement. Second, social movements can alter the form of other protests. Activists define themselves, frame their issues, develop tactics, and establish organizations with reference to what other collective actors have done. These effects can occur between movements that are contemporaries or across time. Keywords: collective behavior; civil rights; feminism; reform movements; student movements

PurposeThis article explains the process of construction and configuration of the Brazilian social imaginary on the global '68 using the daily press as source material.Design/methodology/approachIt looks at the narratives conveyed by the press about the condition, situation, motivations, aspirations and capacity for action of young university students. The analysis is focused mainly on the usage of totalitarian language and permits an in-depth view of the reality of life in Brazil at the time and the role played by the students in the resistance to the dictatorship. It also includes an analysis of how other students' protests of 1968 – in Poland and Mexico – were portrayed through the media, and how they helped to shape the collective imaginary about Brazilian university students, situating it in a conjuncture of broader dimensions and connections.FindingsThe youth of Brazil, Poland and Mexico were represented as active political and social subjects, capable of defying, and sometimes profoundly upsetting, the established order. Violence and the discourse of violence were constant unifying elements in the narratives created by the daily press. This helped generate an image of university students which portrayed them as a rebellious, revolutionary and/or subversive sector of the population, responsible for one of the most extensive and profound social and political crises which those countries had experienced in decades.Originality/valueThis is the first study of the Brazilian reception of the '68 Polish and Mexican students' protest and its implications for the social narrative of students' resistance in Brazil.

The aim of this article is to analyse the political outcomes of the LGBT* movement in Poland, referring to civil unions, marriage equality, adoption, homophobic and transphobic hate crimes and Gend...

This study focuses on the changing meanings of COVID-19 in three prominent Dutch newspapers: De Telegraaf, De Volkskrant and NRC Handelsblad. We focus on the volatility of meanings, and how certain meanings stabilize and create a path dependence in how our society understands COVID-19. We combine a topic-model analysis of about 19,000 newspaper articles published from December 2019 to August 2020 with a qualitative content analysis. The results show how COVID-19 changes from an external threat to an internal risk, how COVID- 19’s meanings and categories-at-risk are dynamic, and how certain perspectives dominate the public debate at the expense of others. For example, the suffering of COVID-19 patients became secondary to the suffering of nonpatients and a probabilistic, administrative perspective on the virus. Such dominant definitions of the problem are directed by the government’s policy. There is also critique. We see that newspapers’ attention for Viruswaanzin, Viruswaarheid, and Red Team rises in the summer of 2020, although their coverage is then still quite marginal. We expect that these organizations are part of new social movements which can increasingly gain importance and form an interesting area for new research.

Collective alternative everyday practices (CAEPs), such as commu-nity gardens, clothing swaps or repair cafés, have become a prominent sight in the critical-creative milieus. So far, CAEPs have been mostly conceptualized in terms of prefigurative politics, i.e. as the strategy to change society through an everyday conduct that fully reflects idealized notions of the Self and society. However, there is increasing evidence of practitioners who engage in rather irregular, spontaneous ways and remain bound to an unsustainable consumer lifestyle. Scholars have identified such volatile participation as a problem for mobilization, but have not answered a) how the lack of continuous embodiment can be understood from a social movement perspective, and b) what the political quality of this behaviour might be. In this article, I address these research questions by drawing on theories of the late-modern subject and existing qualitative studies. Late-Modern Subject Theory assumes that individuals increasingly construct themselves through the market and in a multi-faceted way, due to processes such as commercialization, flexibilization and acceleration. From that perspective, volatile participants attempt to mobilize an idealized Self but are unable to do so persistently, due to the structural constraints (such as lack of time resources) and personal liberties (such as excess of consumer options) that define everyday life in late-modern society. The result are figurations of utopia that are bound to fail, but repeated ever again. These ‘refigurations’ maintain a political ele-ment through conveying a critique of and an alternative to the status quo, if only for a moment.

This work is part of the research project developed by the Observatory on New Social Movements and Law in Brazil at La Salle University, focusing in the city of Porto Alegre and on the occupation of the City Council on July of 2013, which is placed in the context of the protests against the increase of bus fares and for free fare, attempting to understand the relationship between the political organization of the Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Publico and its legal group during the eight days of City Council occupation. We conducted semi-structured interviews with members of the occupation in order to clarify the dynamics in the movement and its understanding of the relationship between law and social movements, highlighting the deferment of the eviction order and the elaboration of two Bills as fundamental moments of the relationship between the collective organization of the occupation and its legal team. Este artículo forma parte de un proyecto de investigación desarrollado por el Observatorio de Nuevos Movimientos Sociales y Derecho de la Universidad La Salle de Brasil. Nos centramos en la ciudad de Porto Alegre y en la ocupación de su ayuntamiento en julio de 2013, en el contexto de las protestas contra el aumento de las tarifas de autobús y a favor del transporte gratuito. Intentamos comprender la relación entre la organización política del Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Publico y su grupo jurídico durante los ocho días que duró la ocupación. Realizamos entrevistas semiestructuradas con miembros de la ocupación para aclarar las dinámicas del movimiento y cómo entendía la relación entre derecho y movimientos sociales, destacando el aplazamiento de la orden de desalojo y la elaboración de dos leyes como momentos fundamentales de la relación entre la organización colectiva de la ocupación y su equipo jurídico. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1040

This book, written by a well-known group of Spanish and Catalan academic-activists, is a useful overview of the origins and development of the first two years in power of the alternative political ...

Turkey under the AKP governments constitutes an exemplary case for understanding how centralized religion, authoritarianism, and economic logic of neoliberalism interrelate. AKP uses state-guided religion to legitimize its neoliberal economic policies and create docile, economized citizens. This article specifically focuses on how pious Muslims resist AKP’s religious neoliberalism by focusing on actions and deliberations of Labor and Justice Platform members. Our discussion, which consists of face-to-face interviews with the members of this social movement, delineates the group’s justice-oriented, egalitarian, and pluralist orientation of Islam and depicts their dialogues with power – embodied in AKP’s domination of Islamic discourse in Turkey. We discuss how group members reinterpret religious concepts such as kader (fate), kısmet (destiny), and sabır (patience) that the AKP uses as micro-discursive mechanisms to create economically compliant citizens. We also discuss the specific frames of resistance they develop in order to break out from the resilience and adaptation that AKP has embedded in its narratives of economy and work. These frames include a sharp criticism of market Islam, a challenge to political Islam and dissent against state Islam. Theoretically, the article refers to neoliberal governmentality and explores its contestation – an understudied concept in Foucauldian studies.

Este trabajo busca realizar una revisión historiográfica de la literatura producida en Sinaloa y en México en los últimos treinta años del siglo XX y los primeros trece años del siglo XXI, sobre revoluciones, movimientos sociales, revueltas, guerrillas y agroindustria. Para el análisis de la literatura sinaloense, primero se realizó una clasificación por ejes temáticos, luego se describió y contrastó autores, después se elaboró una síntesis discursiva y finalmente se identificaron las diferentes corrientes historiográficas. Los enfoques observados fueron la movilización de recursos, oportunidades políticas, nuevos movimientos sociales, hegemonía (Sánchez, 2011, 2012, 2013a, 2013b; Santos, 2013; Cázares Aboytes, 2005a y 2005b), descampesinismo (Rubio e Hirata, 1985; Hirata, Rubio, Meza, 1978; Quevedo, 1996; Meza, 2002, 1989; Posadas, 1978, 1980, 1983, 1985, 1989, 2005), institucionalismo, redes y élites (Aguilar Alvarado, 2000, 2003; Martínez, 2004; Brito, 2005; Cerutti, 2000; Aguilar Aguilar, 1993, 2003, 2008; Padilla, 1996; Frías, 2008). Los estudios analizados centran su mirada en actores populares como en las élites, lo cual hace que este artículo concluya con una visión integral de la región sinaloense.

The social structure and class conflicts caused by the Industrial Revolution were the main sources of first social movements. In the 20th Century, as the conflict issues moved towards the third generation human rights axis, among new social movements which came up around cultural and social issues, ecological movements were the ones with an intense number of participants. Ecological movements which started as isolated attempts, extended their struggle arena considering the networking opportunities enabled by technological developments. This research aims to analyze the social network usage of ecological organizations which operate in Turkey. An in depth analysis of Twitter use of ecological groups has been made including their purposes, frequencies of Twitter usage, prominent environmental issues and actors. Content analysis has been used in order to determine the differences and similarities in Twitter using practices and to find out the prominent issues. On the other hand, relationships among actors who are active on the ecological network has been determined by social network analysis. The sample of the study has been formed by taking Ecology Union, formed by the gathering of 55 local ecological organizations, as its framework. The social network analysis reveals that the Ecology Union has limited effect in the network and Northern Forests Defence (Kuzey Ormanlari Savunmasi) is the most dominant actor. Through content analysis, it has been observed that ecological organizations use Twitter mostly to form ecological agenda and to inform their followers about the platform’s actions and related developments. However, genuine tweets posted are limited. Another outcome of the research is that in Turkey’s ecological network, Twitter is used only to a limited extend to activate masses.

In 1968 Dutch activists launched a campaign focused on cane sugar as a symbol of unfair trading conditions for the global South. The history of the cane sugar campaign from 1968 to 1974 highlights how European integration provided hope for large-scale change and a common target. This led activists to establish European networks and campaigns. Its demise sheds new light on the new social movements’ shift from ‘grand politics’, aimed at a sudden and drastic transformation through global and European politics, towards incremental change by locally targeting specific companies and countries.

The basic problem of development is equity to the smallest lines. This homework is not only the responsibility of the village government, but is an obligation for all people. Efforts to increase development need a continuous awareness building, covering various aspects and all parties. For rural people who still have many limitations, a simpler pattern is needed in creating a movement of empowerment. To facilitate development access for the community. Through the process of self-reflection which includes the stages of sensory knowledge, the stage of reasoning, and the stage of the ratio of Gedangsewu UMKM activists can begin to build awareness. All the step are the basis for managing the movement of empowerment based on development morality. With awareness-based activities, activists are able to interpret collective challenges, in order to create common purpose, by strengthening collective solidarity and identity, in order to preserve political resistance from a lifestyle that clings to a system that is rolling. Then efforts need to create independence from the mind to the step of empowerment.

The era of information technology that has developed dynamically in recent years has brought significant changes in the way to communicate and mobilize the masses. Public spaces that were once confined to a certain space and time, are now eliminated by the latest technology, to give birth to unlimited public space and can be accessed by anyone, anywhere and anytime. Public space is called virtual public space. The sophistication and effectiveness of this virtual public space is increasingly apparent when a new social movement is able to use it. One of the new social movements was called the National Movement for Guards Fatwa (GNPF) of the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) which was born around the end of 2016. This paper tried to examine the MUI GNPF as a new social movement that managed to make maximum use of virtual public space. Felt until now, a year later. In general, this paper is divided into two. The first part discusses the actions of the MUI's GNPF and a series of Islamic Defending Action. The second part discusses virtual public space which is used as the main means for the GNPF MUI in its movement to mobilize the masses.

By using theoretical frameworks of Medium theory and New Social Movement Theory, this study analyzed how The Globe and Mail news articles published from January to May 2009 depicted the transnational social movement efforts of the 2009 Tamil protest in Toronto. The method of content analysis was applied to the following research question: How do new articles from The Globe and Mail newspaper portray the transnational social movement (TSM) efforts of the Tamil Diaspora in Canada? This study found that (1) overall there was a negative coverage of the Tamil transnational social movement; and (2) the emphasis was mostly placed on the Tamil protest's alleged affiliation and support for a banned terrorist group. This paper will conclude that the news articles of The Globe and Mail presented a distorted message of the Tamil protest in the articles to attract readership rather than inform the audience, in a neutral method, about the protest events that were occurring at that time. Hence, future research should seek to expand on this study by doing a longitudinal and comparative analysis of the relationship between media and the Tamil transnational social movement.

This chapter explores midwifery activism in Mexico in the context of social movement theory and advocacy networks. Based upon multiple empirical sources and fieldwork, the chapter discusses the activism of the so-called autonomous midwives, who defend midwifery in the context of a set of human rights as a contested terrain. Hence, the chapter shows the ways in which midwives act as political actors, not only in defending their profession, which certainly forms a significant political dimension in these struggles, but also in the sphere of professional and women’s rights. The chapter argues that the concept of new social movements, which emerged during the 1980s, remains topical in addressing the question of the link between human rights and social movements. It may also serve as a tool to investigate how women engage with political activism. By exploring the reemergence of the autonomous midwives in Mexico from the 1990s onwards, the chapter shows that the notion of autonomy is a key concept in illustrating the collective action of Mexican middle-class midwives and as part of their role in broader women’s movements for human rights. The chapter concludes by outlining different forms of autonomy, understood as both collective and individual self-determination and self-government, running from professional to (personal) bodily and (public) political ones.

The German Alliance 90/The Greens are a prototype of collective leadership. With their roots in the new social movements of the 1970s and their grassroots ideology, they experimented with novel ways to set up party leadership. The multimember leadership as one element of their alternative style of politics proved dysfunctional, but did not impede their establishment in the German party system. Even after a prolonged process of moderation and a transition to dual leadership, the capacity of the party leadership depended on the extent of factionalism and the governmental status of the party. During the participation in a federal government from 1998 to 2005, the Green ministers were the most influential actors as part of a broader power-sharing arrangement. In the last decade, the Greens experienced several effective and complementary duos, and the current party chairs are very successful in their planful alignment of leadership functions and roles, as well as division of tasks. Despite their formally equal status, the analysis of popularity and visibility demonstrate a skewed position, that typically favors one of the chairpersons and which has to be resolved in order to create an efficient mode of operation.

Theories of political transitions have traditionally oscillated between top-down, institutionalist analysis and bottom-up analysis influenced by theories of new social movements. This chapter takes as its point of departure a political conflict at the end of the military regime in Brazil—the looting waves of 1983—in order to analyze social exclusions promoted by the political transition and later reinforced by its theoretical accountings. The narrative depicts three descriptive categories representing distinct levels of exclusion: looters, who contested a consensual transition; unemployed people, isolated by historical poverty and the local associativism; and impoverished criminals, entrenched in long-term institutional mechanisms. The result is a portrait of the people on the fringe of the transition.

Entre 2015 y 2017 Costa Rica vivió un ciclo de movilizaciones en favor de causas animalistas, la mayoría tenía por intención presionar para aprobar una ley que penalizara el maltrato hacia los animales con énfasis en las mascotas. En este texto se busca generar un análisis del Movimiento Animalista en Costa Rica centrado en la coyuntura de la lucha por la ley para penalizar el maltrato animal, dado que no existen investigaciones previas al respecto. El artículo se divide en siete acápites: la introducción, una recopilación histórica, tres secciones dedicadas a las teorías abordadas -teoría de nuevos movimientos sociales, estudios de fronteras simbólicas y teorías de performatividad-, luego se presenta el análisis y se finaliza con las conclusiones. Se parte de un estudio de caso con base en la revisión documental de libros y artículos académicos, que se ha complementado con entrevistas semiabiertas a activistas que han ocupado posiciones de liderazgo. Fueron identificadas las principales oportunidades que le permitieron a los liderazgos bienestaristas llevar la lucha por la ley contra el maltrato animal hasta su aprobación efectiva. Se identificaron sus motivaciones y las representaciones simbólicas que hicieron de estas, al tiempo que se hizo un esbozo inicial de los mismos elementos por parte de los sectores abolicionistas. La constitución del Movimiento Animalista giró en torno a la lucha por la obtención de la ley para penalizar el maltrato hacia los animales, lo cual refleja una predilección por la vía institucional. Los grupos abolicionistas son los que pueden reactivar el Movimiento luego de la aprobación de la ley, y las organizaciones bienestaristas han de ofrecerles su guía sin actitudes paternalistas, a la vez que deberán presionar al Estado para hacer cumplir la Ley N°9458 en medio de un ambiente político marcado por la austeridad fiscal. Between 2015 and 2017, Costa Rica witnessed a period of mobilizations in favour of animal causes, most of which were directed towards passing a law to penalize animal abuse, with an emphasis on pets. This research seeks to produce an analysis of the Costa Rican Animal Movement focused on the circumstances of the struggle for the law against animal abuse, given that it has never before been investigated. The article is divided into seven parts: the introduction, a historical summary, three sections for the theories being addressed - the new social movements theory, the studies on symbolic boundaries, and theories on performativity -, the analysis, and finally, the conclusions. It is based on a case study involving a documentary review of academic books and articles, which has been supplemented with semi-structured interviews with activists that have held leadership positions. It identifies the main opportunities that allowed welfarist leaderships to bring the struggle for the law against animal abuse to effective approval. It identifies their motives and the symbolic representations made of them at the time when an initial outline of these elements was made about the abolitionist sectors. The formation of the Animal Movement revolves around the struggle for obtaining the law to penalize animal abuse, reflecting a preference for institutional means. Abolitionist groups are those that can revive the movement following the passing of the law, and welfarist organisations must offer guidance in a non-paternalistic way, while at the same time pressure the state to enforce Law N°9458 amid a political environment troubled by fiscal austerity.

The CAP emerged in the 1960s and has a profound impact on the EU economy. The evolution of rural development policy reveals the complexity of political issues where modern rural policy focuses on the implementation of sustainable economic, social and environmental decisions. The key question of current CAP is how to ensure and increase the capacity of rural areas in a way that does not only maximize their benefits but also is sustainable and closely related to the protection of the environment. In 2019 as a result of this challenge, the European Commission presented its ambitious new proposal for a European Green Deal (EGD). EGD is a response to climate and environmental-related challenges. It is a new growth strategy that aims to transform the EU into a fair and prosperous society, with a modern, resource-efficient and competitive economy. Neither implementation of CAP nor the EGD would be possible without involvement not only in government institutions but as well as local communities and local bottom-up players. These actors, initiatives, organizations and movements focus on many overlapping issues and help in solving them. European bottom-up actors play important role in much broader sectors and issues, such as migrants and business, empowerment of women and youth, quality of life of rural residents and indigenous people, food and human rights and it enables reaching the goals of CAP and others related initiatives.

This paper investigates the causal effects of the main demonstration organised by a wider social movement in Spain (15M) on short and medium-term electoral results. Using a unique self-constructed database of the number of demonstrators in the main demonstration of the 15M movement, I estimate the electoral effects of the movement six months, four, five, six and eights years after the movement took place. Using unpleasant weather (either rainy or too hot) as an instrument for the number of participants in the demonstration of the 19th of June 2011, I find that in regions that hosted relatively bigger demonstrations, voting patterns corresponded more closely to the messages spread by the movement compared to other regions and that those effects last over time, with dynamic differences depending on the political offer in different elections. Surprisingly, results also show a negative effects on the vote for the far-right party Vox in elections 8 years later. I also investigate the mechanisms and find evidence supporting an increased concern about corruption as well as the creation of a network on social media around the 15M movement that was used afterwards by the new party Podemos to spread its message. Taken together, these results show that new social movements can have medium term lasting effects and can notably change the composition of a country’s Parliament.

Currently proliferating alternative action organizations, such as food cooperatives, solidary agriculture, repair cafés, or DIY initiatives, pursue social transformation at a deliberate distance from party politics. Instead, they concentrate on changing society directly by altering everyday routines and thereby prefiguring an alternative society. Local and experimental movements promise to pioneer social alternatives, which traditional organizations appear to be unable to accomplish. This indicates a remarkable shift, since in the past, social mobilizations often pursued direct social action and party politics simultaneously. The current literature conceptualizes movements and parties primarily as cross-fertilizing allies or even potential hybrids (movement parties) yet struggles to explain why alternative action organizations in countries that have not experienced post-crisis austerity measures have largely abandoned the parliamentary arena. Addressing this gap, we compare contemporary understandings of direct social action in Germany with past understandings: that of the 1920s labour movement and the 1970s new social movements. Applying sociological theories of modernization, we demonstrate that processes of individualization and flexibilization have increased the demand for immediate experiences of social change and decreased the attractiveness of formal organization. Since this makes strategic alliances between movements and political parties increasingly unlikely, societies’ capacity to organize long-term social struggles might be impaired.

In this paper, the authors try to provide an overview of the new socialmovement variant, which is the anti-war movements initiated by hippies.The hippie culture developed rapidly in the 1960s in the United Statesand now has spread to the whole world through cultural globalization.Hippie Movement itself is a subculture movement that has a significantrole in forming a counter-culture in the United States. This movement’ssuccess cannot be separated from the support of the musicians ofthe world through popular culture that will be discussed in this paper throughcultural globalization.

The relationship between social movements and left governments in Latin America since the postwar period has evolved from top-down relationships of populism and vanguardism to more contemporary attempts to blend new social movement practices of horizontalism and direct democracy with the hierarchical structures of the capitalist state and the party system. This evolution represents a long and unfinished transformation in the character of popular struggles, which today stands at the crossroads between referring back to more traditional structures of resistance, and pushing forward to the creation of a new left that can feature radical democratic participation from below as its centerpiece.

A intensificação de manifestações de rua e em rede nos últimos anos marca uma mudança nos padrões de participação política. No Brasil, grandes manifestações eclodiram em 2013 e 2015, com demandas diferentes, mas em comum a forma de organização: prioritariamente por meio da internet. Essa nova dinâmica participativa traz novos atores, movimentos sociais que usam a internet para sua organização. Dentre eles destacamos o Vem Pra Rua, um dos principais articuladores das manifestações de 2015, criado por dois empresários paulistas e que conquistou grande apoio de famosos e políticos. Nesse artigo fizemos um retrospecto das manifestações brasileiras elencando o papel do movimento Vem Pra Rua nos atos mais recentes. A metodologia adotada constituiu um levantamento bibliográfico sobre o tema, bem como coleta de dados nas redes sociais e publicações sobre o movimento. Percebemos, conforme demonstramos, o importante papel da internet na organização dos atos enquanto um mecanismo que proporciona inovações e mudanças nos padrões de participação política e como os novos movimentos sociais utilizaram esse mecanismo para isso.

Information communication technologies (ICTs) facilitate transnational connection, coordination and collaboration, which are essential for new social movements. At the same time, issues of access and censorship hinder social movement use of social media for mobilization. This paper examines how internet technology is used by social movements to discuss issues of identity, dignity and justice. Through subtle everyday acts of protests, women contest state narratives by documenting their presence in both physical and virtual public spaces. Iranian women practice the art of presence, demonstrating social media activism’s ability to circumvent censorship and facilitate public discourse regarding controversial issues. This study collects and analyzes data from Twitter and other social networking platforms to investigate the evolution of digital campaigns and relates these cases to the long-standing tradition of Iranian women’s voices with a focus on the critical role of the camera and user generated content in art and daily life.

Since the 1970s, the focus of contentious protest, as well as of the corresponding research, has increasingly moved from economic issues to the cultural issues associated with the new social movements. With Europe experiencing the most severe economic crisis in decades, we ask if the return of hard times has changed the distribution of contention over the different policy domains. Drawing on a dataset covering more than 30.000 protest events in thirty European countries from 2000 to 2015 and the issues and actors involved in each event, we analyse how the salience of cultural, political, and economic issues in the protest arena changes over time across countries and regions. We find evidence for a reinvigoration of economic protest particularly in southern Europe, a region that was strongly affected by the economic crisis. However, the varying crisis experiences also served to channel economic grievances into other issues: Governments deflected blame for austerity packages onto international institutions and right-wing challengers mobilized economic fears by promising more exclusive welfare benefits. Hence, the economic crisis was also addressed in political and cultural terms. Finally, we show that when the Euro-crisis ended, the migration crisis began to affect the protest arena.

This article examines the challenges involved in attempting to build collaboration and implement change in a partnership of schools during a period characterised by neoliberal education policy. The...

RESUMEN La teoría de los nuevos movimientos sociales brinda herramientas analíticas para comprender cómo se manifiestan las emociones en los movimientos sociales (MS), y cómo se activan como posibilidades transformadoras de las realidades y contextos en los que estos se dinamizan. Este artículo aporta a la discusión sobre los MS enfatizando en el rol de las emociones como catalizadores de cambios y transformaciones, especialmente con respecto a los Derechos Humanos (DDHH). Para esto, a través de un análisis de fuentes teóricas se examinan las relaciones de interdependencia entre los MS, las emociones y el derecho. El artículo argumenta que los DDHH y las emociones son recursos que emplean los MS que facilitan su acción transformadora en la esfera local en tanto promueven un cambio de abajo hacia arriba y a nivel internacional lo que permiten generar una mayor sincronía social. ABSTRACT The theory of new social movements provides analytical tools to understand how emotions manifest in social movements (SM), and how they are activated as transformative possibilities of realities and contexts in which they are energized. This article provides a discussion on SM, emphasizing the role of emotions as catalysts for changes and transformations, especially with regard to Human Rights (Human Rights). For this, through an analysis of theoretical sources, the interdependence relationships between SM, emotions and law are examined. The article argues that human rights and emotions are resources used by SM that facilitate their transformative action in the local sphere while promoting a change from the bottom up and an international level to the extent that they help generate greater social synchronization.

With the 2011 Revolution in Egypt, new forms of social mobilization and new possibilities for political interaction surfaced. The manifestation of these events suggested a different understanding of politics among particularly revolutionary youth. How do their values and practices affect political imaginaries? How are those imaginaries different from previous revolutionary struggles? This article highlights the political projects of the 2011 revolutionary youth versus previous revolutionary struggles by looking at youth activists and the case of the leftist Bread and Freedom party. Contrasting the Revolution of 1919 to 2011 in Egypt reveals a renewed call to social justice imagined to be practiced through the state and state institutions while minimizing ideology and a singular leadership in their mobilization strategies. Drawing on fieldwork done in 2014 and 2015, this paper suggests that the 2011 political project from youth’s perspective is about the importance of political practices of social justice over an ideology.

The progress of civilization, supported by the development of new technologies, has led to a series of social, economic and political changes. The information society, in its expectations and through access to knowledge, has significantly affected a change in the model of democracy, causing a kind of return to the original forms of communication in citizen-government relations. This has been accompanied by a shift of social and civic activism from the real to the virtual world. In literature, the use of information and communication technologies in the democratic system is named electronic democracy. One of its forms is e-politics, which is implemented at several levels: institutional, system and civil. A good example of the last type are the new social movements that in recent years have had a significant impact on politics. The basic research problem in this paper concerns e-politics from the citizens’ perspective, through the activities of the new social movements, especially of a political nature. The main research goal is therefore to present the role of social networking tools in influencing citizens and their subsequent activities that have triggered changes in the political system. The methods used in the paper are case study and comparative analysis. Postęp cywilizacyjny, wspierany przez rozwój nowych technologii, doprowadził do szeregu zmian społecznych, gospodarczych i politycznych. Społeczeństwo informacyjne, w jego oczekiwaniach i dostępie do wiedzy, znacząco wpłynęło na zmianę modelu demokracji, powodując pewien powrót do pierwotnych form komunikacji w relacjach obywatel–rząd. Towarzyszyło temu przesunięcie aktywności społecznej i obywatelskiej z realnego do świata wirtualnego. W literaturze przedmiotu wykorzystanie technologii informacyjnych i komunikacyjnych w systemie demokratycznym nazywa się elektroniczną demokracją. Jedną z jej form jest e-polityka, która jest realizowana na kilku poziomach: instytucjonalnym, systemowym i obywatelskim. Dobrym przykładem ostatniego typu są nowe ruchy społeczne, które w ostatnich latach wywarły znaczący wpływ na politykę. Podstawowy problem badawczy tego artykułu dotyczy e-polityki w perspektywie obywatelskiej, realizowanej poprzez działania nowych ruchów społecznych, zwłaszcza o charakterze politycznym. Głównym celem badawczym jest zatem przedstawienie roli narzędzi sieci sieciowych w wywieraniu wpływu na obywateli i ich aktywność prowadzącą do zmiany w systemie politycznym. Metody zastosowane w artykule to analiza przypadku i analiza porównawcza.

Atkurta Lietuvos valstybė susidūrė su daugybe politinių, socialinių, ekonominių, kultūrinių iššūkių, inspiravusių visuomenės normų, aktyvumo ir žmonių sąmoningumo kaitą. Kaip atsakas į besikeičiančią situaciją kaime, kilo kaimo bendruomenių judėjimas. Pagrindinis kylančio judėjimo tikslas – nepasitenkinimas esama padėtimi, noras keisti gyvenimo kokybę savo jėgomis, artimas Vakarų pasaulyje susiformavusiems naujiesiems socialiniams judėjimams. Poindustrinio kaimo kūrimui svarbi inovatyvaus, tvaraus ir įtraukaus kaimo vystymo paradigma suponuoja, kad šiandienos kaimo tyrimams būtinos naujos kokybinės dimensijos ir teorijos, talkinančios aiškinant vykstančias transformacijas. Šio straipsnio tikslas – įvertinti Lietuvos kaimo bendruomenių judėjimo bruožų atitikimą naujiesiems socialiniams judėjimams. Tikslui pasiekti remiantis pagrindiniais naujųjų socialinių judėjimų bruožais sukurtas ir pritaikytas šešių dimensijų modelis. Tyrimo rezultatai patvirtina daugumos kaimo bendruomenės veiklos bruožų panašumą su naujaisiais socialiniais judėjimais, inspiruojančiais gyvenimo kokybės pokyčius kaimo vietovėse. Tyrimo prieiga naudinga kaip nauja kokybinė dimensija, gilesniam vykstančių transformacijų kaime pažinimui. After Lithuania regained the independence, the state confronted with many political, social, economic, and cultural challenges, which led to changes of norms, values, forms of activities and consciousness of citizens. Changing situation lead to the marginalization of rural areas, the rural community movement raised. The main reason for the rising movement was dissatisfaction about current situation and willingness to change it using communities’ resources. This movement is al-lied to new social movements, which arose in 1960 in Western world. For the creation of post-industrial rural areas the paradigm of innovative, sustainable, inclusive rural development deter-mines that new theories, explaining transformations, are necessary. The aim of this research is to identify correspondence of Lithuanian rural community movement to new social movement theory. Scientific literature, related documents, and secondary statistical data were analysed, the theoretical framework of six dimensions was created and applied. The research results confirmed that rural community in Lithuania is to be viewed as a new social movement with some features of traditional movements. These findings may be useful for increasing the awareness about social transformations in rural areas.

This paper explores how the Greater London Council (1981–1986) deployed community focused cultural policy initiatives to disseminate cultural forms of nuclear scepticism during its ‘GLC Peace Year ...