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Naturalization takes place at the intersection between a host government's propensity to give citizenship and refugees' attitudes towards it. However, the naturalization of Syrian refugees, with its top-down approach, shows the possibility of a divergence between a government’s propensity and refugees’ attitudes, and that divergence may spoil the expected benefits. This study questions the factors that determine government propensity and refugees' attitude, besides the convergence and divergence between them. The regressions have been estimated using data collected from a sample of 296 Syrian students at Mardin University, Turkey. The findings of this study revealed a contradiction between attitude and propensity, although they share factors of education and the hosting context. While the indications of social and cultural integration have a positive effect on attitudes, they do not affect propensity. Besides the contextual factors of hosting province shape attitude and propensity. Moreover, the most important factor in deciding attitude is the perception of the costs and benefits of naturalization.

Вниманию читателей предлагается перевод трех эссе Джона Локка (1632–1704), не опубликованных при его жизни и никогда не публиковавшихся в России: «О всеобщей натурализации» (1693), «Труд» (1693) и “Venditio” (1695). Все они написаны в период после Славной революции 1688–1689 годов и затрагивают злободневные политические темы постреволюционной Англии. В результате экономического и финансового кризиса 1690-х годов в стране резко упал уровень жизни и возник дефицит ресурсов, возместить который Локк предполагал за счет труда и мировой торговли. Локк подчеркивает основополагающую роль труда как основы счастья и общего блага. В «совершенствовании ума» он видит способ снижения политической напряженности, а призывая двор отказаться от широко распространенных привычек к роскоши и пустому времяпрепровождению, надеется на то, что личный пример правителя поможет ввести в моду честный труд. Он также выступает против ксенофобии и предлагает доводы, доказывающие безопасность и необходимость натурализации. Несмотря на то что в Билле о натурализации 1693 года имелась в виду прежде всего помощь гугенотам, бежавшим в Англию после отмены Нантского эдикта (1685), Локк рассматривает этот вопрос в более общем плане и говорит о пользе труда любых мигрантов, стремящихся в качестве натурализовавшихся и потому лояльных подданных принять участие в приумножении национального богатства. Аргументы Локка в пользу свободы рыночных цен сопровождаются важными оговорками, подразумевающими традиционные схоластические концепции моральных ограничений рынка, а также милосердия в случаях «абсолютной необходимости». The article presents three essays written by John Locke (1632–1704): “For a General Naturalization” (1693), “Labor” (1693), “Venditio” (1695). The essays were not published during the philosopher’s lifetime and have never been previously translated into Russian. Written in the aftermath of the Glorious Revolution (1688–1689), the three essays focus on political issues facing post-revolutionary England. The economic and financial crisis of the 1690s had a direct impact on the living conditions of the population and resulted in resource deficit which Locke planned to overcome by means of labor and international trade. Locke underlines the pivotal role of labor as a prerequisite for common wellbeing. Locke believes that the improvement of the mind is a way to reduce political tension. He maintains that it is essential that courtiers should give up luxurious and degrading habits. He believes that a ruler’s example will promote honest labor. Locke lambasts xenophobia and advocates naturalization. Despite the fact that the Naturalization Act of 1693 granted assistance to Huguenots who fled to England after the repeal of the Edict of Nantes of 1685, Locke treats the issue in a broader sense and advocates that migrant workers willing to become naturalized and loyal to their new country are a great asset in augmenting the national wealth. Promoting free market prices, Locke underlines the necessity of holding to the scholastic concept of economic ethics and of setting standards of fairness and compassion in transactions.

This paper proposes that the United States treat naturalization not as the culmination of a long and uncertain individual process, but as an organizing principle of the US immigration system and its expectation for new Americans. It comes at a historic inflection point, following the chaotic departure of one of the most nativist administrations in US history and in the early months of a new administration whose executive orders, administrative actions, and legislative proposals augur a different view of immigrants and immigration. The paper examines two main ways that the Biden–Harris administration can realize its immigration, naturalization and integration goals: i.e., by expanding access to permanent residence and by increasing naturalization numbers and rates. First, it proposes administrative and, to a lesser degree, legislative measures that would expand the pool of eligible-to-naturalize immigrants. Second, it identifies three underlying factors—financial resources, English language proficiency, and education—that strongly influence naturalization rates. These factors must be addressed, in large part, outside of and prior to the naturalization process. In addition, it provides detailed estimates of populations with large eligible-to-naturalize numbers, populations that naturalize at low rates, and populations with increasing naturalization rates. It argues that the administration's immigration strategy should prioritize all three groups for naturalization. The paper endorses the provisions of the US Citizenship Act that would place undocumented and temporary residents on a path to permanent residence and citizenship, would reduce family- and employment-based visa backlogs, and would eliminate disincentives and barriers to permanent residence. It supports the Biden-Harris administration's early executive actions and proposes additional measures to increase access to permanent residence and naturalization. It also endorses and seeks to inform the administration's plan to improve and expedite the naturalization process and to promote naturalization. The paper's major findings regarding the eligible-to-naturalize population include the following: In 2019, about 74 percent, or 23.1 million, of the 31.2 million immigrants (that were eligible for naturalization) had naturalized. Three states—Indiana, Arizona, and Texas—had naturalization rates of 67 percent, well below the national average of 74 percent. Fresno, California had the lowest naturalization rate (58 percent) of the 25 metropolitan (metro) areas with the largest eligible-to-naturalize populations, followed by Phoenix at 66 percent and San Antonio and Austin at 67 percent. Four cities in California had rates of 52–58 percent—Salinas, Bakersfield, Fresno, and Santa Maria-Santa Barbara. McAllen, Laredo, and Brownsville had the lowest naturalization rates in Texas. Immigrants from Japan had the lowest naturalization rate (47 percent) by country of origin, followed by four countries in the 60–63 percent range—Mexico, Canada, Honduras, and the United Kingdom. Guatemala and El Salvador each had rates of 67 percent. Median household income was $25,800, or 27 percent, higher for the naturalized population, compared to the population that had not naturalized (after an average of 23 years in the United States for both groups). In the past 10 years, naturalization rates for China and India have fallen, and rates for Mexico and Central America have increased (keeping duration of residence constant). In short, the paper provides a roadmap of policy measures to expand the eligible-to-naturalize population, and the factors and populations that the Biden–Harris administration should prioritize to increase naturalization rates, as a prerequisite to the full integration and participation of immigrants, their families, and their descendants in the nation's life.

Throughout the 1690s there were several high-profile parliamentary debates about lowering interest rates from 6 to 4 percent. Locke's involvement in these policy debates is significant. In this period, he circulated at least one important pamphlet on this issue to various Members of Parliament. The purpose of this article is to illuminate the links between Locke's arguments against interest rate reduction and immigration policy. Locke's essay “For a General Naturalization” (1693) employs some of the same pro-naturalization formulations that Josiah Child uses in A New Discourse of Trade (1693), a pamphlet that was ostensibly published in support of the parliamentary proposal for lower interest rates. Even though Locke had a long history with pro-naturalization arguments, the framework of his essay on naturalization is very likely an extension of those debates with Child about interest rates from 1691/2.

In this study, we present three ‘embodiments’ of post-reform footballing China. Starting in 2015, the Chinese Football Association (CFA) initiated a series of reforms to advance player development,...

This article contributes to the study of conditional inclusion by examining the strategic postponement of naturalization cases in the UAE and USA. In both cases, the naturalization cases of specifi...

This article explores local people’s attitudes toward the naturalization of the Syrian refugees in Turkey. Based upon fieldwork data, I explored the way the people of Bolu construct Syrian refugees...

La constante politización (y polarización) de ciertos problemas entre la República Dominicana y Haití, ha convertido algunas diferencias en contiendas irreconciliables en ambos lados de la isla. En el lado dominicano, las confrontaciones han alcanzado proporciones repudiables al menos dos veces, específicamente durante la Masacre de 1937 y la Sentencia 168/13 del Tribunal Constitucional. La primera supuso la exterminación de al menos 20,000 personas haitianas o de ascendencia haitiana en comunidades fronterizas en la República Dominicana, y la última se tradujo en la privación de nacionalidad a cientos de miles de individuos de ascendencia haitiana nacidos en la República Dominicana. La desnacionalización de las personas de ascendencia haitiana fue mitigada por el hecho de que el presidente dominicano Danilo Medina aprobó una Ley de Naturalización e inició un Plan Nacional de Regularización. Tomando la República Dominicana como un caso de estudio para explorar la relación entre desnacionalización y apatridia con la condición de refugio, llegamos a la conclusión de que la privación de nacionalidad y la desnacionalización, no siempre equivalen a la persecución estatal, excepto en los casos que resultaron en expulsiones del país de anterior residencia habitual”. Dos puntos específicos dieron forma a esta conclusión: primero, el acto de desnacionalización y expulsión parece haberse sustentado en razones de raza y origen nacional (anterior); y el hecho de que las personas removidas de la República Dominicana por la fuerza, no estarán en capacidad de regresar legalmente a su país de nacimiento sin enfrentar la persecución estatal, ya que el Gobierno dominicano no reconoce a estas personas como nacionales. Esperamos que estos hallazgos beneficien a (ciertos) solicitantes de asilo para defender su derecho a refugio en distintos países de primera entrada donde aún hay casos pendientes.

In the field of sports and nationalism, little has been done to explore the process of how a member from another nation become representatives of another imagined community. In view of the growing significance of naturalization of foreign sporting talents in international sports, this paper highlights the complexities of the imagining a ‘deep, horizontal comradeship’ through the case of Hong Kong’s naturalized football representatives, with a focus on the negotiation of ‘Hong Kongness’ and ‘Chineseness’ among fans and naturalized representatives regarding selected contents in the stadium. It is argued that fans and naturalized players are constantly reminded of an inclusive Hong Kongness and an exclusive Chineseness that facilitated the acceptance of naturalized footballers as representatives of Hong Kong’s imagined community. But at the same time, paradoxes are identified in the imagination of a ‘deep, horizontal comradeship’ between Hong Kong citizens and the naturalized footballers.

Brazil, the largest slave society in the Americas, proposed a citizenship in its 1824 Constitution that had no race-based criteria. The nation remained steadfastly committed to slavery, however, im...

This article explores the evolution of naturalization in Western Europe and the United States from the early modern period to the end of the nineteenth century. It discusses three phases: naturaliz...

Migration and citizenship studies tend to see naturalization as a highly ambivalent process which simultaneously includes and excludes migrants. Moving beyond this inclusion/exclusion divide, I con...

The existing literature on the grant of citizenship by naturalization largely focuses on the experience of Europe and the immigrant-founded states of the Americas and Australasia. This article considers the African experience. It sets out the comparative law on naturalization, and the limited information that exists on the implementation of these rules in practice, noting that formal naturalization is rare in all countries in the continent. The article argues that amendments to the rules on naturalization are mainly performative, rather than aiming at any broader public policy outcome. Although there have been some important initiatives by some states to reach out to particular groups excluded from citizenship, these are rare. Yet public attitudes to acquisition of citizenship by foreigners are more open than the practice. Historically, integration of foreigners into the citizen body has happened largely through local processes of certification of identity. New efforts to strengthen identification systems in Africa may well make these processes more closed, and also make the difficulty of formal naturalization more visible.

Aunque la baja participación de las minorías inmigrantes en el campo electoral es algo que se observa con frecuencia, las razones que están detrás de su vinculación con lo político están relativamente poco exploradas por los académicos. En especial, son pocos los estudios empíricos que hayan buscado identificar las barreras con las que los inmigrantes de primera generación se encuentran para desarrollar una preferencia partidista en su país de acogida. Gracias a los datos de una encuesta única con un amplio número de casos de inmigrantes de primera generación (N=2.648) en un nuevo país de acogida (España), este trabajo explora la relevancia de dos tipos de factores (proximidad cultural vs estatus de inmigración) para entender la adquisición de preferencia partidista en esta población minoritaria. Encontramos que la proximidad cultural (definida por el país de origen: Latinoamericanos vs el resto) es un fuerte predictor para entender la adquisición de identificación partidista. Más aún, nuestros resultados sugieren que la capacidad explicativa de este factor se ve reforzada a través de un régimen de naturalización del inmigrante que facilita la adquisición completa de derechos políticos a aquellos inmigrantes culturalmente cercanos, lo que, a su vez, refuerza las condiciones para una mejor integración política. Finalmente, los resultados muestran que políticas de naturalización permisivas (versus aquellas restrictivas) ayudan a la integración política de las minorías inmigrantes, Ministerio de Economía, Industria y Competitividad, Gobierno de España

Although traumatic, the ongoing Brexit process does not fundamentally alter either the legal status of European citizenship or the debates about it within the European Union (EU). Citizenship and free movement are so fundamental to the European project that even the new status of an important state like the UK does not change the political dynamics surrounding them.

We are in the midst of a global turn to the drone. Responding to the ‘unmanning’ of contemporary warfare, interdisciplinary scholarship has interrogated the human operators and non-human actors underpinning the drone, and their wide-ranging ethical, geopolitical, and legal implications. A key facet of extant drone debates surrounds drone vision – both as it operationally visualizes and is fetishized. While comparatively nascent, scholars have begun to explore how drones are instead visualized across particular media. In this article I identify two lacuna within extant drone scholarship: first a lack of attentiveness to small military drones, which while comprising the majority of global military arsenals remain comparatively absent from scholarly analysis; and second, a need to attend to a greater diversity of visual representations of the drone. In response, this article explores promotional visualizations of small military drones as they are ethnographically-encountered at a key site through which their usage is compelled and their functioning enabled – the defence tradeshow. In so doing, I identify three central frames through which the drone is repeatedly represented therein. I argue that these frames both engage and employ visual conventions associated with ‘nature’ and the ‘natural’ in order to ‘naturalize’ and normalize the drone in as-yet unaccounted ways. Approaching the drone through the current, yet under-examined, visual milieu of the defence environments in which it is promoted, the article contributes to both interdisciplinary drone scholarship, and literatures exploring the visual cultures of militarism more widely.

With a naturalization rate above 80%, Canada is a world leader in granting citizenship to immigrants and refugees. However, policy changes over the past decade — which we identify as falling within the “civic integration paradigm” — have led to a steady decline in both citizenship applications and attributions. This paper takes a closer look at the reasons for this decline. In particular, we examine who fails in meeting the mandatory citizenship knowledge and language requirements such as members of the family class and refugees. We also show that Canada’s naturalization rules have become highly econocentric.

This study focuses on the impact of exceptional naturalization right provided for qualified Syrian refugees on the life standards and socio-economic capacities through the perspective of refugees. In this framework, face to face in depth interviews were carried out using qualitative research techniques with 35 Turkish citizens of Syrian origin who fled from civil war in Syria and sought refuge in Turkey and then obtained exceptional naturalization.'Naturalization practices and socio-economic capacities' of refugees are the main foci of the study. At this point, naturalization and socio-economic capacity of migrants, their qualities and socio-cultural capital they had prior to migration, the process of call for naturalization, their adaptation, willingness and expectations, practices of citizenship such as equal access to social means, employment, equivalence, occupational recognition were investigated along with their current economic capacities. Study found out that rights and liberties associated with citizenship develops the socio-economic capacities of immigrants however the study also claims that citizenship solely is not sufficient to help immigrants realize their true capacity appropriate with their qualifications. Particularly, Syrians who were naturalized face the ‘de-qualification’ phenomenon due to equivalence and occupational unrecognition. Nevertheless, it is observed that Syrians in who became Turkish citizens covered in this study plan to live in Turkey instead of going to Europe thanks to reasons such as cultural similarities, access to other rights and liberties.

Russia declared itself the protector of Russian-speakers living in former Soviet Republics in the early 1990s and utilized a variety of hard and soft power mechanisms to influence ethnopolitics in ...

Trump v. New York appears to present the Supreme Court with a simple question of statutory construction: do federal statutes allow the President to exclude unlawfully resident aliens from the apportionment of seats in the House of Representatives? The President claims that they do. A three-judge District Court ruled that they do not. However, many arguments for the President go further and assert that the Constitution supports or even compels the exclusion. Some are historical, like the argument that no federal law restricted immigration before 1875, or that apportionment historically included aliens only because they were on a path to citizenship. Others assert that unlawfully present aliens should not be counted because they are outside the allegiance, jurisdiction, and polity of the United States. Some even utilize discredited theories that reject birthright citizenship for U.S.-born children of aliens. This Article rebuts those arguments and shows constitutional history supporting inclusion in the decennial apportionment. It demonstrates that the arguments ignore early federal, state, and colonial restrictions on immigration and naturalization and are inconsistent with fundamental constitutional principles governing apportionment, liability for treason, and birthright citizenship. Because these arguments reach far beyond the apportionment issue and threaten to surreptitiously alter longstanding constitutional law, the Court should disregard them and decide the case on statutory rather than constitutional grounds. If instead the Court addresses these arguments, it should reject them and reaffirm longstanding principles governing apportionment, liability for treason, and birthright citizenship.

The arrival of Cuban refugees, many of whom American officials perceived as dangerous criminals (despite their lack of criminal history in the United States), prompted the Immigration and Naturalization Service1 to expand its civil detention capacity by turning to the Federal Bureau of Prisons Equally importantly, the study highlights how the concept of collective liminality can be extended to understand the effects of other US immigration enforcement strategies, such as the Migrant Protection Protocols, which forces migrants to remain in Mexico indefinitely as they await the adjudication of their asylum claims (Slack and Martinez 2020) Immigrant detainees are also at a heightened risk of COVID-19-related complications and deaths due to unsafe conditions and inadequate health care in detention facilities (see Office of Inspector General 2019a, 2019b) In 2019, California enacted a law to phase out the use of private prison companies in the operation of state prisons and immigration detention facilities 2 At the same time, major US banks announced in 2019 that they would no longer finance or invest in private prison companies (Jefferies 2019)

The current work presents a brief panorama of contemporary Russophone migration flows to Brazil. Based on the data of SISMIGRA (Brazilian system of migrant registration), available in the Interactive Bank developed by Observatory of Migration in Sao Paulo, and the corpus of 40 semi-structured interviews with Russophone migrants living in Brazil, the text seeks to trace the demographic profile of these migrants and the ways of their socioeconomic insertion. The notion of the “Russian-speaking social space” is mobilized in order to consider the heterogeneity of the profiles of post-Soviet migrants. Finally, we discuss the difficulties faced by migrants to obtain the formal instruction in Portuguese as a Foreign Language, with emphasis on the Celpe-Bras proficiency test as an obstacle to the acquisition of Brazilian citizenship, one of the central aims of the migration projects of Russophones in Brazil.

Taking Canada as a widely envied and imitated example of liberal, “difference-blind” economic immigration, in this paper, I examine the permeability, constraints, and symbolic meaning of the different requirements of the naturalization process from the perspective of those who have undergone the process. Based on interviews with recently naturalized Canadians, my study reveals that the three steps of the application process – filing the application, studying the citizenship guide and sitting the test, attending the citizenship ceremony and swearing the citizenship oath – constitute mostly blurred boundaries for skilled and highly educated immigrants, with occasional bright boundaries related to management flaws, classed naturalization, and cultural biases. Specifically, immigrants endowed with valued forms of human capital are naturalizing fast and easily even if they are members of racial, ethnic or religious minorities. This underscores the strength of multiculturalism as national identity and ethos of societal integration. However, the attainment of citizenship in the multicultural nation does not come quasi-automatically as a right for everyone after years of lawful residency. Rather, it is granted as an earned privilege only to those who demonstrate the successful mastery of the skills and mindset of middle-class professionals. Since naturalization now operates along the same econocentric logic that governs immigrant selection through the points system, individuals admitted through non-economic streams, such as refugees and immigrants in the family class are increasingly struggling with the naturalization process. This raises questions about the implicit biases and new fault lines of seemingly difference-blind middle-class nation-building through immigration.

Naturalization bestows economic benefits to immigrants, their families, and communities through greater access to employment opportunities, higher earnings, and homeownership. It is the cornerstone of immigrant assimilation in the United States. Yet, less than 720,000 of the estimated 8.5 million legal permanent residents (LPRs) eligible to naturalize do so on a yearly basis. Using data from the 2008–2018 American Community Survey, we analyze how the expansion of interior immigration enforcement impacts the decision to naturalize. We find that the adoption over an entire year of one enforcement initiative, or of two enforcement initiatives for half a year, raises the naturalization hazard by 2 percent. The effect is more pronounced among LPRs who are Mexican, women, or reside in non-mixed status households. Finally, the impact is driven by police-based, as opposed to employment-based, interior immigration enforcement. In sum, immigrants who naturalize in response to intensified enforcement may be doing so out of fear or uncertainty about their ability to secure their citizenship status and rights in a rapidly changing immigration policy environment increasingly hostile towards immigrants.

The article presents the results of a study aimed at generalizing the sources of data, available in Russia, that characterizes a significant but little-studied phenomenon of family migration. The paper considers data from the Main Directorate for Migration Issues of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia on issued temporary residence permits (TRP) and acquisition of citizenship, Rosstat materials on the number of marriages with foreigners, as well as statistics on migration flows, which indicate family reasons. Considerable attention is given to the analysis of the Main Directorate for Migration Issues data on issued TRP and citizenship acquisition, on family reunification grounds. Based on the analyzed information, it is concluded that family migration is the major part of the flow of foreigners receiving TRP, and its share amounts to at least 35% of the total. Taking into account that a significant part of the TRPs is issued to the accompanying family members of the participants of the State Programme to Assist Voluntary Resettlement of Compatriots Living Abroad, the share of family migration can be increased to almost 50% of the TRP recipients. The percentage of migrants who acquired citizenship based on family ties with Russian citizens also amounts to about 36% of the annual flow and taking into account family members of participants of the State Program it makes almost 60% of all foreigners naturalized in 2014-2018.AnalyzingtheRussianstatisticsoncitizenshipacquisitionavailablesince2010,theauthornotesthatafterthechangesinthecitizenshiplawin early 2010s, citizens of states that do not have international agreements with Russia actively use marriages with Russian citizens to simplify citizenship acquisition, and the number of such cases is growing rapidly. The basic growth rates of this category of naturalized migrants in 2018 compared to the level of 2010 reached 300 times among the citizens of Tajikistan, 110 times among the citizens of Moldova and almost 60 times among the citizens of Azerbaijan. The author suggests that there is an expansion of the practice of marriages of convenience to overcome the complexities of Russian immigration law. This hypothesis needs to be tested. It is also necessary to study the phenomenon of “transnational marriages”. The disparity in the number of foreigners, men and women who married Russian citizens, revealed by Rosstat data, also requires further study. On average, there are 15 foreign grooms per 10 foreign brides, for Tajikistan citizens this ratio amounts to 32, for Azerbaijan citizens 26, for citizens of Uzbekistan 17 and Moldova 14. The article ends with an analysis of Rosstat’s annual reports on the reasons for move and shows a limited potential of this information. The author makes recommendations for the development of administrative statistics and sample surveys to study family migration and use new types of data in research.

This article reveals the complicity of immigration restriction laws and federal Indian policy with organized Americanization in legislating an imagined, desirable “new American” at the beginning of the twentieth century, when resurgent nationalism threatened to restrict undesirable immigrants as it also sought to assimilate Indigenous people into a mass of Americanism. While the immigrant has figured in the U.S. national imaginary as someone whodesiresAmerica, the American Indian was notdesiredto enter into political membership—although Native land was desired, and subsequently taken by settlers through strategies of dispossession written into federal Indian law. This essay argues that theIndian—read as an imagined category with little connection to the lives ofNativepeople—occupies an anomalous position in the legal history of naturalization, finalized with the passing of the Indian Citizenship Act in 1924, at the same time that racist immigration restriction quotas also limited the entrance of new immigrants into the United States through the 1924 Johnson-Reed Immigration Act. For Native people, Americanization and the imposition of citizenship were extensions of colonialism, adding one civic status over another—domestic dependent, ward, or U.S. citizen. For new immigrants hailing from southern and eastern Europe, forced by economic and cultural constraints to relocate to the United States, in contrast to their Anglo-Saxon or Nordic settler predecessors, Americanization meant a renunciation of political allegiance to other sovereigns, the acquisition of English, and civic education for citizenship. This essay challenges the myth of America as a “nation of immigrants,” and the settler colonial nation-state's ongoing infatuation with its colonial project as it continues to erase Indigenous presence and sovereignty.

This article examines how different histories of illegality may influence immigrants’ orientations toward acquiring citizenship in the United States. Findings from the New Immigrant Survey show that having crossed the border without authorization—compared to having no history of illegality—is associated with a higher propensity to naturalize, indicated by an expressed intention to naturalize upon eligibility and, notably, an early undertaking of the naturalization process. In contrast, there is weaker evidence that immigrants who overstayed their visas or worked without authorization differ with regards to naturalization from immigrants with no history of illegality. Results suggest that immigrants who have experienced the greatest degrees of legal insecurity in the past may be among those most likely to seek out full political membership. Thus, this article bears optimistic implications for the integration potential of previously undocumented immigrants, and highlights the importance of making available legal pathways “out of the shadows” and into the political communities of receiving states.

Seeking to contribute to recent research on integrationism and its country-specific modalities, this article provides a spatial analysis of transformations of the institutional, legal and discursive landscape of state-migrant relations in Germany over the past few decades. Conceptually, it brings geographic focus on territory and the territorial into the analysis of state and population relations. Empirically, it traces a changing understanding of integration and Germanness, stressing in the first place how the ascendance of integrationism since the turn of the century superseded the previous regime of completely bifurcated policies for immigrants of German descent versus for those without it. This supersession has conceptually centered on the German state's acknowledgment of the foundational importance of one's actual experience of moving across the territorial border. The paper also examines the changing positionality and conception of integration policies and state-sanctioned discursive renditions of Germanness over time. Finally, bringing the transformation of formal citizenship legislation in Germany into the analysis, the paper stresses the recent centrality of the expansion of the principle of ius domicile and the emergence of the statutory right to naturalization. I argue that such transformations integral to the integrationist era signal first and foremost the territorialization of belonging and citizenship in Germany. The paper concludes by reflecting on the potentials and limits of such territorialization within the context of broader neoliberalization of citizenship as well as in relation to the assessments that integrationism has re-nationalized citizenship.

The article looks at the changing terrain of inclusion and exclusion, through mapping the shifts in Hungarian citizenship law and its political context. More specifically, it deals with the legal aspects of the definitional exercise of belonging to the Hungarian nation, starting with an analysis of the relevant provisions of the 2011 Fundamental Law of Hungary and moving on to assess the phenomenon of external ethnic citizenship. The surrounding political and legal debates are read together with insights from normative scholarship to trace the changing meaning of who belongs to the nation, in what sense and with what practical consequences. The paper discusses the political context of the changing constitutional and citizenship rules to demonstrate the circularity in defining the nation: who gets to vote will have an impact on who decides on who gets to vote which in turn will have an impact on who gets to vote, how, and for how long. The article concludes that supplanting the political nation with the ethno-cultural concept means that overinclusion has given way to underinclusion. For instance, some who used to be defined as part of the ethno-cultural nation have come to be viewed as voluntary outsiders: with the availability of non-residential naturalization, those who opted not to acquire Hungarian citizens can now be seen as also falling outside the nation, rewriting basic tenets of national identity.

The growing interest in migration issues in the EU has not affected the analysis of African migrants. The focus is on social and political issues, while the economic issues studied are primarily related to the assessment of the reasons for the arrival of Africans in the EU, the trajectory of their movement, as well as the scale of remittances to their homeland and the conditions for their return back to Africa. The article focuses on the main features of African migrants’ economic activity in the EU. Instead of the traditional consideration of only one or several diasporas in a single country or a generalized analysis of the entire EU, we compare the specifics of immigrants from different African countries in the 4 largest EU member states (including the UK, which left the integration project in 2020). Our article begins with a review of studies that contain information on the economic activities of migrants from African countries. Then, based on data from Eurostat and national statistics from Germany, France, Italy and the UK, the role of people from Africa in these countries population is shown. The reasons for the differences between these four countries in the dynamics and structure of immigration from Africa are explained. Statistics of refugees, naturalized persons over the past 10 years, foreign citizens and residents with migration past are considered. France is the leader in the number of migrants, mainly due to people from French-speaking countries of North and West Africa. Italy stands out because it is targeted by many illegal migrant routes due to its geographical proximity to this region. The UK has become a target mainly for residents of former British colonies who are quite successful in naturalization in the United Kingdom (therefore, there are as many Africans without local passports in the UK as in Germany – 0.6 million). Further, it is shown that the key factor for taking a particular economic position in society is the status of migrants, their education also plays an important role (although Africans often work in places where a lower level of qualification is required than they have), as well as language barriers. There are big gender differences. At the end of the article we make conclusions about the problems of African migrants’ adaptation, although the EU countries cannot refuse to employ migrants in unattractive jobs in any case.

Migrant remittances are critical elements of the economic development agenda in many parts of the world. Extending dual citizenship to emigrants has been suggested as government policy to encourage and stabilize migrants’ financial transfers. This essay theorizes the causal relationship between passports and pennies, or between citizenship policies and transnational economic activities, such as remittances. It reads the conceptualizations from a grounded theory study on the effects of status passages related to citizenship, as well as findings from economic sociology into the micro-economic literature on the determinants of remittances. Based on a study of India’s diasporic membership status, the Overseas Citizenship of India, the essay shows that four principal effects—the rights, identity, naturalization and good-will effect—affect various populations differently. The conceptualizations serve to generate empirically grounded hypotheses about the relationship between economic transfers and citizenship status, as well as to understand the underlying (and sometimes competing) mechanisms.

The naturalization rate of immigrants is jointly affected by immigrant characteristics, economic, and political circumstances in the source country and government policies in the destination country. This article focuses on the effect of altering government policies in the destination country, using legislative and regulatory changes introduced in Canada over the 2006–16 period as a test case. We hypothesize that the least advantaged immigrants would be most affected by more restrictive policies. The observed large decline in the naturalization rate among immigrants with low family income, low proficiency in official languages, and low educational levels is consistent with significant policy impacts. Furthermore, the general decline started before the introduction of the new policies, and the decline was particularly large among immigrants from Eastern Asia. This suggests that other factors such as globalization and changes in the socioeconomic environment of some source countries also played a role.

While the abstract equality of citizens before the law is imagined as protection from arbitrary, subjective legal judgments of an individual's character, I argue that judgments of character play a pivotal yet unexamined role regulating access to citizenship in American law. Through a comparative analysis of President Trump and President Theodore Roosevelt, I show how their seemingly personal obsession with libel law reveals a deeper interest in consolidating the state's power as sole arbiter of character in order to weaponize the “good moral character” requirement in immigration and naturalization law as an instrument of racial and ethnic exclusion.

INTRODUCTION. The article deals with the evolution of the Palestinian citizenship and the possibility of its development under the occupation of the Palestinian territories. Citizenship is a classic institution of public law and is perceived in a similar way in various legal systems. In this case, however, there is a very special phenomenon, the content of which is due to a number of historical, political and international legal factors.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The research is based on the analysis of Balfour Declaration 1917, UN Partition Plan for Palestine 1947, Agreement Oslo II 1995, Articles on Nationality of Natural Persons in relation to the Succession of States (ILC, 1999), Articles on Diplomatic Protection (ILC, 2006), Israeli law governing the status of Palestinians, nationality laws of the Arab states, political and regulatory acts of Palestinian institutions. The research methods include historical method, methods of formal logic, comparative method and various methods of interpretation. A significant part of the research is a comparison of positions of Israeli and Palestinian lawyers, as well as an analysis of various options for the development of the Palestinian citizenship.RESEARCH RESULTS. Currently, the status of residents of the occupied territories is determined by the Oslo II Agreement of 1995: the administrative powers are delegated to the Palestinian Authority; Israel retains the right of control. The resident status is not equivalent to the status of a citizen and is sui generis. This status implies a number of Israel’s obligations: to end it and provide a citizenship to Palestinians; recognize its international elements; transfer more powers to Palestinian institutions. The lack of regular citizenship makes it difficult for Palestinians to enjoy diplomatic protection from Palestinian institutions.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. Presently, there are conditions for the establishment (declaration) of the Palestinian citizenship, which would fix a political connection sui generis, implying the rights of Palestinians to participate in administration of the occupied territories, their membership in a nation striving for self-determination, the right of Palestinian institutions to provide diplomatic and other protection, etc. This citizenship should be provided automatically, since it involves not naturalization, but consideration of existing social and vital ties of Palestinians to their people. The solution of the problem of diplomatic protection may consist in the development of customary law and the search for new tools, for example, protection on the part of international organizations.

Recent decades have seen a strong trend among democratic countries to extend voting rights at subnational levels to non-naturalized immigrants, creating substantial variation across countries in terms of voting eligibility rules for non-naturalized immigrants. Our knowledge of the consequences of these different systems for immigrant political integration is, however, limited. This article seeks to shed new light on this important issue by using Swedish data to study whether immigrants who face shorter residency requirements for voting eligibility in local elections are more likely to integrate politically. We find little compelling evidence that such is the case. The results suggest that immigrants who became eligible to vote after six to seven years were as likely to naturalize and vote in future elections in both the short and long run as those who received the right to vote after only three years of residency. Thus, although expanded franchise can be of symbolic, as well as practical, value, it is unlikely to be a panacea for immigrant political inclusion. The argument that early voting rights for non-naturalized immigrants is desirable since it helps speed up immigrant political integration should, therefore, be used with some care by those advocating for such reforms.

Sanctuary is a play based on real events and real people. In this opening scene, we meet Carol and Mica as they set out to investigate what they believe to be a refugee crisis in 1981. They have uncovered harsh truths about Central Americans, mostly Salvadorans, fleeing war. They are being detained by border patrol under the US Immigration and Naturalization Service's orders and are being coerced against political asylum applications. Mica and Carol set out to help refugees apply for political asylum, but first they must convince the detainees one by one that they can be trusted.

In its judgment of the 4th September 1964 the German Federal Court of Justice had to deal with a German-Polish case of murder. The accused persons were members of the German minority in Poland and lived in the Western part of Poland, when German troops occupied that territory in the autumn of 1939. Short after the invasion they killed the members of a Jewish family living in the same territory. Both, the perpetrators as well as the victims were Polish nationals, when the crime was committed. The perpetrators have got the German nationality in the following. It is not clear, whether they have been naturalized by German authorities during WW II, but if not, they were seen as German nationals with the Getting-into-Force of the German Basic Law (Constitution), because they were refugees from Poland to Germany. Therefore, Article 116 § 1 Basic Law naturalized them as German nationals. For the criminal case it was crucial whether the later naturalization can give the German Justice system jurisdiction over a case which happened before the perpetrator has reached the German nationality, as it was (and still is) stated in section 4 (resp. today section 7) of the German Criminal Code. The paper should deal with the implications of this so-called "New Citizenship Clause" and with the circumstances of the case and the following cases at Western German Courts against German people for committing murder in the occupied Polish territories during WWII. Shortly after the named case, the Auschwitz trial started in Frankfurt. On that background, the paper reflects on the situation between West and East Germany as well.