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This chapter examines the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from a historical approach, with an emphasis on the period since 1976, the beginning of the era of economic reforms and opening to the external world. It studies how the Party regime has been attempting to overcome these challenges, admittedly with relative success. It has been able to deliver impressive economic growth as well as political and social stability. China's international status and influence have been improving and in turn have become a source of the Party regime's legitimacy. The destruction of the Party organs by the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution had taught the post-Mao leadership the importance of maintaining socialist legalism. The Party should concentrate on broad policy guidelines, ideological and propaganda work, and let state organs be responsible for daily administrative affairs. Chinese leaders in the post-Deng period were deeply engaged in a consensus-building process in policy formulation and policy implementation.

This article examines the Chinese perception of Russian foreign policy during the Putin administration by analysing Beijing's assessment of Russia’s foreign policy objectives and its policy towards the U.S., as reflected in the official media and the authoritative publications of China’s major security and foreign policy think tanks. Promoting multipolarity and checks and balances against U.S. unilateralism has been a very significant consideration on the part of the Chinese leadership. Using the concept of the "strategic triangle", the article demonstrates how changes in U.S.-Russian relations have probably become the most important variable in this push for multipolarity. In the past decade and a half, Sino-Russian relations have improved when Russia has become disappointed with the support it received from the U.S. There have also been periods of time when Russia has anticipated closer relations with the U.S. and thus neglected China's vital interests. The Chinese leadership, however, has exercised restraint at such times. There has been greater optimism in Beijing concerning Sino-Russian relations in recent years because of the expanding economic ties, Russia’s increasing oil wealth and Putin's authoritarian orientation. In diesem Artikel wird die chinesische Sichtweise der russischen Außenpolitik während der Regierungszeit Putins untersucht.

Erfahrungseffekt und auslAndische Direktinvestitionen. - In diesem Aufsatz wird der Einflus der Erfahrung auf die auslAndischen Direktinvestitionen U.S.-amerikanischer Firmen untersucht. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, das allgemeine Erfahrungen aus internationalen Geschaften und landerspezifische Erfahrungen, die mit Hilfe von zwei verschiedenen Indikatoren operationalisiert werden, einen positiven Einflus auf die auslandischen Direktinvestitionen haben und das dieser Einflus bei Firmen mit ausgedehnten internationalen Aktivitaten besonders bedeutsam ist. Um die Wirkung anderer Faktoren auf die auslandischen Direktinvestitionen von dem Einflus der Erfahrung unterscheiden zu konnen, werden einige lander- und firmenspezifische Faktoren in das Modell einbezogen. L’effet de l’experience et l’investissement etranger direct. — Cette etude examine la repercussion de l’effet de l’experience sur l’investissement etranger direct des entreprises americaines. Les resultats demontrent que l’experience generale des operations internationales et l’experience dans un pays specifique, representee par deux indicateurs differents, ont une repercussion positive sur l’investissement etranger direct et que cette repercussion est plus significative pour les entreprises avec des operations internationales extensives. Dans le modele on a aussi inclu quelques facteurs caracterisant le pays dans lequel on fait l’investissement et des facteurs qui caracterisent les entreprises afin d’isoler mieux l’experience comme facteur de l’investissement etranger direct. El efecto de la experiencia y la inversion extranjera directa. — En este trabajo se investiga el impacto del efecto experiencia sobre la inversion extranjera directa de empresas de los EE UU. Los resultados muestran que tanto la experiencia general en operaciones internationales como la experiencia especifica en paises determinados, operacionalizadas cada una de manera diferente, tienen un impacto positivo sobre la inversion extranjera directa, y que este impacto es mas significante para empresas con amplias operaciones internacionales. Con el fin de distinguir el impacto de la experiencia sobre la inversion extranjera directa del de otros factores, tambien se incluyen en el modelo algunos factores relacionados con el pais y factores relacionados con la empresa.

I n his report delivered at the Fifteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on 12 September 1997, Jiang Zemin severely criticized the over-expansion of the administrative bureaucracy in China. Jiang stated: "Unwieldy organization, over-staffing, failure to separate the functions of the government from those of enterprises and serious bureaucratism directly hamper the deepening of reforms and economic development and impair the relationship between the Party and the masses."' The Chinese leadership therefore asks that the functions of the government be altered and separated from those of enterprises, allowing the latter be given genuine powers regarding production, operation and management. Jiang put forward the principles of simplification, uniformity and efficiency, and demanded that departments in charge of comprehensive economic management should shift their functions to macroeconomic control, while specialized economic departments should be reorganized or reduced.2 This organizational streamlining started at the central government level and would then be extended to the local level. Local government reform would follow the design of the State Council. It was scheduled that the central government would complete its restructuring by the end of 1998, and provincial government reform would begin in 1999. It was reported that leaders of the industrial provinces in the Northeast requested to have the reforms postponed, but the governor of Guangdong, Lu Ruihua, claimed that Guangdong had enoughjobs to relocate government cadres. Lu believed

The student demonstrations in Beijing after the death of Hu Yaobang, former General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, on 15 April 1989 and the subsequent developments leading to the brutal military crackdown on Beijing students on 3-4 June this year have highlighted in the strongest possible way the importance of democracy and freedom in China and Hong Kong. Since 1984 Hong Kong people have become increasingly aware that their future depends on developments in China. But it is only over the past three months that they have established strong links with their compatriots in China, while intensely following the tragic events there. There has emerged the conviction that if freedom, human rights and democracy cannot be guaranteed in China they cannot be well protected in Hong Kong after 1997. When over one million Hong Kong people marched for democracy and freedom in China on 21 May 1989, 90 per cent were marching for the first time in their lives. They were motivated by anger and shock at what was happening in China, as well as despair and insecurity about the territory's future. A vast majority of them marched again on the two following Sundays. During the negotiations of 1982-4 over the future of Hong Kong between Britain and China, the Chinese leadership promised the Hong Kong community 'gangren zhigang'-self-administration. The Hong Kong government, in its turn, pledged in its Green Paper of July 1984 on the future development of representative government in Hong Kong 'to develop progressively a system of government the authority for which is firmly rooted in Hong Kong, which is able to represent authoritatively the views of the people of Hong Kong and which is more directly accountable to the people of Hong Kong.'1 The positions of the Chinese and British governments were a boost to the morale of the advocates of democracy in Hong Kong. Even ordinary citizens without much interest in politics saw the establishment of a Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) with a high degree of autonomy and democracy, as stipulated in the Joint Declaration that resulted from the negotiations in December 1984, as a natural development for the territory,2 given that the British colonial role was to terminate in 1997 and that none of the parties concerned wanted the future SAR to be administered directly by Beijing. A government with a high degree of autonomy and democracy would, it was hoped, be an important guarantee of the 50-year period of maintenance of the status quo in Hong Kong stipulated in the Declaration.