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This article focuses on rights politics in most of the world and on knowledge production 'after rights'. It assembles a few key elements of anti-imperial epistemic justice which it argues is a necessary lens for producing knowledges on rights politics in most of the world 'after rights'. Its key argument is that knowledge production on rights politics 'after rights' is one that is invested in challenging existing coloniality, structural injustice, exploitation, oppression and methodological nationalism. It is also one that is invested in producing conceptual descriptions of rights politics in most of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the accepted fact that the ideal family, as the foundation and main cell of society, has a direct impact on the progress of society, today, we are confronted with significant threats to the foundation of the family as a result of the disparity between the performance of certain societies and moral-religious traditions. A hazard that has been significantly de-stigmatized in recent years is the unconventional and unnatural sexual tendencies of individuals toward their own sex. We have observed that numerous international authorities in their jurisprudence do not exhibit discrimination or inequality toward civil institutions that are established based on unconventional sexual tendencies, despite the strong and emphatic prohibition of religions, particularly Islam, against unconventional sexual tendencies. They equate these institutions with the sacred institution of the family. This unnatural perspective has had such a profound impact on them that, in addition to eliminating historical punishments for this immoral activity, they have criminalized opposition to homosexuality as hatred. This has advanced to the extent that certain countries have even acknowledged “marriage,” a term that is historically and naturally associated with relationships between men and women, for relationships that are based on aberrant sexual tendencies. This is despite the fact that homosexuality, or unconventional and unnatural sexual tendencies, has been regarded as ugly, disgusting, and unnatural throughout history. In Islamic teachings, it is also referred to as prostitution and is considered one of the major sins that has been assigned the most severe punitive measures.

This research article examines how domestic politics has affected Thailand's engagement with the United States and China since the 2014 military coup. It argues that Thai conservative elites, primarily the military, perceive the United States as a threat to their political legitimacy because of Washington's emphasis on human rights and democracy. In contrast, they appreciate Beijing's commitment to noninterference while increased economic ties with China strengthen their domestic legitimacy. Although Thailand's foreign policy underwent an adjustment following the 2019 general elections, with Bangkok and Washington reaffirming their security ties, Thai policymakers continue to perceive China as a more dependable partner and think they must reassure Beijing that they are not aligned with the alleged US goal of containing China. Keywords: Thai domestic politics, foreign policy, great power competition, US-Thai relations, Sino-Thai relations., According to Arne Kislenko, Thai diplomacy is 'always solidly rooted, but flexible enough to be whichever way the wind blows to survive'. (1) Hence the moniker 'bamboo diplomacy'. Through such [...]

Abstract Globally, hunger and malnutrition have been on the rise, with climate change exacerbating food insecurity by affecting food production and accessibility. In international law, the human right to food provides a legal protection for individuals. It emphasises that food should not just meet minimal nutritional needs but ensure the ability to obtain food in a dignified manner. In order to achieve this goal, the text discusses the role of climate litigation in addressing global hunger by focusing on the right to food in the context of increasing climate change impacts. It outlines the legal foundations and challenges associated with enforcing this right through various legal systems and the potential of using climate litigation as a tool to ensure food security.

The principles of militant democracy as a manifestation of the instinct of self-preservation of democratic systems are considered. The argumentation of supporters and critics of militant democracy regarding the use of restrictive measures to save democratic institutions is analysed. Two main types of instruments of militant democracy are distinguished: 1) creation of obstacles to the coming to power of alleged enemies of democracy using the election mechanism (prohibition of political parties); 2) restriction of opportunities for abuse of state power. A number of measures to prevent the degeneration of militant democracy into authoritarianism are given, in particular, fixing the monopoly on banning parties to a body protected from political pressure. Two ways of implementing the provisions of militant democracy are defined and analysed: through the constitution and relevant legislation, or only in legislative acts. Using the example of Germany, the peculiarities of the first method, which is characteristic of countries with negative historical experience of destroying democratic institutions by formally legal methods, are analysed. The second method, which is used by the states which do not want to compromise the ideal model of liberal democracy, is illustrated by the analysis of Spain, Italy, the United Kingdom and the USA. It is noted that the Constitution of Ukraine contains a number of provisions of militant democracy, in particular, the complicated procedure for amending the fundamental articles and the grounds for banning political parties. The latter were applied to pro-Russian parties too late - after the beginning of the Russian aggression in 2014, but their relevance will grow with the prolongation of the war and deterioration of the socio-economic situation of citizens.

The authors take the view that the draft constitution prepared by the Fiji Constitution Commission in 2012, but rejected by the government in favour of the government-drafted 2013 document, deserves not to be ignored. They show how it was developed, including how it responded to the issues that mattered to Fijians at the time, and how it dealt with the non-negotiable requirements laid down by the Bainimarama regime. The article also indicates the influences on the draft, including of constitutional experiences in other countries. It is not a comprehensive account of that document, nor is it restricted to the issues that tend to dominate the literature on Fiji, such as ethnicity and land. For example, it discusses the provisions on gender, and human rights, including socio-economic rights. The paper shows how the elements discussed differed from the excellent 1997 Constitution, and how far the 2012 ideas remain visible in the 2013 Constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the life and career of the jurist Karl Loewenstein, who was born into a Jewish merchant family in Munich. Due to his Jewish background, he was unable to pursue a career in administration and became a lawyer instead. He had close contacts with Max Weber and obtained his habilitation with a treatise on constitutional amendments. Due to the Nazi takeover, he was dismissed and emigrated to the United States. There, he worked at various institutions and participated in the preparation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Later, he helped rebuild the Munich Faculty of Law and played a role in the introduction of political science in Germany. His "Memoirs of an Emigrated Jurist" were edited by Oliver Lepsius, Robert Chr. van Ooyen, and Frank Schale. [Extracted from the article]

The COVID-19 pandemic positioned the global population in a conundrum state and the most vulnerable were the refugees and migrant workers. It is a common narrative for governments and the people to treat them indifferently because of their illegal status thus creating a xenophobic environment against them. A similar situation occurred for these vulnerable groups in Malaysia during managing and mitigating the spread of COVID-19 resulting in the Malaysian government neglecting the fundamental human rights to protect the refugees and migrant workers from discrimination, abuse, and exploitation. By international standards, Malaysia is far from defending the rights of vulnerable groups, particularly the plight of refugees and migrant workers. Therefore, this paper aims to highlight and discuss the qualm conditions of these refugees and migrant workers during COVID-19 and the continuous precarious situation against them. Data was gathered from primary and secondary sources such as official statements, mainstream media and reports from local and international organisations. Findings show that the precarious situation remains the same for these vulnerable people, hence the Malaysian government should seriously work out comprehensive policies to alleviate the abysmal condition against them.

Copyright of Nuova Rivista Storica is the property of Societa Editrice Dante Alighieri s.r.l. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing from the theoretical and empirical results of a European research project, this paper tentatively elaborates a post-neoliberal framework for social policy and welfare reform. We argue that for moving beyond neoliberalism it is not sufficient to just increase the generosity of social policies: what is also needed is 'social empowerment', i.e. processes of democratization of social policymaking that effectively redistribute power in society, making welfare institutions increasingly accountable and responsive to citizens, including marginalized ones. Building on reflections and learnings emerging from our work in the research project, we show that a capability and human rights informed participatory action research involving civil society organizations, marginalized citizens and academic researchers, can offer potential pathways forward to advance a post-neoliberal social policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constitutional review has become increasingly subject to heated political debates and struggles. While the constitutionality of laws is often reviewed after the laws have entered into force (ex post), this article examines an ex ante constitutional review assessing the political tensions and struggles typical of it. We examine the Finnish experience, drawing on forty-nine semi-structured interviews among key actors involved in the work of the Constitutional Law Committee (CLC) of the Finnish Parliament, which controls the constitutionality of laws before they enter into force. We find that tensions between law and politics are an important element of the ex ante constitutional review and show how they emerge in the work of the CLC and how the key actors involved in the review seek to control and manage them. We also suggest that the political tensions surrounding the ex ante review have intensified in recent decades and find three main reasons for this development. First, as constitutional and human rights have found their way into an increasingly wide range of political matters, political tensions in constitutional assessment have been aggravated. Second, external legal experts have begun to play a more prominent and public role in the review process, adding to the public tensions relating to constitutional interpretation. Third, the media and journalists have become increasingly interested in constitutional questions, which further inflames tensions. As a result, we suggest that scholars should increasingly explore and make transparent these de facto practices in constitutional review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most notable features in recent Confucian political theory is the advocacy of political meritocracy. Though Confucian meritocrats' controversial institutional design has been subject to critical scrutiny, less attention has been paid to their underlying normative claims. This paper aims to investigate the two justificatory conditions of Confucian political meritocracy—the service condition and the reciprocity condition—in light of classical Confucianism and with special attention to moral disagreement. Finding the normative argument for Confucian political meritocracy both incomplete (in light of classical Confucianism) and implausible (under the circumstances of moral disagreement), it proposes Confucian constitutional democracy as an alternative that can meet the three conditions of the good Confucian polity—service, reciprocity, and remedy—by reconceiving the people's well-being in terms of their basic rights, as well as by promoting constitutional dialogue among the three branches of the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on encompassing the entire spectrum of philosophy, politics and critique of our times. Topics include mantra of activists and academics, populists and peasants, environmentalists and evangelists; and the Charter of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights is subject to the same trenchant critique of decolonial humanism.

Hannah Arendt's seminal yet overlooked essay "We Refugees" was written and published in Menorah Journal in 1943 while she was still a stateless refugee. In this essay, Arendt vividly describes the impossible situation that the stateless Jewish refugees faced before and during Second World War. However, Arendt does not reduce it to a series of individual tragedies, but instead develops a highly original analysis of refugees as a systematic political phenomenon that exposes the limitations of the nation-state system and simultaneously points beyond it. This analysis remains more relevant than ever today, eighty years after its initial publication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Local Autonomy as a Human Right: The Quest for Local Self-Rule" by Joshua B. Forrest is a comprehensive exploration of local resource management, governance, and conflict resolution. The book argues for the recognition of local community autonomy as a protected human right, alongside individual and collective rights. Forrest examines the challenges faced by local communities in the face of global forces and emphasizes the importance of state governance in protecting and empowering local structures. However, the book has been criticized for its idealistic and ahistorical approach, as well as its failure to address the complexities of race, class, and gender in relation to local autonomy. [Extracted from the article]

Since the October 7, 2023, the world has been deeply affected by the ongoing conflict in Gaza, resulting in the tragic loss of countless innocent lives. To gain a comprehensive understanding of the current situation in Gaza, it is imperative to delve into its historical roots. This commentary offers a meticulous and critical examination of the Palestinian Nakba and the enduring Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It underscores the profound and lasting repercussions of historical events such as the Balfour Declaration and the British Mandate on Palestine, shedding light on the profound displacement and suffering endured by the Palestinian population. Furthermore, this commentary advocates for the fundamental right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homeland, presenting it as a pivotal element in the path towards conflict resolution and lasting peace. Lastly, it scrutinizes the roles played by international powers and their policies, highlighting their impact on perpetuating the conflict. Keywords: Palestinian Nakba, Israel-Palestine Conflict, Displacement, Balfour Declaration, Introduction The Palestinian Nakba is unsurpassed in history. This is a fact that cannot be denied, but it is concealed from and denied by most of the Western world. The [...]

In today's rapidly evolving digital landscape, the delicate equilibrium between security imperatives and the protection of individual privacy is under intense scrutiny. This abstract explores the multifaceted challenges posed by the proliferation of surveillance technologies and their impact on human rights. As governments and corporations harness the power of surveillance for security purposes, concerns over privacy violations, data breaches, and potential abuses of power have come to the forefront. This abstract delves into the evolving legal and ethical frameworks governing surveillance practices, highlighting key debates and global perspectives. It also examines the implications for fundamental human rights such as freedom of expression, privacy, and assembly. By examining case studies, emerging technologies, and international efforts to strike a balance between security and privacy, this abstract seeks to shed light on the complex dynamics of this contemporary issue and proposes potential avenues for reconciling these often conflicting interests. Ultimately, it calls for a thoughtful and inclusive dialogue that can guide the development of responsible surveillance policies that respect individual rights and uphold the principles of a free and democratic society.

The relevance of the study is due to the lack of proper legal regulation in the field of legal determination of the procedure for executing a court decision under which a foreign state (aggressor or occupier) acts as a debtor. The purpose of the study is to develop a mechanism for effective protection of the rights of Ukrainian recoverers in cases of compensation for damage by the state aggressor through the prism of proper enforcement of court decisions in these categories of cases. In the course of the study, a number of general scientific and industry methods are applied, in particular, the method of analysis and synthesis, system, structural-functional, dialectical, historical, and hermeneutical methods. The paper analyses the legal positions of the European Court of Human Rights regarding the right to appeal to the court in cases of debt collection from a foreign state as compensation for material and/or moral damage caused to individual applicants. The study examines the practice of the national courts of Ukraine in cases of claims of individuals - citizens of Ukraine against a foreign state for compensation of material and (or) moral damage caused by the invasion of the territory of Ukraine. It is established that a state cannot be allowed to use the doctrine of sovereign immunity as a shield for its violations of other doctrines of international law, such as international law on armed conflicts. The expediency of applying the model of functional (limited) immunity, which is becoming increasingly widespread and recognised by advanced countries of the world, is justified, considering its practicality and compliance with modern requirements for the development of society and leading trends in the development of international law. The results of the study can be used for further scientific developments of the outlined problems in the rule-making process, both in the conclusion of international treaties and in national legislation and in the law enforcement process in the implementation of legal proceedings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Knowledge: International Journal is the property of Institute for Knowledge Management and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An administration worthy of the adjec- tive “public” must incorporate the cons- truction and guarantee of Human Rights into its organization, resources, and purpose. In fact, Human Rights serve as the glue or connecting element between citizenship, politics, and administrative organization. The perspective of radical populist right-wing ideology regarding ad- ministration and Human Rights, anchored in its winning formula (xenophobia, authorita- rian and conservative orientation in values, and neoliberalism in economic matters), allows for several conclusions: first, there is a preference for strengthening the national level of government, impacting the system of intergovernmental relations; second, a national management of major global processes and threats, fueled by distrust in international institutions; third, a reinforce- ment of policies and areas related to internal order and the restriction of illegal immigration; fourth, a negative bias towards public management of welfare policies, seen as costly and demobilizing for the citizenry; fifth, an excessive trust in the market as an instrument for generating social well-being; and, finally, a preference for the public guarantee of some individual rights with a relative disregard for the guarantee of social rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marcel Gauchet and the Crisis of Democratic Politics Edited by NATALIE J. DOYLE and SEAN MCMORROW New York: Routledge, 2022 266 Pages, US$43.99 ISBN 9780367696894

Operation Irini is a new EU naval operation, in the framework of CSDP, to address violations of the arms embargo and illicit export of petroleum products in Libya, imposed by the United Nations Security Council. As a second objective, the Operation contributes to the training of Libyan coastguards in their fight against illegal immigration, as well as combating the mafias involved in the smuggling of migrants in the Central Mediterranean. From the outset, the naval operation has had scant resources and, unsurprisingly, its results have been poor in these first three years. In short, this new Operation, in the wake of Sophia’s poor results in the last months of its activity, represents a new setback for the CSDP and for the EU’s ambition to become a relevant actor in contemporary international society. Unfortunately, moreover, allegations of significant violations of migrants’ human rights by Libyan coast guard forces cast a shadow over the EU, which is assisting and training these security forces. Received: 04 September 2023 Accepted: 24 January 2024

Background: One of the human rights issues in the health sector is legal protection in conflict areas. The obstacles faced were the limited number of security personnel on guard and the long distance between the security post's location and the conflict's location. Aims: This study aims to determine how legal protection for health workers in conflict areas is. Methods: The method of this study is a literature review. The nature of this study is descriptive. The data collection method used is the literature study method, namely by collecting secondary data related to the issues raised. Results: The results of this study show that the central and regional governments have not been maximal in protecting health workers in conflict areas. Conclusion: Based on the results and discussion of this study, the recommendations are to make a grand design for health, security, and occupational safety for health workers, specifically in conflict areas, and to make standard operating procedures for handling cases of attacks on health workers in conflict areas. Keywords: Human Rights, Legal Protection. Health Workers.

Shouldn’t international relations be about people? Humanism is a philosophy of man, a philosophical tradition for which human values are above anything else; this philosophical, cultural, scientific and artistic current, with deep roots in Greek Antiquity, gains multitudes of ramifications over time, all legitimized by an open conception, with positive connotations, with principles that cannot be questioned, all sustaining the value of human being – a ideal central entity for the phenomena of political-social life of which it is a part. Humanism in international relations, as a phrase, intuitively refers to the importance of man and universal human values in a field and in a plan reserved mainly for affirming and manifesting the existence and interests of state actors. But, in the concrete organization of this socio-political life of people, humanism seems to be marginal, if not in collision, with the principles and levers of the concrete functioning of the state, a power institution that governs over the community of citizens, which is not necessarily structured around the concept of the human being as it appears from a humanistic perspective. Humanitarian intervention is a relatively new concept, with academic origins placed at the beginning of the modern period, in the writings of classical theorists such as Hugo Grotius or Vattel. The expression "humanitarian intervention" also refers to humanitarian actions/missions/decisions/interventions, aimed at restoring a serious alteration, in a concrete political-state context, of the conditions that define the human being in its dignified existence and in accordance with certain current ethical, political, legal, socio-economic, medico-sanitary or environmental standards. Human rights constitute the theoretical umbrella under which these standards are placed, the violation of which in any state can be the trigger for an international humanitarian intervention.

Since the Second World War, globalization has been underpinned by a liberal international order, a rules-based system structured around the principles of economic interdependence, democracy, human rights and multilateralism. However, the relationship between international mobility and the liberal international order (LIO) is contested. In the article, I disaggregate 'international mobility' into three regimes: the travel regime, the voluntary (labour) migration regime, and the refugee regime-each governed by distinct norms and operating procedures. I outline the characteristics of the LIO that pertain to international mobility and provide evidence to demonstrate that none of the three dimensions of international mobility-travel, migration, and asylum-reflects these characteristics. Given the LIO principles enumerated above, the exclusion of international mobility from the LIO is surprising. I survey the scholarship on the LIO and international mobility and argue that the exclusion of international mobility from the LIO rests on benefits provided to core states by the status quo ante governing international mobility. That is, the status quo ante permits countries of destination to determine the level and type of cross-border mobility. Thus, international mobility continues to be underpinned by the play of state preferences rather than the principles of the LIO. The COVID-19 pandemic is likely to shape these norms and operating procedures in ways that reinforce the status quo.

The issue of the high mortality of immigrants related to violations of international law is not an easy discourse. Failure to do so, both in scholarship and in activism towards human rights, shows significant limitations and hurdles of international law and international relations specifically in addressing human rights for refugees. This study aims to address and shine a light on the problem that migrant poses in the Mediterranean Sea. In the wake of the migration crisis, European Union in particular Italy adopted a series of policies in order to reduce migration flows within the EU. This article uses methods qualitative research methodology with a focus on conducting an in-depth literature review. The findings present that an ambitious policy to reduce the flow of migrants was introduced to combat the surge of refugees, an example of these steps is the Italian-Libyan Memorandum of Understanding of 2 February 2017 which led to questions about the ability of the state to uphold their roles and obligation in addressing human rights for refugees that caused twenty more people died at the Mediterranean Sea. This article examines the challenges posed by the refugees that have been caused by the treaties in force at the Mediterranean Sea as well as specific issues regarding the monitoring and implementation of the above regulations, which cause obstacles and challenges that impact the life and the migration process of refugees. Through this article we also highlighted that one of the most important motives in migration from Libya to Italy is economic opportunities for migrants, hence further studies are necessary in resolving the ongoing dispute.

The practice of human rights education and advocacy is to improve knowledge of human rights activities for communities in post-conflict. Central Equatoria State is where the human rights organizations have the base for their offices for operation in South Sudan. Coordinating the recovery and development process after civil war requires human rights principles, but it was neglected in Central Equatoria State. This research paper aims to assess the impact of the practice of human rights education and advocacy in Central Equatoria State and further in post-conflict in South Sudan. The practice of human rights education and advocacy is one of the pillars of the process of peacebuilding. Understanding the practice and advocacy on human rights education helps in assessing its impact on post-conflict communities. It contributes to knowledge of how effective the peacebuilding process was in preventing the resumption of conflict. The outbreak of intra-conflict in December 2013 in Juba shows that the peacebuilding process was ineffective. A qualitative method was applied for data collection. The stratified purposive interview was conducted in Juba and Kajo Keji Counties. Secondary literature was obtained from various academic and policy sources. The information was analyzed using ethnography, discourse, interpretation, observation, and interaction. The lack of interpreters for people who use sign language caused limitations in data collection, but disability is not an inability. Two focus group discussions were held: one in Juba and the other in Kajo Keji. Secondary data from various academic and policy institutions were supplemented with primary data. Coordinating the recovery and development processes requires principles for the practice of human rights education and advocacy. Development partners have underestimated the challenges they would face in the practice of human rights education and advocacy. The process for practice of human rights education and advocacy contributed less effective effort to the peacebuilding process to prevent the reoccurrence of conflict in Central Equatoria and the other states of South Sudan. The process would require the practice of good governance.

Sovereignty, concerning state authority, endows the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) the rights of citizens. This redefined and broadened scope of sovereignty is ascribed to the international norm of the R2P. The pioneering assertions of R2P were conceptualized by the UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in ‘Two Concepts of Sovereignty’ after NATO intervened in Kosovo (1999). During a humanitarian crisis, the more serious concern lies in the unchecked systematic violations of human rights rather than the question of the legitimacy and legality of intervention by the international community. In the 2005 World Summit, Sovereignty was redefined as an R2P by the state against atrocious violations of human rights. In case of failure of the host state, the international community could intervene through the Security Council. This paper will implicitly consider the normative contours of the R2P framework while assessing the current multifaceted humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan. The post-war humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan is characterized by poverty and internal displacement. Additionally, human security concerns arise from the inter-group rivalry between the Islamic State Khorasan (ISK) and the Taliban, accompanied by human rights violations against women and ethnic minorities under the Taliban regime. Aligning with the first pillar, the responsibility to protect Afghan citizens rests with the Taliban as the sovereign authority of the state. However, internalizing the principles of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) can pave the way for prospective peace in Afghanistan.

On December 2, 2010, the football/soccer world was stunned when the small Middle Eastern country known as the State of Qatar (Qatar) won the rights to host the 2022 Fédération Internationale de Football Associate (FIFA) Men’s Football World Cup even though its national team had never qualified for a single FIFA World Cup competition. What made Qatar’s bid so attractive to FIFA was that it included the building of a new airport, a commitment to updating the country’s public transportation infrastructure, the construction of $20 billion worth of new roads and highways which included a bridge to the neighboring country of Bahrain (the longest in the world), the creation of 54 training camps and the opening of a number of hotels to accommodate the spectators, teams, and broadcasting/press corps from the various countries that would be visiting the country over the 29-day contest period. Most importantly, however, Qatar also assured FIFA that it would construct no less than nine football/soccer specific stadiums, each state-of-the-art and equipped with cooling systems that would help alleviate the oppressive Qatari heat since the average temperature on the Gulf peninsula averages around 29 degrees Celsius (85 degrees Fahrenheit) but can reach as high as 45 degrees Celsius (113 degrees Fahrenheit) during the summer months.

While recent scholarship has turned to the increasing fragmentation of global human rights discourses, the often competing ideological projects in which different understandings of human rights are embedded have received comparatively scant attention. Instead, human rights are treated as isolated norms. Although treated as isolated, human rights norms are frequently simultaneously understood against the implicit backdrop of liberal assumptions about political order and human agency, thereby obscuring alternative human rights conceptions. This research note seeks to move our understanding of human rights beyond the liberal script. Drawing on advances in the fields of intellectual history and political theory, it develops a morphological approach that treats norms not only as individual standards of appropriate behavior but as complex units of meanings. These meanings only emerge in larger ideational formations in which varying notions of human rights are temporarily fixed through their positioning toward other concepts. This morphological understanding of human rights as part of larger conceptual arrangements allows for their analysis beyond the liberal script as the research note shows by way of two illustrative case studies, which focus on human rights beyond liberal notions of democracy and the rule of law as well as beyond the human as ontologically singular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special edition of the Clinical Psychology Forum dedicated to clinical psychology and human rights highlights the essential role of clinical psychologists in promoting human rights, justice, and equity. Formal, legal, declarations of human rights can be seen as formalized systems for ensuring that people's basic needs are satisfied. For psychologists, they are codifications of how we collectively understand our relationships and social obligations. We are called to action--to utilize our expertise, privilege, and power to effect positive change. Albert Camus said that "psychology is action, not just thinking about yourself". Psychologists should positively advocate for the application of psychological science to these issues. The British Psychological Society and Association of Clinical Psychologists, as the leading professional bodies, can enhance our public impact by issuing public statements and engaging in advocacy that addresses the intersection of clinical psychology, human rights, and political issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extract from: Secret Power. WikiLeaks and Its Enemies, by Stefania Maurizi, foreword by Ken Loach. Publisher: Pluto Press (2022) EDITOR NOTE If the life and work of Julian Assange has [...]

The issue of discrimination and negative stigmatization of transgender people in the Jember Regency is considered an obstacle to the freedom of expression for every individual. This study aims to analyze the views of the people of the Jember Regency in regard to transgender women’s right to freedom of expression after the Jember Fashion Carnival event. This research utilizes an empirical juridical research method with sociological approach and legal approaches. The results of this study indicate that the community's social construction of the rights of transgender expression after the Jember Fashion Carnival event is demonstrated through the community's appreciation of the transgender people’s works at the event and the provision of space for their expression to develop creativity. Although the government of Jember Regency has not implemented specific policies to protect the rights of transgender people in expressing themselves and developing their potential, the government and residents of Jember have recognized the transgender community as citizens with equal rights and positions to express themselves and contribute to the progress of Jember Regency.

The UK has a comprehensive arsenal of counter-terror law. The Terrorism Act 2000, for example, outlaws the membership of a proscribed terror group, as per s.11; and support for a proscribed terror group, as per s.12. The legislation also criminalises the preparation of terror attacks, such as possession for terrorist purposes, as per s.57; and the collection of information, as per s.58. Following the 7/7 terror attacks in London in 2005 the UK passed the Terrorism Act 2006 outlawing, for example, the encouragement of terrorism, including the glorification of terrorism, as per s.1; and the dissemination of terrorist publications, as per s.2. But the UK’s existing counter-terror legislation does not seem to go far enough in deterring violent extremism that falls short of terrorism. In February 2021, therefore, the UK’s independent Commission on Countering Extremism suggested further legislative reform to this area. In the UK there is freedom of expression, guaranteed by Article 10(1) of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). However, Article 10(2) of the ECHR permits a necessary interference with speech on the grounds of the prevention of disorder and crime. Indeed, historically, liberalism, which underpins much of human rights law, has also permitted limitations on the freedom of expression. Are the Commission’s proposals to curtail further the free speech of extremists compliant with the jurisprudence on free speech and the philosophy of liberalism upon which much of the law of human rights is grounded? Without being able to assess the Commission’s suggested reforms within every element of free speech, this piece examines many of its important facets, such as the responsibility of the rights-holder, the speaker, and the certainty upon which the law limiting the free speech is authorised. The findings of this piece are that the proposals of the Commission respect the UK’s law on free speech and its related theories of liberalism.

The purpose of this paper is to present, for the interested reader, some reflections on the issue of human rights protection in the context of (post)modern armed conflicts. The recent conflict in Ukraine bears the socio-political and legal features of both types of wars – modern and postmodern. The concern of the (post)modern international system for human rights is being put, for the first time in many years, in Europe, in the face of a ‘classic’ scale war. This brought a theoretical shock and a change of paradigm. For the last 20 years, Western analysts have been talking about the changes in the nature of war, or in the functions of the military, and „prophesied“ a better degree of protection for civilians from the direct and indirect effects of armed conflicts.

The problem of political re-education is an excellent revealing agent of the precariousness of human rights. The current trend is to approach human rights as a domestic issue and subordinate them to other priorities such as economic growth. The most targeted rights during this period were freedom of expression, freedom of belief, and freedom of peaceful association and assembly. In this context, the article presents the international attention on the re-education measures applied to the Uyghur minority and the efforts to confuse terminology and mask the laojiao approach, in propaganda actions that deny any harm to human rights, in a modernization war waged against „backwardness“ and under the generous conceptual pretext provided by tianxia.