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Chinese political scenario in 2007 with preparations and negotiations of the Seventeenth Party Congress and the first Plenary Session of the new Seventeenth Central Committee is reviewed. The General Secretary, Hu Jintao's scientific development concept was integrated into the Constitution with the emphasis on building socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Political tolerance is a significant issue for democracies under external threats. When imposed dangers are felt by citizens of the polity, competitors for political power are likely to believe that they are engaging in political battles of a zero-sum nature, having a life or death consequence. Because Taiwan is under constant military pressure from China, it is an excellent case for an analysis of political tolerance in a democracy that is threatened by external forces. Employing recently collected survey data, this study finds that the majority of Taiwanese residents show a willingness to extend rights of citizenship to others in the polity on the most salient issue that divides them. However, the perceived threats from Beijing's claims to the island and from the Taiwan independence movement have had negative impacts on the citizens' level of tolerance. The finding of this study will have important policy implications for Taiwan's young democracy and will also hold significant theoretical implications for the study of political tolerance under threats.

Intra-party democracy is conducted within the framework of one-party rule and guided by the predetermined principle of democratic centralism. China's progress and difficulties in institution building are examined from the perspective of path dependency by using leadership transition and the development of intra-party democracy as two cases for study.

The events of 1989 in China, when the student democracy moevement was suppressed, can be seen in different ways according to the time frame. The movement failed and may have cleared the way for capitalism to develop more easily in China. There have been labor protests since 1989, but organized labor may have been weakened. The students may not have been aware of the implications of their demands in 1989. The notion of abstract freedom is important, but it should be distinguished from empirical freedom

Political reform has become an extremely significant issue in China as the 21st century approaches. It is now clear that China cannot become a truly modern country unless it moves towards democracy. The Chinese government should allow individual freedom to organize political and non-political associations to protect the public interest or the interests of specific groups. Efforts should also be made to modernize the relationship between political parties and the government.

The fate of China's political system during the first decade of the 21st century is difficult to foresee because of the country's iconoclastic tendencies vis-a-vis world trends. Nevertheless, there are three developments that appear to be the most plausible. These are: the institution of free elections with the Communist Party winning many seats because of its influence, an elitist democratization in the manner of South Korea and Taiwan, or a stagnant and problematic society where authoritarianism still reigns supreme.

The potential democratization of China will depend on three factors, namely, the strength of the existing leadership, its weaknesses and the impact of economic change on the political setup. It is likely that the country will eventually adopt democratic practices but at a gradual pace. Nevertheless, the adoption of Western-style democracy may not be the only option available to the country's leaders. They may be able to skillfully blend Communist Party rule with certain democratic institutions such as popular elections.

China during the first decade of the 21st century will definitely be a much changed political entity that may still be far off from the Western-style democratic ideal. Its transformation will witness its regions strengthening at the expense of the center. The Communist Party may retain nominal power which will contribute to the country's being in a state of transition. The consequent form of the country's government will either be partially democratic or corporatist. The former is undoubtedly preferable.

China will eventually adopt democracy as its sociopolitical system but its particular model would be one characterized by a compromise between the interests of the people and those of the elites. It would not emerge as a result of some form of revolution where the old order gets overthrown by the new. This particular kind of democracy would require a leadership that subscribes to the highest moral standards and one that could guarantee the maintenance of order.

China will eventually adopt the democratic way of governance characterized by the basic freedoms including popular elections. Authoritarianism cannot stand the changes that affect world politics. It is not sure, however, how such democratization and liberalization will emerge. Two scenarios come into play, namely, the occurrence of violent change through a revolution and the installation of a bureaucratic-elitist democratic setup if present authorities do not push people to the brink through human rights violations.

The path to democratization for China's government is obstructed by vested interests that would profit from the retention of the status quo and the combination of factors that make the country's sociopolitical system different even from that of neighboring Taiwan. The political elites have still a very strong hold on the people's minds and, despite the onslaught of Western influences, Maoism is still a respected ideology. China will, therefore, accommodate outside influences but will not foreseeably become a Western-style democracy.

China's aim toward economic modernization parallels that of Taiwan in the 1960s and 1970s as both governments are authoritarian in nature where technocracy has precedence over democracy and pluralism. This scenario of China during the first decade of the 21st century has as its basis the reluctance of Chinese authorities to go the way of the Soviet Union and its Eastern European satellites which have adopted Western-style governments. Political reform, thus, will proceed slowly and may not include the holding of direct elections for national leaders.

China in the 21st century may still retain its authoritarian leadership although it would be beset by major economic and social problems. Its leaders may, to be practical, adopt pluralism in a constricted sense with the Communist Party still maintaining its dominance in the political structure. Freedom of speech may increasingly be allowed although not to the extent that it may undermine the status quo. Tentative steps taken towards democracy should succeed because failure of these will mean increased authoritarianism.

China's socialism will eventually transform itself into an economic and political democracy because the process of reform and rising popular expectations cannot be obstructed indefinitely. The Communist regime's wish that economic growth be tied up with the status quo is far from reality especially with the globalization of economics and the influence exerted by the Western World through international communications. The outside world could actually make the democratization process in China run faster, which would be a good thing as it could prevent long-run instability.

Minxin Pei analyzes the 'third wave' of global democratization which could not percolate to China, Vietnam and Indonesia, though these countries have made tremendous progress towards liberalization of their economies. Pei discusses the relation between economic development and politics and the failure of economic development in influencing the democratization process in these countries. Pei, however, suggests that economic development in East Asian autocracies is being followed by slow and delicate transformation in political institutions.

The fall of the Soviet Union has led to speculation about the possibility for democracy in China. Some factors, including a historical lack of democracy, a lack of many of the institutions needed in a democracy, poverty and the amount of control exerted by communists, suggest democracy is a long way off in China. Other factors, however, including the growing economic strength and education levels of the Chinese, their homogeneity and the weakening power over the people of the bureaucracy, suggest that the next democracy movement may succeed.