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This article traces the evolution of China-Malaysia relations under National Front Prime Minister Najib Razak and the Alliance of Hope Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. While the Belt and Road Initiative (bri) strengthened Beijing’s support of Najib’s kleptocratic regime in Malaysia, the 2018 general elections brought the anti-graft Alliance of Hope coalition led by Mahathir into power. Under Mahathir’s leadership, Malaysia cancelled several large-scale infrastructural projects like the East Coast Rail Link (ecrl), owing to their links with Najib’s 1mdb scandal and the unfavorable terms of the bri which put Malaysia severely in China’s debt. Although this curtailed Beijing’s use of Malaysia as a pawn in its goals in the region, it alienated some of the new Alliance of Hope’s supporters and saw the loss of much Chinese investment. However, Malaysia had already been caught in the bri’s web and Mahathir had to mend fences with Beijing by renegotiating better deals and redefining Malaysia’s relations with China. As Malaysia is geopolitically strategic to China’s extension of influence in Southeast Asia, Beijing willingly cut the ecrl cost by a third. It is in such context and with due consideration of the changing developments in the Alliance of Hope’s perception of Malaysia’s relations with China that this article will explore the enigmatic nature of China-Malaysia relations as the latter strives to protect its sovereignty against Chinese influence and Beijing continues to press its charm offensive through the bri.

This essay is a response to Julie Cooper’s piece in this volume. In her essay, Cooper insightfully analyzes ways in which the rise of the modern state has imposed “religious” forms of identificatio...

Social media use around those aged 18–34 will significantly impact the prospects for the public validation of a new constitution in Sri Lanka, especially the planning and conduct of a refer...

This chapter summarizes the research findings presented in the chapters on national criminal policies above in this volume. It also puts forward some recommendations to national policy makers aimed at improving national criminal policies on illicit tobacco trade.

The article covers the position of Bulgaria, which found itself at the cross-roads of geopolitical interests of Germany and the Soviet Union in the initial period of the Second world war and was forced to employ the tactics of maneuvering and dragging its heels choosing its strategic partner and ally. Having declared complete and consistent neutrality, Bulgarian leadership in practice tended to turn the country into a «Pro-German» unit, which was greatly facilitated by the assistance of Berlin in the transfer of Southern Dobrudja to Bulgaria. In addition to the willingness of the German leadership to guarantee territorial increments of Bulgaria, Sofia's position was to a great extent influenced by the fear of Bolshevism and the so-called «Baltic scenario» implemented by that time. Bulgaria's entry into the Triple Pact in March of 1941 meant that the USSR lost the diplomatic battle for Bulgaria.

From the Wilson and Heath governments' early, uneasy embrace of Brussels onwards, the contradictions in the UK's insistence on monetary sovereignty within the single market put it on an outward trajectory from Europe, argues Helen Thompson. However, Brexit may intensify more conflicts of interest than it resolves.

In the article a rather effective scientific approach is used – the study of totalitarianism through certain spheres of the spiritual life of society, that is the most complex and contradictory sphere of life of the human community. The object of the study is the school education of Bulgaria in the socialist period from the September 1944 events connected with the rise to power of the Patriotic Front Government to the “palace coup” in 1989, when the country’s educators were faced with the choice between deep national traditions of schooling and the unified approaches of the socialist era. The choice of the country is connected with the intention to analyze the situation in education development under the conditions of the Soviet model of the regime other than it was in the USSR, which was called “People’s Democracy”, and to define the peculiarities of this regime in one of the countries of the former “socialist camp”. Among these features it is identified the role of the personal factor in the party – governmental leadership of this Balkan country. The historical and pedagogical process in Bulgaria is characterized by the indicators of several levels. At the general level, it is shown that the education system is an important component and a leading feature of human civilization. The general pattern (that is, an indicator that applies to all or at least the vast majority of states) of the educational space development of Bulgaria in a certain period was a steady trend of increasing the role of education in public progress, when education and upbringing were focused on reaching all the segments of the population. The peculiarities, inherent in particular groups of states, were the features characteristic for the education development in socialist countries: the party leadership and a strict control of party bodies, ideologization of the educational process and extracurricular work, too high degree of planning, the subordination of state structures to party organs, an excessive centralization, etc; the individual features include the preservation of the national system of public-state leadership in the spiritual sphere, the non-antagonistic coexistence of religious and secular-democratic consciousness of an individual and a high role and place of a Bulgarian teacher in the society. Contrary to the totalitarian rule, the Bulgarian teacher patiently taught children and adults to peace, tolerance and sociability, respect for work and social justice. Further explorations of the author will be devoted to the analysis of the common features of the education development in the countries of the Balkan region, which have historically been at the intersection of western and eastern trends, under the influence of multi-vector approaches and orientations.

International courts bear today the burden of having to frequently examine judges’ complaints from different states and seek to set appropriate standards to uphold the fundamental principles of democracy. In words of the Former President of the President of the Constitutional Tribunal of Poland Andrzej Rzeplinski, “the less heroism a specific system of law or a social system demands of a judge, the better are both this law and this system”. Unfortunately it appears that we live in the era of “judicial heroism”. Whilst in previous times the ECtHR mostly dealt with procedural dimension of judicial accountability – as a prerequisite to judicial independence -, nowadays, more and more, we have to turn to its political and ethical dimensions. Although judicial independence does not amount to a free will and the judicial power must be held accountable, this has nothing to do with the temptation to punish a judge for a "wrong" decision. The paper analyses cases related to grounds for holding a judge liable, given that independence and accountability of judges are merely two sides of one coin.

Elena Voznesenskaya - Candidate of Sciences in History, leading researcher Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences. Address: 24/35, Krzhizhanovskogo Str., 117218, Moscow, Russian Federation. e-mail: maslovka3@mail.ru The article provides a historical perspective on a key conflict in the development of rural education, which is that it is usually accompanied by rejection of rural labor and expansion of “pro-urban” orientations and practices among youth. Since the Russian Empire of the late 19th century, throughout the Soviet Union, and into post-Soviet Russia, the government has been trying hard to retain rural population where it is and to ensure “continuity” of rural youth’s agricultural activities (in the terms of the expert rhetoric of the late 19th century). Education policy makers of the Russian Empire believed that the reason for youth rejecting rural labor was the “excessiveness” of school education with regard to actual agricultural needs. Such excessiveness was normally fought by bringing down the level of school education attainment and reducing school hours in favor of agricultural education. The same policy, if only otherwise formulated, resonates in both the Soviet and the post-Soviet periods. No constructive solution has been found yet to solve the problems of rural education, and rural schools in particular. The fundamental conflict in such development can only be resolved in the context of emerging new conditions of rural existence (agro-industrial complex, distance learning).

This article calls upon policy makers in Russia to take a more robust, comprehensive approach to the design and implementation of a macroregional development policy.

This article examines the intersection of religious freedom and minority protection within the Asian context. It argues that, to the extent that a focus on minority protection draws greater attention to the collective and communitarian dimensions of religious practice, it has the potential to enrich the discourse on religious freedom protection. I identify three areas of possible convergence—first, where a minority-focused regime leads to a richer understanding of the intersections between culture, language, and religion, secondly, where a focus on minority protection leads to positive measures by the state to protect religious minorities, and thirdly, where a minority regime founds a right of religious minorities to political participation. Nonetheless, I will also point out that there are limits to minority protection. It may even be a double-edged sword, as it serves to reify differences with the rest of society and risks permanently marginalizing the group as a minority. This could be the case even if there are institutional designs, formal or informal, to provide for religious minorities’ political participation.

This article deals with the history of the principle of legality in Danish criminal law. The principle of legality is a relatively new invention and was first introduced with the criminal code of 1866 § 1. Before that, courts were given broad discretion in criminal cases. This discretion must be viewed as the logical consequence of the lack of a comprehensive and systematic criminal code such as that first issued in 1866 where it replaced the sixth book in the National Law of Denmark1683. With the promulgation of a new systematic criminal code it was possible to introduce the principle of legality in Danish criminal law in 1866. While the principle of legality was designed to secure the predictability of the criminal law, measures were also taken in order to secure flexibility in the application of the code by the courts. The often casuistic definitions of the criminal offenses in the National Law of Denmark were thus replaced by abstract definitions and thecourts were generally left with a wide margin of discretion when it came to questions of punishment. The criminal code of 1866 was thus built on a compromise between legality and flexibility.

An analysis of recent development in international criminal law shows the emergence of two countervailing trends: on the one hand a broadening trend, in that the various prosecutorial meansused to hold individuals accountable for violations of certain international crimes has expanded; and on the other hand a narrowing trend, in that the protection from prosecution afforded by international law to certain individuals, that once seemed to falter, has been reinstated.

A casual observation of journalistic practices around the world reveals deep seated abuses on journalists and media organizations While this is a universal state of affair the situation in Africa is particularly dire due to poor democratic practices and human rights situations In Cameroon abuses on journalists and media organizations prevail and have often been blamed on government actors However with the advent of the Anglophone Crisis in a non state actor emerged to compliment government actions against the free practice of journalism in Bamenda Capital of the country rsquo s North West Region From this background this paper contends that since the emergence of armed pro separatist groups known as lsquo Amba rsquo Boys in Cameroon rsquo s Anglophone Regions of the North West and South West within the framework of the Anglophone Crisis journalists in and around Bamenda suffered serious infringements on their rights from two mutually opposing groups including government actors on the one hand and armed separatist groups on the other The paper analyses written sources interviews newspaper articles internet sites as well as field observations to demonstrate that media men and women in Bamenda suffered abuses ranging from threats arrests torture kidnapping imprisonment and suspension from both government and lsquo Amba rsquo Boys within this period The paper is synchronized in thematic cum chronological synthesis to sustain logic

The chapter is a critical reflection on the position of the internationally educated teachers (IETs) in Canada in its connection to discourses and practices of diversity and inclusion. It is argued that the IETs live in an in-between situation: to integrate successfully in the host society or to go back to their original countries, which limits their socio-economic participation and professional mobility in Canada. These immigrant teachers encounter difficulties in being certified teachers and recruited to publicly funded schools. The chapter views that diversity and inclusion remain incompatible as long as there is a lack of serious commitments from decision and policy makers. The discussion explores discursive meanings of including racial and ethnic minorities in organizations, schools, and teacher education programs that become complex in a fast-growing diverse population. The chapter suggests inclusive democratic schools that allow the diversity and inclusion of the IETs and teachers of color and that treat students of minorities with equity and social justice.

In Just 20 Years Peru has shifted from beacon of hope to basket case. As late as the mid-1970s, Peru's reformist military government (1968-1980) appeared to offer significant possibilities for economic and political development (defined as improved distribution of income and greater participation by the citizenry). From 1940 to 1975, economic growth and low inflation had been the norm. A major agrarian reform during the militarydocenio(12-year rule) created production cooperatives nation wide; the industrial community gave workers a meaningful management role in the operation of their firms. Both stirred the imagination of many Peruvians and the academic community alike.

Transitional justice has been treated as one of the pillars in the processes of post-conflict state building and sustainable peacebuilding in the former Yugoslav region. Gender dimensions of conflicts, especially sexually and gender based violations of justice, fall under the rubric of mainstreaming of gender justice in transitional justice. Transitional justice mechanisms may be viewed as adequate means to pursue gender justice. Therefore, in this chapter we will focus on the implementation of the Point 11 of UNSCR 1325 in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia and Kosovo. By 2014, these four states, formerly involved in the armed conflicts, adopted National Strategic Documents for the implementation of UNSCR 1325. The implementation of UNSCR 1325 had been seen as a promising provision for women war violence survivors and was strongly advocated by grassroots women’s and feminist groups. It was believed that such a provision might bring justice and equal treatment to all women who suffered sexual and gender based violence during the wars, regardless of their ethnicity. However, as will be showcased by country cases, several years after the beginning of the implementation of National Strategic Documents the states lack consistent and collaborative measures to prevent impunity and offer redress to the survivors of gender related war injustices. Furthermore, it is our claim that the four successor states of Yugoslavia have not only failed to implement measures adequately, but that they have used those very mechanisms to promote a certain form of legal nationalism. We will demonstrate how gendered transitional justice has been nationally abused in post-Yugoslav societies, by showing how legal imagery, supposed to transform the lives of victims of war sexual violence, turned into the instrument for the re-introduction of nationalism. We rely on the analyses of the laws on civilian victims of wars or related measures, of the National Strategic Documents of each state, on reports of women’s grassroots and feminist groups and international institutions, as well as on recent media reports.

Zielsetzung: Das Akronym „LASA“ („look-alike/sound-alike“) beschreibt die Problematik unbeabsichtigter Medikamentenverwechslungen ahnlich aussehender und/oder klingender Pharmaka. Die LASA-Problematik gehort neben einer hohen Arbeitslast zu den haufigsten Ursachen fur Medikationsfehler, die die Patientensicherheit elementar gefahrden konnen. Ein typischer CIRS-Fall (Critical Incident Reporting System) soll die Problematik zwischen Patientensicherheit und Kosteneffizienz exemplarisch darstellen. Methodik: Es erfolgte die Begutachtung eines CIRS-Falls unter besonderer Berucksichtigung der Kostenaspekte. Ergebnisse: Durch eine gezielte Medikamentenumstellung auf ein Generikum konnten ca. 46 200 €/Jahr eingespart werden. Infolge der nun ahnlich aussehenden Verpackungen zweier Dosierungen (Piritramid 7,5 mg bzw. 15 mg) kam es jedoch zu mehreren Medikamentenverwechslungen. Schlussfolgerung: Mittlerweile sind die Empfehlungen fur eine Losung der LASA-Problematik recht umfangreich. In einem pauschalierten Entgeltsystem sind jedoch nicht alle Sicherheitsmasnahmen gleichwertig realisierbar. Deshalb erfordern patientenorientierte Losungen eigene und insbesondere konzertierte Losungsstrategien, die auch die lokalen Strukturen und die Finanzierbarkeit berucksichtigen.

No Abstract Available African Journal of Political Science Vol.8(2) 2003: 33-54

Der Beitrag beschaftigt sich mit der B-VG-Novelle zur Kontrolle der Gerichtsbarkeit durch die VA. Nach den Vorstellungen der Expertengruppe Staats- und Verwaltungsreform im Bundeskanzleramt sollte diese Funktion ein eigener Justizanwalt ubernehmen, weshalb die strukturellen Unterschiede zu den Ausgangsuberlegungen analysiert werden, ferner wird der Umfang der neuen Kontrollmittel dargestellt und verfassungsrechtlich gewurdigt.