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Scholars and policy makers debate whether elites and citizens hold different views of the legitimacy of international organizations (IOs). Until now, sparse data has limited our ability to establish such gaps and to formulate theories for explaining them. This article offers the first systematic comparative analysis of elite and citizen perceptions of the legitimacy of IOs. It examines legitimacy beliefs toward six key IOs, drawing on uniquely coordinated survey evidence from Brazil, Germany, the Philippines, Russia, and the United States. We find a notable elite–citizen gap for all six IOs, four of the five countries, and all of six different elite types. Developing an individual-level approach to legitimacy beliefs, we argue that this gap is driven by systematic differences between elites and citizens in characteristics that matter for attitudes toward IOs. Our findings suggest that deep-seated differences between elites and general publics may present major challenges for democratic and effective international cooperation.

As in many other countries, COVID-19 became a litmus test for government efficiency in Georgia. The pandemic has influenced the daily life of Georgian society and shaped not only state-citizen relations, but politics as well. Citizens have experienced profound and sometimes rapid changes, from the initial curfew to the eventual lockdown. It also raised questions about how the 'Georgian Dream'-led government made decisions and established new rules. Managing the pandemic-related crisis in Georgia demonstrated that decision-makers, the political elite, and powerful institutions such as the Georgian Orthodox Church used their power to avoid formally established rules and/or used informal practices to influence the process. Thus, this article aims to analyse the informal practices and the role of informality in the process of adopting and implementing the COVID-related regulations, as well as how it affected the quality of crisis management.

This article focuses on conceptions and representations of political participation. It is based on ethnographic research of a civics course that a multicultural NGO designed for young people from different racialized and ethnic minorities in Finland. We ask how political participation is conceptualized in such efforts to 'engage' or 'empower' 'marginalized' young people, what opportunities for political participation these practices present and how young people make use of them. We draw on new citizenship theory, which focuses on lived and acted citizenships and practices of mundane political agency. Our analytical focus is on performative acts and processes, and how these may transform conventions. Thus, we examine the political inherent in young people's actions and tackle the difficulty in recognizing young people's political activeness and agency. The young people on the civics course actively took the space provided for them and performed political participation. Adults often failed to recognize this, leading us to question what, in the adults' eyes, counts as acts and sites of political participation. We conclude that recognizing young people as political agents not only requires access and resources, but also negotiation of what is seen as political participation and what it can entail.

Sociologists, philosophers and historians have put forward an opinion on the definition of nation within the framework of their own understanding. While some emphasize ethnic identity in this regard, others emphasize culture. After the opening of the parliament in Ankara, the deputies also shared their views on this issue from the parliamentary rostrum. It is seen that expressions such as Türk, Türkiyeli, Anasırı Islam are used by the deputies. When we look at it from a constitutional point of view, it is understood that the definition of nation was not made in the 1921 Constitution, but all citizens were called Turks in the 1924 Constitution. In addition to this definition, a target of “Being a Turk” has also been determined. In order to be Turkish, it has been shown as a condition to graduate from Turkish schools, to know Turkish, to feel belonging to Turkishness and not to be separatist. In the laws enacted within the framework of this understanding, the expression “being a Turk” was predominantly included. The scope of this article is limited to presenting the debates or opinions of the deputies in the Turkish Grand National Assembly between the years 1920-1938 on the definition of nation and determining its reflections in the laws. Classification, analysis, composition, criticism, interpretation, comparison, etc. of the methodology of history in the research. methods have been used., Millet tanımı hususunda sosyologlar, filozoflar, tarihçiler kendi anlayışları çerçevesinde bir görüş ortaya koymuşlardır. Kimileri bu konuda etnik kimliğe vurgu yaparken kimileri ise kültürü ön plana çıkarmıştır. Ankara’da meclisin açılmasından sonra milletvekilleri de bu hususta görüşlerini meclis kürsüsünden paylaşmıştır. Türk, Türkiyeli, Anasırı İslam gibi ifadelerin milletvekilleri tarafından kullanıldığı görülmektedir. Anayasal açıdan baktığımızda ise 1921 Anayasasında millet tanımının yapılmadığı fakat 1924 Anayasasında ise tüm vatandaşların Türk olarak adlandırıldığı anlaşılmaktadır. Bu tanımlamanın yanı sıra bir “Türk Olmak” hedefi de belirlenmiştir. Türk olmak için Türk okullarından mezun olmak, Türkçe bilmek, Türklüğe aidiyet hissetmek ve bölücülük yapmamak şart olarak gösterilmiştir. Bu anlayış çerçevesinde çıkan kanunlarda ağırlıklı olarak “Türk Olmak” ifadesi yer almıştır. Bu makalenin kapsamı Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisinde 1920-1938 yılları arasında milletvekillerinin millet tanımı hususundaki tartışmalarını veya görüşlerini ortaya koymak ve bunun kanunlardaki yansımalarını tespit etmekle sınırlıdır. Araştırmada tarih metodolojisinin tasnif, tahlil, terkip, tenkit, yorumlama, kıyaslama vb. yöntemlerinden yararlanılmıştır.

In this article, the authors conducted a comprehensive study of the main directions of the modern social policy of the Russian Federation in relation to low-income citizens living alone and low-income families. Namely, based on the analysis of doctrinal sources, the provisions of international acts and the norms of the current Russian legislation: we formulated the definition of the concept of "poor"; justified the opinion that it is necessary to use a set of objective indicators and indicators to determine a decent standard of living. The identified problems and the proposed system of scientific views significantly expand the previously obtained theoretical teachings on the types and forms of state social support and protection of low-income families and low-income citizens living alone, considering the realities of modern politics and trends in the development of the Russian Federation.

The article explores the notion and peculiarities of concept of “civil society” in the modern, legal state. In the given research the author implements holistic, systematical (methodical) analysis of peculiarities of the relationship between the state and society. Therefore, the theoretical and practical research of problems of development of relation between civil society and the state gives an opportunity to find new solutions in problems of cooperation of individual and common interests. Moreover, study is also focusing on various approaches of well-known jurists on the essence, content and legislative consolidation of the civil society. The author comes to conclusion that in recent decades, the philosophy of law took under its active protection the civil society, where the harmonious combination of rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of the person should correspond to public interests. Therefore, the theoretical and practical analysis of interactions between the state and civil society gives an opportunity to find new solutions in problems occurred in modern society. Key words: civil society, democratic legal state, fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual, government, citizen, organizations, institutions, political life.

Purpose Governments around the world engage in digitalization projects to improve their internal functioning and the delivery of information and services to their users, including citizens. There are several ways to implement this digitalization and, therefore, different roles for citizens, who can be considered as customers, as participants and as coproducers in a digital government. The purpose of this study is to identify which factors influence the roles citizens are willing to take in a digital government. Design/methodology/approach This paper conducted an exploratory survey in Belgium. This paper examined which factors among age, gender, occupation, education, digital literacy, government level and frequency of use of other e-services influence citizens’ roles. Findings Through a statistical analysis conducted on data collected from 203 citizens, this paper identifies 25 relationships between the aforementioned factors and expectations mapped to the citizens’ roles. This paper has identified relationships between expectations and government level, gender, age, occupation, use frequency of other e-services and digital literacy. On the other hand, this paper found no influence for the education level and for working in an administration. Research limitations/implications This study contributes to the research field by providing insights into what citizens expect from digital government and exploring several relationships to be investigated in further research. Originality/value No previous work has asked directly to citizens which role they would be willing to take and, consequently, what expectations they have towards digital government. This paper contributes a usable survey instrument to achieve this and has demonstrated how it can be used to collect data from citizens. In doing so, this paper contributed valuable findings supporting Belgian policymakers in developing digital government policies that are aligned with citizens' expectations.

The specific regulatory framework under which the local elections in Mostar in 2020 were held, and especially the fact that the elections in this city were held after 12 years, puts in the focus of communication research the media treatment of the relationship between citizens and political parties in local communities organized under a mortgage of war ethnic and territorial divisions. Having in mind the influence of online media, both independent and relying on traditional media productions, this paper primarily deals with reporting on the results of local elections in Mostar, questioning the focus of reports in the context of relations between citizens, as a universal political category, and political candidates competing for the management of public affairs at the local level. Also, in additional elements of the research, the paper deals with the analysis of identification of participants in political processes, on the one hand, a citizen, who in the public discourse of Bosnia and Herzegovina is often treated as a member of an ethnic group, and a political party on the other, usually treated in media reports as a representative of national categories, and not as a performer of public affairs concerning the achieved election results.

This article examines the role of interest mobilization in strengthening or weakening congruence between elected representatives and citizens on EU policy issues. It argues that the relationship between public opinion, interest groups and elected politicians can be theorized as a selective transmission process. We expect interest groups to strengthen congruence between citizens and elected representatives who share their ideological views. To test our hypotheses we conducted a content analysis of statements made in eight European news outlets on a sample of 13 policy issues and combined this with Eurobarometer polls. Our results indicate that elected representatives from leftist parties are more congruent with left-wing voters when civil society mobilizes, while the prevalence of corporate lobby groups strengthens congruence between rightist politicians and their constituents. These findings contribute to our understanding of the role of interest groups in political representation and democratic governance. publishedVersion

Resumo Políticas públicas são baseadas em categorias que possuem um duplo efeito: constroem elegibilidade aos direitos e geram efeitos simbólicos, reproduzindo ou enfrentando estigmas sociais. Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar como, historicamente, foram construídas as categorias do público-alvo das políticas de saúde mental no Brasil. A partir de um estudo documental das legislações de 1841 até 2017, observamos os processos de construção das categorias políticas dos usuários da saúde mental. Foram analisados os processos de alteração das categorias políticas a respeito dos usuários da política de saúde mental, o enquadramento social dado a eles e seus efeitos em acesso a políticas e construção de estigmas sociais. As análises demonstraram mudanças importantes em categorias que buscaram desestigmatizar o sujeito das políticas ao longo do tempo baseadas em novas concepções propostas pelos movimentos sociais da saúde mental, pelas políticas internacionais e por mudanças sociais mais amplas, como a redemocratização do país. Entretanto, também evidenciamos a dificuldade do enfrentamento efetivo dos estigmas devido a falta de consenso do próprio campo, resistência das transformações das categorias sociais, dos familiares e dos profissionais da saúde. Abstract Public policies are based on categories that have a double effect: build eligibility for rights and generate symbolic effects, reproducing or fighting social stigmas. This article aims to analyze the historical setup of categories targeted in mental health policies in Brazil. Based in a study of the legislation from 1841 to 2017, we observed how was the processes of constructing the political categories of mental health - passing from users to citizens or mentally ill. The processes of control of public policies were selected for the respect of users of mental health policy, the social framework of data and the criteria for access to policies and the construction of social stigmas. The analysis shows important changes in these categories over time that tried to remove stigmas based on new conceptions proposed by social movements of mental health, international policies and social changes, such as Brazilian re-democratization. However, we also highlight the difficulty of effectively coping with stigmas due to the lack of consensus in the field itself, resistance to changes in social categories, family members and health professionals.

The article deals with theoretical approaches to the formation of the civic culture in nowadays Russia. As a particular type of political culture, it acts as a part of the mechanism, which serves to implement social demands, maintaining democratic principles, and ensuring social unity. The author outlines the major features of the civic culture: connection with social needs of the community; involvement in regulating its vital activity on the basis of state institutions; responsibility and obedience to law; orientation towards political order and stability; the citizens’ active political participation, etc. The civic culture contributes to controllability of the society promoting to political order and democracy. The article reveals the role of the state in the formation of civil society and the civic political culture. Considerable attention is paid to the bearers of political civic culture, as well as the role of civic and patriotic education of Russian citizens.

O acesso à Justiça pela via eletrônica, mormente em meio à pandemia do Coronavírus, em que os órgãos jurisdicionais se encontram com suas atividades presenciais suspensas, torna-se ainda mais desafiador àqueles cidadãos que ainda não dispõem de meios tecnológicos e/ou o conhecimento técnico para sua utilização. Nesse contexto, em que os tribunais implementam a atermação online como uma das alternativas para facilitação de acesso à Justiça, por parte do cidadão, apresenta-se a seguinte questão problema: De que maneira a atermação online tem contribuído para a efetividade do direito de acesso à Justiça, diretamente pelo cidadão, nesse momento de excepcionalidade da COVID-19? Objetiva-se analisar a atermação online como meio de assegurar efetividade ao direito humano/fundamental de acesso à Justiça ao cidadão, de forma direta, pela via eletrônica, no contexto da COVID-19, numa abordagem interdisciplinar Direito e Novas Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação, perpassando fundamentos teóricos sobre a temática e trazendo-se à baila entrevista com Analicia de Fátima Ribeiro Freitas, 65 anos, sobre sua experiência no ajuizamento de ação, via atermação online, para obtenção de benefício assistencial. Justifica-se o estudo por sua relevância acadêmica e social à medida que visa contribuir para a efetividade do direito humano/fundamental de acesso à Justiça do cidadão. A metodologia adotada é qualitativa, quanto ao problema; exploratória, quanto aos objetivos; e pesquisa bibliográfica e entrevista, quanto aos procedimentos técnicos. Espera-se contribuir para a efetividade do direito de acesso à Justiça do cidadão, pela via eletrônica, nos amplos termos em que consagrado no ordenamento pátrio e diplomas internacionais. Palavras-chave: Acesso. Justiça. Cidadão. Via eletrônica. Coronavírus.

No one better than people living in the region can know what is required for the development of the region. The modern government, oriented towards the development of an active civil society, should make this basic postulate the basis of a new management paradigm.

Актуальность исследования определяется необходимостью создания образца достойного человека - идеального гражданина цивилизованного государства, которое можно построить из хаоса, царящей на планете. Автор анализирует древнегреческие образцы цивилизации, являющиеся до сих пор привлекательными, сохраняющими свое значение для современного общественного развития, выявляет роль таких исторических документов, как Билль о правах и Декларация прав человека и гражданина, показывает значение цифровой демократии для обеспечения более обдуманного и широкого участия населения в политической жизни. Цель исследования заключается в анализе идеала гражданина в разных социально-исторических условиях. Методы: контент-анализа (для системного извлечения информации из источников), анализа, синтеза, сравнительного исследования. Результаты. Понятие «идеальный гражданин» менялось в зависимости от конкретных политических, социальных и экономических условий, но при этом сохраняло общую основу. Еще в древние времена гражданин мог влиять на формирование власти этого государства и участвовать в его управлении. Идеальный гражданин всегда являлся активным участником политической и правовой жизни. Личная свобода всегда была обязательным условием для получения статуса гражданина. Идеальный гражданин был способен рассматривать свои права как обязанности и обязанности - как права. Можно выделить три основные позиции идеального гражданина: это нравственный человек; это тот, кто способен подняться до интересов всего общества; это тот, который умеет не только властвовать, но и подчиняться. Подчеркивается важность обучения и воспитания молодого поколения таким образом, чтобы оно считало себя частью демократического общества, видело себя историческими действующими лицами, ответственными за будущее своей страны и человечества. Ключевые слова: Гражданин, права и обязанности, свобода, демократия, гражданское общество. The relevance of the study is determined by the need to create a model of a worthy person - an ideal citizen of a civilized state, which can be built from the confusion that takes place on the planet. The author analyzes the ancient Greek examples of civilization, which are still attractive, retaining their significance for modern social development, reveals the role of such historical documents as the Bill of Rights and the Declaration of Human and Citizen Rights, shows the importance of digital democracy to ensure a more deliberate and widespread participation of the population in political life. The aim of the study was to analyze the ideal of a citizen in different socio-historical conditions. The method of content analysis was used for systematic extraction of information from the literature sources, as well as methods of analysis, synthesis and comparative research. Results. The concept of «ideal citizen» changed depending on specific political, social and economic conditions. But at the same time it retained a common basis. Even in ancient times, a member of the state could influence the formation of power of this state and could participate in the management of the state. The ideal citizen has always been an active participant in political life. Personal freedom has always been a prerequisite for obtaining citizen status. The ideal citizen was able to consider his rights as duties and, conversely, duties as rights. Three main positions of the ideal citizen can be distinguished: this is a moral person, this is the one who is able to rise to the interests of the whole society, this is the one who can not only rule, but also obey. The paper emphasizes the importance of educating the young people in such a way that they consider themselves a part of a democratic society, see themselves as historical actors responsible for the future of the country and the future of humanity.

The concept of civic responsibility is poorly studied by modern political science and is not sufficiently used in the analysis of the Russian political situation. This article attempts to develop the concept of civic responsibility as a category in political science using political, sociological and institutional approaches. The scientific novelty lies in the deployment of the concept of civic responsibility in the institutional context of civil society and the state. The identification of the normative and value structure of civic responsibility and its congruence in the institutional environment and the assessment of the development potential of civic responsibility will allow the better understanding of Russian politics and Russian society, as well as the expansion of the possibilities for influencing the process of the formation of civic responsibility as a stable foundation of modern politics. For empirical verification of theoretical assumptions, we used the data of an all-Russian representative survey of the population aged 18 years and older conducted by the comparative political research department of the Institute of Sociology of the Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences (with the support of the Center of Social Forecasting and Marketing) in June 2019. The size of the sampled population was 700 people (OSPI-2019).

The article explores the notion and peculiarities of fundamental rights of the individual in the modern, legal state. In the given research the author implements versatile, holistic, systematical (methodical) analysis of content and distinguishing features of the structural element of the concept “legal status of the individual”. Therefore, the theoretical and practical research of problems of development of fundamental human rights, gives an opportunity to find new solutions in protections of relations concerning the individual's legal status. This study is also focusing on various approaches of well-known jurists on the essence, content and legislative consolidation of the fundamental rights of the individual. Summering up the results of explored issues, we concluded, that in recent decades, the philosophy of law (with the theory of state and law) took under its active protection and guardianship man with his rights, freedoms and legitimate interests, and which have ceased to be the subject of national legislation’s regulation, and moved to the international legal platform. Consequently, the government is obligated to guarantee the fundamental human rights and freedoms. Hence, theoretical, methodological and practical analyze of problems of the individual's legal status and elaboration of suggestions concerning enhancement of national legislation, is one of the most actual problems of jurisprudence.

The Thought, a Solitary Activity in Hannah Arendt In this article we have made a brief tour of the implications and the relevance of the activity of thinking about the philosophical-political theories of the Jewish‑German philosopher Hannah Arendt. As well as highlight the importance of the teaching of philosophy and in particular the theories of this thinker, in order to prepare the student, citizen and reader, to carry out a critical thinking, individual and reflective, who knows perform both in private areas and in public spaces. In order to avoid repeating actions and mistakes of the past; making them understand the responsibility they have for the other, as well as the facts that may happen around them.

Aim: The ICPerMed, international initiative promoting personalized medicine, has realized a survey among a group of experts, to define a common vision for the deployment of personalized medicine across healthcare systems until 2030. Materials & methods: ICPerMed defined five perspectives (p.4) and addressed an online questionnaire to 97 international experts to collect their views. Results: Seventy (72%) of the 97 experts effectively answered the survey from which 69 answers were exploitable. Respondents from a variety of international profiles approved the five proposed perspectives and reported required actions and best practices. Conclusion: There is a large consensus among experts directly involved in shaping international strategies and policies, calling for voluntarist public policies, new IT platforms enabling data-driven approaches, large-scale educational programs and new financing models.

The article analyzes idealistic views on the phenomenon of "civil society". The authors emphasize that civil society is a society of justice and civil consensus, where each citizen is guaranteed civil, political and socio-economic rights and explores the basic features (features) of civil society. First, it is a society of justice. The next major feature is civic consent, that is, the establishment of a new social order through dialogue and spiritual and political consensus.According to the authors, human rights are guaranteed in every democratically organized society, and the state claiming to be legal has no right, but is obliged in its legislation to foresee and actually guarantee by legal and other means those rights which are due to the state recognitions acquire the character of subjective legal rights. As a result of the adoption of international standards by states, the very concept of a person and in domestic law becomes legal and designates citizens of that state, as well as foreigners and stateless persons who reside in its territory. And human rights are those rights that belong to every person regardless of their nationality.The authors conclude that no sharp and insurmountable boundary can be drawn between human rights and citizens' rights. Human rights are a social category. They are formed objectively as a result of the development and improvement of social production and the system of public administration of society in the form of social opportunities to enjoy various economic, political and spiritual benefits, and exist before their state recognition. And citizens' rights are those human rights that are under the protection and protection of the state.

Post-Weberian definitions see the state???individual relationship as a ???do ut des??? one. The state grants protection, education, medical care, and its citizens contribute labour, compliance, and taxes. When this does not occur, it is generally accepted that the citizens are deviating from state goals. However, there are cases where lack of compliance stems from the fact that society members do not feel protected by formal structures, and they rely on informal ones to replace, supplement, or even compete with state institutions. The starting point of this article is that this lack of support may result from enhanced labour mobility (and migration) across Europe, and may enhance the creation and persistence of informal practices. Taking advantage of two case studies, Romanian migrants to Spain and ethnic entrepreneurs in Croatia, we observe how governance is constructed and provide two novel interpretative frameworks. First, we explore the use of informality (informal practices) to suggest that apparently insignificant actions that are repeated routinely and without much thought, are a way to contribute to the construction of the political and that everyday governance should receive more attention. Second, we use this claim to argue that a better understanding of informality can help identify governance areas where interventions are more urgent. These are the spheres of public life where it is possible to identify a larger gap between the wishes of a state and the ways citizens actually act as they informally avoid or bypass its rules.

IntroductionPopulation awareness and empowerment in omics sciences represent a fundamental driver to increase the adoption of evidence-based approaches in personalized medicine. In this context, a pivotal role is played by citizens’ literacy, and educational initiatives carried out in this context are key assets to drive future effective interventions. With the present study, we summarized the educational initiatives conducted worldwide aimed at increasing citizens’ literacy in omics sciences.Materials and MethodsWe conducted a web search of the educational initiatives aimed at improving citizens’ literacy in omics sciences undertaken worldwide, by using three search engines (Google, Bing, and Yahoo Search), in English and in Italian languages.ResultsWe identified five initiatives in Europe, 22 in non-European countries, and 13 in Italy. Overall, the majority (69%) were web-based initiatives, while 31% required in-person attendance. The online initiatives included web pages for reading, online lessons/courses, web portals, videos/short movies, animations, and apps for mobile devices. The residential initiatives, on the other hand, included exhibitions, seminars, courses, symposia, information stands in public places, guided visits to research laboratories, and interactive laboratories. All the initiatives were highly heterogeneous in terms of methodologies and the topics addressed.Discussion and ConclusionOverall, we identified a variety of initiatives aimed at improving citizens’ literacy in omics sciences, with the largest majority carried out in the United States and being web-based. Our results showed heterogeneity among the initiatives as to the dealt topics and the adopted methods. Further research is needed, however, to quantitatively assess the effectiveness of educational initiatives to improve citizens’ literacy in omics sciences.

Oriented around efficiency, civic technology primarily aims to remove barriers by automating and streamlining processes of government. While removing barriers is vital in many matters of governance, should it always be the aim of civic technology? In our ongoing ethnographic research to understand the work of community engagement performed by public officials in local government, we have observed how this orientation around efficiency in civic technology can inadvertently create distance in the relationships between citizens and governments. In this article, we discuss how an orientation around trust could open a space for civic technology that primarily aims to close distance in the relationships between citizens and public officials. We do so by first providing an account of how trust functions in the work of public officials performing community engagement, calling attention to where and when efficiency is at odds with the importance of relationship building between public officials and citizens. We build on ethnographic findings and a series of co-design activities with public officials to develop three strategies that operate under the logic of trust: historicizing engagement, focusing on experience, and mediating expectations. In all, by focusing on trust and the relational work of closing distance, civic technology can move towards addressing the growing crisis in confidence being faced in democracies.

This article reports on a qualitative study of community based organizations’ (CBOs) adoption of information communication technologies (ICT). As ICTs in the civic sector, otherwise known as civic tech, get adopted with greater regularity in large and small organizations, there is need to understand how these technologies shape and challenge the nature of civic work. Based on a nine-month ethnographic study of one organization in Boston and additional interviews with fourteen other organizations throughout the United States, the study addresses a guiding research question: how do CBOs reconcile the changing (increasingly mediated) nature of civic work as ICTs, and their effective adoption and use for civic purposes, increasingly represent forward-thinking, progress, and innovation in the civic sector?—of civic tech as a measure of “keeping up with the times.” From a sense of top-down pressures to innovate in a fast-moving civic sector, to changing bottom-up media practices among community constituents, our findings identify four tensions in the daily practice of civic tech, including: 1) function vs. representation, 2) amplification vs. transformation, 3) grassroots vs. grasstops, and 4) youth vs. adults. These four tensions, derived from a grounded theory approach, provide a conceptual picture of a civic tech landscape that is much more complicated than a suite of tools to help organizations become more efficient. The article concludes with recommendations for practitioners and researchers.

Andrés Borrego fue un liberal de talante independiente, postulaba que el éxito de las reformas requiere el respaldo ciudadano. El artículo expone, en el contexto político del periodo isabelino, su pretensión de armonizar el poder y la opinión representativa del país real. Sus innovadoras propuestas se agrupan en tres fases: educación para obtener la capacidad requerida para votar, ampliación de las libertades políticas y modernización de las prácticas electorales. La proyección de futuro de sus planteamientos hace de él un precursor de la participación ciudadana.AbstractAndrés Borrego was a liberal politician with his own criterion, he considered necessary the citizens support to reform society successfully. This article presents his aim to reconcile power and people in the political context of the Elizabethan period. His innovative proposals are set at three stages: training to be able to vote, expansion of political liberties and updating of electoral practices. The repercussion towards de future of his approach makes the article title advisable.

Introduction. Mongolia has participated in international peacekeeping processes since 2003 and for 10 years the number of peacekeepers has steadily increased despite the annual tightening security measures and admission checks of military personnel to peacekeeping missions.Materials and methods. The article considers Mongolian peacekeepers, assesses and compares their peacekeeping activities, improvement of their living conditions after the missions completion, and their further successes in military structures. The public opinion of Mongolian citizens on the participation of military personnel in UN peacekeeping missions is studied.Results. The study of public opinion examines issues related to the citizens positive and negative attitudes towards conducting a peacekeeping missions with the participation of Mongolian soldiers, influence of the public opinion on the general public, risk issues faced by Mongolian peacekeepers during their missions, as well as the comparison of the assessment of citizens and the military personnel themselves about the peacekeeping activity.Discussion. The study shows that the citizens and the military personnel evaluate this activity positively, although there are some negative attitudes associated with risks, the quality of training of military personnel, climatic conditions and family relationships.Conclusion. The mass media in the modern world has a great influence on the peacekeeping activity results. It spreads positive information not only to military personnel, but also to citizens, thus allowing to form not so negative attitude to peacekeeping activity. The mass media helps military personnel and their families to perceive this activity positively, and it depends on the reliability of information and news about peacekeeping activities. Recommendations on risk optimizations are made.

Is the populist view of society limited to the relationship between the people and the elite? Or can it be found in other types of relationships as well? This chapter examines the link between populism, citizenship and immigration, and asks if there is a populist understanding of ‘citizenship’ and ‘the citizen’. To address these questions, it homes in on three key elections during the early-to-late 2000s. The results suggest a populist definition of citizenship has not yet materialised, but the way the PRR conceptualizes the citizen better corresponds to established meanings of populism. The citizen is said to have a unique set of traits, which the non-citizen does not. This peculiar outcome highlights the inherent contradictions of the politics of immigration the PRR pursues. Migrants are encouraged to naturalize but likely to struggle with the criteria of the citizen as they lack certain essential qualities.

There is growing concern among democracy scholars that participatory innovations pose a de-politicizing threat rather than an asset for democracy. This article tackles this concern by providing a more nuanced understanding of how politicization and de-politicization take shape in participatory initiatives. Based on ethnographic research on participatory projects with marginalized people who are invited to act as experiential experts, the article examines how actors limit and open up possibilities to participate. By focusing on struggles concerning the definition of expertise, the article identifies a threefold character of politicization as a practice within participatory innovations: 1) illuminating the boundaries that define the actors’ possibilities, 2) making a connection between these boundaries and specific value-bases, and 3) imagining an alternative normative basis for participation. There is growing concern among democracy scholars that participatory innovations pose a depoliticizing threat to democracy. This article tackles this concern by providing a more nuanced understanding of how politicization and depoliticization take shape in participatory initiatives. Based on ethnographic research on participatory projects with marginalized people who are invited to act as experiential experts, the article examines how actors limit and open up possibilities to participate. By focusing on struggles concerning the definition of expertise, the article identifies a threefold character of politicization as a practice within participatory innovations. It involves (1) illuminating the boundaries that define the actors' possibilities; (2) making a connection between these boundaries and specific value bases; and (3) imagining an alternative normative basis for participation.

In urban transformation, no solution works without citizen support. With increasing numbers of building technologies and large-scale urban development on its way across cities, it has become vital to keep citizens informed, engaged, and content with the new changes. This paper looks at citizen engagement in Espoo (Finland) and Leipzig (Germany), and it determines whether the cities are ready for developing and implementing positive energy districts (PEDs). The authors studied the cities’ operations and current citizen engagement methods to understand how the efforts could be combined and improved. The analysis indicated that the city of Espoo already has a well-established system that continuously promotes citizen engagement at various levels, and combining the available infrastructure with company experts on citizen participation will allow Espoo to seamlessly transition towards PEDs in the near future. The city of Leipzig has a rich experience due to several national projects and participation in an earlier European project, which enabled the city to set clearer goals for the future and modify existing citizen methods. As lighthouse cities, findings from Espoo and Leipzig are also aimed at cities across Europe and beyond to boost development of PEDs together with citizens.

The 20 October 2021 marks the first anniversary of the shooting of unarmed protesters by the Nigerian military. The movement pushing to abolish the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) has proved how social media can make the voices of the weak heard. However, recent developments surrounding social media regulations in the aftermath of the shooting show that the right to freedom of expression is at risk of regression. The EndSARS protest has proven itself to be a milestone people-led movement. It is the first time Nigerians from different classes, ethnic groups, and religions have united behind a cause. It went beyond making demands for the mere disbanding of the SARS squad to insisting on the release of protesters, justice for victims, prosecution of poor police conduct, evaluation and retraining of officers, and an increase in police salary - all organised via social media. What came in the aftermath of the movement served as a driver for the renewed calls for bills to regulate social media. The political elite issued a communiqué that called for the strict monitoring and censorship of social media usage. Recent developments are not unique. A careful analysis of social media regulations shows that the government has remained ambivalent towards freedom of expression - promoting that right while at the same time limiting it. Nigeria has witnessed some progress since it transitioned from military to civilian rule in 1999. Nevertheless, it risks regression if draconian bills are introduced that curtail freedom of expression and assembly. The Nigerian government must be willing to review and revise its cyber bills to eliminate ambiguity. It must also include all relevant stakeholders, such as youth, women, and human as well as digital rights experts, in its drafting of cyber bills.

Environmental policy is touching on ever more aspects of corporate and individual behavior, and there is much debate over what combinations of top-down (government-imposed) and bottom-up (voluntary private sector) measures to use. In democratic societies, citizens’ preferences over such combinations are crucial because they shape the political mandates based on which policymakers act. We argue that policy designs that involve private-public co-regulation receive more citizen support if they are based on inclusive decision-making, use strong transparency and monitoring mechanisms, and include a trigger for government intervention in case of ineffectiveness. Survey experiments in Switzerland (N = 1941) provide strong support for these arguments. Our research demonstrates that differences in co-regulation design have major implications for public support. Another key finding is that there seems to be a contradiction between inclusiveness and democratic accountability for policy outcomes. The findings are surprisingly consistent across two very different green economy issues we focus on empirically (decarbonization of finance, pesticides). This suggests that our study design offers a useful template for research that explores public opinion on green economy policy designs for other issues and in other countries., Global Environmental Change, 68, ISSN:0959-3780, ISSN:1872-9495

Können internationale Unterschiede im Niveau politischer Bildung durch bildungssystemische Bedingungen erklärt werden? Daten der International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 2016 zeigen, dass sich OECD Länder deutlich hinsichtlich des politischen Wissenserwerbs von Schüler:innen unterscheiden. Auch die soziale Ungleichheit politischer Bildung hängt teils stark vom jeweiligen nationalen Kontext ab. In dieser Studie werden anhand von Mehrebenenanalysen, bildungssystemische Bedingungen identifiziert, die einen Zusammenhang mit dem politischen Wissenserwerb von Schüler:innen aufweisen. Die Ergebnisse weisen darauf hin, dass hohe Anforderungen an die Lehrkräfteausbildung, fächerübergreifende politische Bildung anstatt der Isolation im Politikunterricht und eine Kultur der politischen Diskussion im Klassenzimmer positiv mit dem politischen Wissenserwerb von Schüler:innen assoziiert sind, während ein nach Leistung gegliedertes Sekundarschulwesen negativ mit dem politischen Wissenserwerb zusammenhängt. Darüber hinaus haben manche bildungssystemische Bedingungen unterschiedliche Einflüsse auf Schüler:innen unterschiedlicher sozialer Herkunft und haben somit das Potenzial soziale Ungleichheit zu reduzieren oder gar zu verstärken. Die Ergebnisse liefern der Bildungspolitik Anhaltspunkte für Rahmenbedingungen, die politische Bildung effektiver und für alle Schüler:innen zugänglicher gestalten können. Can education system conditions explain cross-national differences in civic knowledge achievement? Data of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 20161 show that OECD countries significantly differ in their overall levels of civic knowledge as well as in their social inequities of civic knowledge among students. This study applies multi-level analyses to identify education system conditions that are associated with students' civic knowledge. The results show a post-graduate degree for teachers, horizontal curriculum integration of civic issues, and a macro-societal culture of classroom debate being positively associated with students' levels of civic knowledge, while tracking by performance is negatively associated with civic knowledge achievement. Moreover, some education system conditions have varying impacts on students depending on their social backgrounds and therefore can potentially reduce or reinforce the inequities of civic learning. The results can inform policymakers about potential means to make civic education more effective and accessible for all students.