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Queries are raised about the linkages of universities to diplomacy and international affairs vis-a-vis the major functions of universities – teaching, scholarship and research, and public engagement. Are they quite distinct? Should they be related? This chapter explores such questions by: (1) articulating various concepts and dimensions of diplomacy and soft power; (2) examining select American and British university rankings and league tables; (3) portraying domestic and geopolitical matters via the explication of how various American and British government agencies and philanthropic foundations are affected by diplomacy and foreign policy via their missions and funding priorities for education; and (4) fusing diplomacy and international educational studies. In this exploration, it is posited how comparative and international education and “parent disciplines” are discussed in terms of the aforementioned four items. In essence, there are evolving nexuses among phenomena that influence the field.

This chapter will reiterate fundamental components of the major sections of this volume and move into innovative territories – indeed as aspects of major missions and purposes of schools and universities. That is, teaching and learning, research and scholarship, and public engagement are beyond the walls of the academy. In undertaking these aims, this chapter will: (1) reiterate social and public challenges affecting education and impacts on various demographic populations; (2) explicate the importance of conceptual and theoretical frameworks and their groundings in social sciences and humanities; (3) posit the centrality of education and public policies; (4) elaborate the roles of external funding agencies on comparative and international education; and (5) envision contemporary and emerging motifs and paradigms.

At the dawn of independence in South Africa, several basic objectives must be met to bring about a new South Africa free of apartheid. There must be a new constitution based on democracy that guarantees one person one vote in a multiracial ("nonracial" in South African nomenclature) and nonsexist environment in which resources have been redistributed in such a way as to provide an equitable infrastructure in all areas. These changes will necessitate innovative intervention strategies and viable policy options. Of the many issues to consider when discussing the infrastructure and needed changes, one is predominant-South African education. This issue is important because of the overwhelming effect that apartheid has had on it. But it is equally critical because of the influence that it has on the current and on the future sociopolitical and economic manifestations and remnants of apartheid. For example, because of the current administrative structure of the South African educational system brought on by apartheid, a basic education is not available to all. However, although the new constitution guarantees each person the right to vote,' a basic education for all citizens will be a necessary ingredient for maximum informed participation in the democratic process. The problem is that the establishment of an egalitarian educational system with equal provision for all students will not take place until a unitary system of administration and management is

[1] The research data were collected during the writer's appointment as a Scholar‐in‐Residence at the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs of the United States Information Agency. The analyses are the writer's and do not reflect official policies of the USIA, the United States Department of State, the Tanzanian government, or the University of Massachusetts.

This article examines critically the position of African-American women in relation to public and higher education policies. Post-baccalaureate students (graduate and professional), faculty, and administrators are the foci. The article examines the following: (1) legislative, judicial, and executive decisions influencing African-American women; (2) the development and implementation of public and higher education policies with special focus on the State of Georgia; (3) a descriptive statistical analysis of where African-American women are situated in higher education; (4) the establishment of programs to enhance African-American representation in higher education; and (5) future policy research issues including those which analyze interactive nexuses among federal and individual state and higher education policies.

In striding toward national development, African nations have engaged in extensive discussions with the United States regarding the development and implementation of programs to enhance contemporary African development. Both the United States Information Agency (USIA) and the United States Agency for International Development (AID) are frequently contacted by African ministries to provide assistance. Because development assistance is its raison d'etre, AID, a major entity within the Department of State, has been the foremost organization involved in African development efforts. An overarching mission of the USIA (which receives policy guidance from the Department of State) is to enhance public diplomacy between the United States and other nations. Some of the specific purposes of the USIA include: strengthening foreign understanding and support for United States policies; promoting foreign awareness and knowledge of American society and culture so that other nations can better understand [American] policies and objectives; developing and administering exchange programs which will strengthen international understanding, thereby fostering the national interest of the United States; and conducting negotiations on informational, educational, and cultural exchanges with other

On January 1, 1980, Kenyan President Daniel arap Moi announced the abolishment of all primary school fees and levies, thereby ushering in free universal primary education. He said, "I take this opportunity to urge all Kenyans to make use of this opportunity, especially in those areas of our country where the percentage of our children going to school is low."' Students, parents, educators, and social planners hailed this historic announcement-which had been eagerly awaited since independence in December 1963-as a very positive endeavor that would enhance individual opportunities and national development. Undoubtedly, there is cause for considerable optimism; however, this optimism is tempered by the fact that the Certificate of Primary Education (CPE) examination continues to stifle the formal educational opportunities for many Kenyan youth. The CPE examination is the first measure of formal educational certification and selection for government secondary schools. It was estimated that approximately 250,000 pupils would take the CPE examination in 1978; about 30,000 would be admitted to government secondary schools at the beginning of 1979.2 The adage, "many are called but few