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To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00783.x Byline: Tim Bale (1), Christoffer Green-Pedersen (2), Andre Krouwel (3), Kurt Richard Luther (4), Nick Sitter (5) Abstract: Over the last three decades many Western European social democratic parties have been challenged by populist radical right parties. The growth and success of parties on the right flank of the party system represents a triple challenge to the social democrats: they increase the salience of issues traditionally 'owned' by the right; they appeal to working-class voters who traditionally support the centre left; and they may facilitate the formation of centre-right governments. This article explores social democratic parties' strategic options in the face of this challenge, and tests the widespread assumption that the centre-left parties respond by taking a tougher stance on issues related to immigration and integration. Comparative analysis of developments in Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands and Norway reveals significant variation in the substance, scope and pace of the strategic responses of their social democratic parties. And it suggests that those responses are influenced not only by the far right but also by the reactions of mainstream centre-right parties and by parties on their left (and liberal) flank. Internal disunity, potential or actual, is also an important factor. Author Affiliation: (1)University of Sussex (2)Aarhus University (3)Free University of Amsterdam (4)Keele University (5)BI Norwegian School of Management Article History: (Accepted: 22 October 2008)

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.02067.x Byline: TIM BALE (1), SEAN HANLEY (2), ALEKS SZCZERBIAK (3) Keywords: Conservative Party; David Cameron; European Parliament; European Conservatives and Reformists; European Peoples' Party; extremism Abstract: The British Conservative Party's decision to leave the European Peoples' Party-European Democrats (EPP-ED) group in the European Parliament and establish a new formation-the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR)-has attracted criticism, much of it focused on the supposedly extremist politics and character of the partners with which the Conservatives have chosen to work. In fact, while those parties which have joined the Conservatives in the new group are for the most part socially conservative, they are less extreme and more pragmatic than their media caricatures suggest. Moreover, such caricatures obscure some interesting incompatibilities within the new group as a whole and between some of its Central and East European members and the Conservatives, not least with regard to their foreign policy preoccupations and their by no means wholly hostile attitude to the European integration project. Author Affiliation: (1)Senior Lecturer in Politics and Contemporary European Studies at the University of Sussex. (2)Senior Lecturer in East European Politics at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London. (3)Professor of Politics and Contemporary European Studies and co-director of the Sussex European Institute, University of Sussex.

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2009.01980.x Byline: TIM BALE (1) Keywords: David Cameron; Conservative party; strategy; leadership; change; election Abstract: While one can overstate the extent to which the Conservative party has changed since 2005, especially in the light of its response to the recession, the upturn in its electoral prospects is undeniable. Not surprisingly, the Conservative leader, David Cameron, is widely credited with turning around his party's fortunes. In fact, he started with several advantages over his predecessors: New Labour was well past its prime; the economy was running into trouble; and an increasingly desperate Conservative party was more willing to listen to the message that it needed to modernise and moderate. That said, Cameron has been crucial. His communication skills are unparalleled. Early success bought him time and 'permission to be heard'. Most important though, has been his determination-despite media criticism-to stick with a staged strategy focused on conveying change and a move to the centre ground while at the same time reassuring and dividing the Tory right. Author Affiliation: (1)Senior Lecturer in Politics at the University of Sussex.

An account is presented on the explanation provided for why pre-electoral pacts are relatively good predictors of government opposition. The formation of New Zealand's minority coalition government in 1999 that ran counter to the predictions of all conventional coalition theories illustrates the potential contribution of path dependence to some new approaches.

The rise and mainstreaming of Europe's Green parties has not only enlarged the left bloc in many party systems but helped to drive a trend toward bipolar competition. This article argues that the rise and mainstreaming of far right parties has done the same for the other side and reinforced the trend. This change in the political opportunity structure was not simply seized upon but in part engineered by a centre-right willing to rely on former pariahs for legislative majorities. By adopting some of the far right's themes, it legitimised them and increased both their salience and the seats it brought into an expanded right bloc. Once in office, the centre-right has demonstrated its commitment to getting tough on immigration, crime and welfare abuse, not least to distract from a somewhat surprising turn toward market liberalism. The analysis concludes by asking what this means for both bipolar blocs in the longer term., Far right parties (1) can no longer be thought of as somehow pathological or even parasitical. They have a significant number of loyal voters; they seem better able to survive [...]

Anti-party sentiment tends to be seen as a relatively recent problem for the world's democracies. Evidence from our case study, however, suggests that all its familiar symptoms were present years [...]

The Conservative Party's hardened policy on the European Union (EU) is mainly to outflank Labour and as a reflection of an increasingly Eurosceptical membership, and in view of the apparent defeat of the EU's Constitutional Treaty and the Labour government's more assertive stance, this may be an initial step to the party's acknowledgement of a multilevel governance but with a liberal tilt. It remains to be seen whether the party is ready for a 'Eurorealism' that sees Britain's relationship with the EU as a 'valence issue' revolving around competence rather than a 'position issue' with people taking sides.

A profile of the Green party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the second oldest Green Party in the world is presented. Its journey from its inception until 2002 with reference to the general elections is discussed.

The change in the electoral system and the emergence of the real social democracy in New Zealand is highlighted. The government's emphasis on human capital development is also discussed.

New Labour's approach to politics and policy was too liberal. It is claimed that New Labour may indeed be the nearest thing to Christian democracy that modern British politics have known, but it is still a very long way away.

The article highlights the messages that can be obtained from the book "The Conservatives Since 1945: The Drivers of Party Change." The author analyzes the rationale behind the change in political parties. He highlights the extent and scope and the factors contributing to the party change since 1945. He stresses the importance of change in politics and mentions some lessons for Labour watchers.

Insider and journalistic accounts of the formation in May 2010 of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition actually, although not explicitly, rely on types of explanation familiar to those who study politics. They tell us that structure (or at least the economy) was important. So too, they suggest, were institutions (timing and the rules of the game). They also stress the importance of contingency ('events, dear boy, events') and agency (who did and said what to whom). While none of these things were unimportant, they only served to make certain an outcome that anyone with a passing acquaintance with the theory and the practice of coalition formation would have predicted-namely a 'minimum winning coalition'. The only thing that could have made that outcome uncertain was a fundamental ideological difference between the two parties involved; however, it quickly became apparent-to the surprise of those of us who failed to appreciate how much the Liberal Democrats had changed-that no such difference existed. Indeed, it is possible to argue that the coalition formed was not merely minimum winning but 'minimum connected winning'. As such, its formation was not so much breathtakingly bold and exciting as pretty much inevitable. In the end, the maths and the physics mattered more than the chemistry. Fortunately for the Conservatives, the Liberal Democrats seriously underplayed their hand in the negotiations, with possibly disastrous consequences for them in the long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents political data in Europe for 2006. By the end of 2006, the summation of minimum winning coalitions was noted at 14, a figure higher than the number recorded in 2005. Also, the number of women cabinet members increased in 11 nations like Italy, Iceland, New Zealand, Great Britain and Denmark. Most of the increases were because of more female ministers. Information regarding the format in preparing every volume of the European Journal of Political Research is also presented.

Some parties support rather than join the executive, thereby operating in a grey area between opposition and office — in governance but not in government. Previous research on the New Zealand Greens' experience as a support party has shown that this liminal position may prove a blessing or a curse — or, more likely, a mixture of both. This article compares the experience of the Swedish Greens. While the Swedish party gained more on policy, it suffered the same frustrations as its Kiwi counterpart with regard to consultation, to the media and to a government that could potentially find support elsewhere. It, too, avoided overwhelming internal tensions, but was likewise left wanting more. Neither party broke into government at the next election, but tried to put lessons learned into practice when supporting centre-left cabinets once again. That the challenges encountered were so similar suggests the possibility that they are common to support parties elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a critique of Mark Bevir's book "New Labour: A Critique". It comments on the book's offering of a history of political science, a manifesto for the interpretative approach to politics, and a critique of New Labour. Bevir makes a good case for interpretivism adding value. He also examines key Labor policies on the economy and welfare and defending them against the easy accusations of those for whom critique is in reality little more than "fault-finding".

It is often claimed that proportional representation (PR) undermines government effectiveness, including decisional efficacy, fiscal prudence, electoral responsiveness and accountability. Drawing on New Zealand's experience since the introduction of a mixed-member proportional (MMP) electoral system in 1996, this article examines the impact of the new voting system on government effectiveness. Although government durability has been substantially reduced and the policy-making process has become more complex, governments under MMP appear to be no less able to address major policy problems or respond to changing economic circumstances. Moreover, New Zealand has maintained continuous fiscal surpluses under MMP — a radical departure from the protracted, and often large, deficits that characterised the previous two decades under a majoritarian electoral system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Offers information on the Green Party of Aotearoa in New Zealand. Background on the general elections in which the Green Party participated; Issues concerning the image of the Greens as a party; Factors that have influenced the standing of the Green Party during the general election of 2002.