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Attitudes towards migrants and refugees are created and reflected at the level of public policies, as well as in local communities which cultivate traditional approaches and a specific worldview. The refugee crisis in Europe in the mid-2010s showed how public opinion translated into voting behaviour and became a source of strength for nationalist anti-immigrant movements and parties across the continent. East-Central Europe was no exception, regardless of the absence of a long-term, massive inflow of refugees. Nevertheless, the migration crisis created a new political narrative which exploited deeply rooted resentments, complexes, and fears. This article aims to analyse the official policy responses to the refugee crisis in the four East-Central European countries: Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, which together constitute the so-called Visegrad Four. It puts the emphasis on the discriminatory practice of misnaming the refugees, which became deeply anchored in the political discourse of these countries. Based on a qualitative content analysis supplemented by the findings of public opinion polls, the argument developed in the article is that reluctant and defensive attitudes towards the refugees have been determined by the revival of parochialism as a radical reaction to the challenges of global trends and supra-local processes. The theoretical framing of the refugee problem is built on politicization, in connection with the concept of parochialism, seen from political and social perspectives, and the meaning of the use of the misnomer as a policy instrument. The article concludes that the migration crisis petrified traditional cleavages at the supra-local level, reinforcing simultaneously the sense of parochial altruism and hostility towards “the other.”

This article presents one of the most salient aspects of the migration crisis in the EU, namely the turbulent management of external borders, and analyzing it in the case of the central region of the Mediterranean Sea. The study is focused on risks and threats to the security of the European Union and its member states, particularly Italy, posed by negative aspects of migratory flows and accompanying phenomena such as migrant smuggling, trafficking in human beings, drug smuggling or document frauds. For this purpose, a concept of ‘extended borderland’ is applied as particularly suitable for analyzing border-security policies and actions undertaken by the European Union. The argument developed in this article is that the Central Mediterranean area has been converted into an extended borderland where conventional systems, methods and tools of border management are superseded by spatial taming created by international actors acting through joint maritime operations.

This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process of Sweden’s immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.

The EU has been under severe strain as a free-travel area. The migration crisis of the mid-2010s and the current Covid-19 pandemic have exerted a negative impact on the freedom of movement in the EU and the undisturbed crossing of internal borders within the Schengen area. Direct effects and long-term consequences of the prolonged crisis have shown that the dynamics of integration, which are determined by spillover effects of transnational processes, are counterposed by a politicization of domestically-embedded issues of security governance. This assumption underpins the postfunctionalist approach to European integration proposed originally by Hooghe and Marks. The tendency towards longstanding derogations from the Schengen regime, termed “internal rebordering,” should be juxtaposed with efforts of the European Commission towards a full restoration of the Schengen area without controls at internal borders. The argument developed in this article holds that internal rebordering has been embedded in the logic of the EU as an area of freedom, security, and justice comprising the Schengen area as its territorial manifestation. The rebordering processes in the EU and in the Schengen area have questioned the principle of “constraining dissensus” underlaying the postfunctionalist approach.

Contemporary security has expanded its meaning, content and structure in response to globalisation and the emergence of greatly improved world-wide communication. The protocols of modern warfare, including targeted killing, enhanced interrogations, mass electronic surveillance and the virtualisation of war have changed the moral landscape and brought diverse new interactions with politics, law, religion, ethics and technology.

Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje w formie interdyscyplinarnej analizy prawno-politologicznej problematykę włączenia acquis Schengen do prawa Unii Europejskiej oraz prawa krajowego państw członkowskich UE w świetle koncepcji hybrydowego reżimu zarządzania granicami i terytorium. Zgodnie z nią, acquis Schengen stymulowało proces krzyżowania interesów bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego i ochrony granic państw członkowskich z ponadnarodowym imperatywem ideologicznym w odniesieniu do zasady swobodnego przepływu osób. Hipotezą badawczą w tym artykule jest założenie, że inkorporacja acquis Schengen do prawa UE ugruntowała hybrydowość prawno-instytucjonalnej konstrukcji UE po wejściu w życie traktatu amsterdamskiego wskutek sprzeczności logiki przetargu politycznego na poziomie międzyrządowym i wertykalnego spill-over wygenerowanego na poziomie ponadnarodowym w wymiarze instytucjonalnym i polityczno-decyzyjnym. Wnioski wskazują na ukonstytuowanie w wyniku "schengenizacji" przestrzeni wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości UE, w której zasada swobodnego przepływu osób skutkowała zróżnicowaniem mechanizmów adaptacyjnych państw w odniesieniu do zdeterminowanego ideologicznie projektu transformacji systemu zarządzania terytorium i granicami w Unii Europejskiej. This article takes up in the form of an interdisciplinary legal and political analysis the issue of the incorporation of the Schengen acquis into European Union law and the national legal systems of the EU member states in the light of the concept of a hybrid system of territorial governance. Accordingly, the Schengen acquis stimulated the process of intersecting the interests of internal security and the protection of Member States' borders with the supranational ideological imperative with regard to the principle of free movement of persons. The argument developed in this article is that the incorporation of the Schengen acquis into EU law consolidated hybridity of the legal and institutional construction of the EU after the Amsterdam Treaty as a result of the contradiction between the logic of political bargain at the intergovernmental level and the vertical spillover generated at the supranational level in the institutional and decision-making dimensions. The conclusions point to the emergence, as a result of "schengenisation", of the area of freedom, security and justice in the EU, in which the principle of free movement of people brought about diversification of the states' adaptation mechanisms in relation to the ideologically determined project of transformation of the system of management of the territory and borders within the European Union.

This chapter identifies and analyses synergetic mechanisms emerging in institutional, political and strategic domains of the EU intelligence community. A multi-variant exercise in the central section tests the viability of interactions among particular intelligence hubs which function in permeable and intersecting security fields. The concept of fusion centres is discussed as a practical example of synergy building among diverse intelligence stakeholders. In the final part, a map of intelligence synergies in the EU is presented and explained. It draws on a comprehensive approach to intelligence in the EU and functional relationships between institutional entities concentrated in the hubs. The complex network organisation is verified with reference to interactions, connections, dependencies and feedbacks among the hubs.

Military intelligence cooperation illustrates the predominance of vertical cooperation driven by Member States’ strategies and doctrines of national security. The problem of defence through military means and support for operations ‘out of EU area’ is tackled in the context of the deficit of political will on the part of EU Member States and the political ambitions of the Commission and the High Representative for CFSP. Political endorsement for the concept of CSDP is considered as a catalyst for the progressive expansion of military intelligence cooperation at the EU level. The establishment of intelligence-led units in the field of security and defence policy is explained in relation to military tasks corresponding to overseas missions and operations conducted by EU forces.

Intelligence tradecraft is defined as the methods developed and practised by every single actor involved in information management and intelligence production. This chapter reflects upon the relevance of secrecy and openness in today’s intelligence analysis. It also highlights the selective presence of the main intelligence disciplines at the strategic level of EU intelligence cooperation. The intelligence cycle inherent in strategic analyses of military aspects of security is juxtaposed with the policy cycle applicable to internal security and criminal intelligence. A general assessment of EU intelligence tradecraft captures horizontal and vertical determinants stemming from variable interactions between national and supranational actors. This chapter also offers some explanation of the quintessence of EU intelligence cooperation in technical and organisational terms.

EU foreign policy and external relations constitute another dimension of the EU intelligence community. This chapter explains the relevance of socio-cultural intelligence for the EU’s external activities. The political-diplomatic hub established within EEAS is described as a set of intelligence tools and practices related to the monitoring of areas outside the Union. The role of EEAS is analysed in the context of the surveillance and assessment of the external environment of the Union. The significance of the COREU network in matters of foreign affairs and security is also assessed. Finally, the case of socio-cultural intelligence practised by the EU during the Arab Spring in North Africa is analysed in detail.

The EU intelligence community has emerged in a global context of transnational threats, external pressures and global risks. This chapter describes the partnerships, collaborative efforts and tactical deals made by the EU with actors in the international arena. It explores both opportunities and benefits, and emerging and improving patterns of international intelligence cooperation. The emphasis is on NATO and the United States as strategic partners in security policy. The external dimension of the criminal intelligence hub is presented as an area that complements EU law-enforcement cooperation. The chapter concludes with an overall assessment of third countries’ relevance for strategic intelligence in the EU.

The concluding chapter makes an overall assessment of the EU intelligence community as a cooperative network based on an enhanced capacity to deliver and share. It highlights specific features of this community as a complex network of agencies and practices dedicated to securing strategic EU interests. Referring to the metaphor of ‘hunters and gatherers’, it discusses the impediments to the establishment of a single EU intelligence agency. It concludes with a thesis that the complex network of institutions, agencies and services involved in the gathering, processing, analysing and exchanging of intelligence in the framework of EU law makes a remarkable contribution to EU security policies and strengthens the preventive capability of EU agencies and national authorities.

Introduction Part 1: Investigating Borders and Integration: Theoretical Aspects and Their Methodological Implications 1. The External Aspects of the European Identity Construction Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski 2. Neo-Functionalism, the Commission and the Construction of the EU's External Borders Valentina Kostadinova 3. Externalization and Securitization of Immigration in Europe: Using the Gravity Model to Understand Citizens' Behaviour in Italy, Germany and Poland Endri Xhaferaj 4. The EU's External Policy towards Eastern Europe on Migration Issues Bernhard Zeilinger Part 2: Assessing Policies: Neighborhood Policy, Governance and Security Issues 5. Sources of Misunderstanding: Intervening Variables Influencing the Effectiveness of the European Neighbourhood Policy towards Eastern European States Igor Lyubashenko 6. Spill over at the Border: The Social Forces Behind Poland's Access to Schengen Klaus Bachmann 7. Avoiding New Dividing Lines? EU External Governance and the Eastern Neighbours Marie Campain 8. Promoting Stability and the Rule of Law in the EU Borderlands: The Balkans Aleksandar Fatic 9. Russia and the EU's Neighbourhood Policy Template Przemyslaw Zurawski vel Grajewski 10. Defining Borders between the EU and the South Caucasus: The Role of the Energy Factor Samuel Lussac 11. Turkey, Central Asia and Energy: Dreams and Realities Gareth Jenkins 12. At the Borders of the EU: Migration and Democratization Policies Assessed Leila Mouhib 13. Immigration Control and Securing the EU's External Borders Artur Gruszczak