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Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C) is a development issue and a form of violence against women and girls that affects at least 200 million women in the world FGM/C is a harmful practice proven to impact the physical and mental health of affected women and girls from the moment of the cutting, with prolonged and irreversible consequences during their entire lives. Studies show that FGM/C has economic and social consequences and a high obstetric cost although a comprehensive study on the exact extent of these economic, health and social costs is still to be carried out. Beyond the data and the statistics, researcher have shown that FGM/C deprives women of sexual satisfaction, sexual health and psychophysical wellbeing. The Compendium of International and National Legal Frameworks on Female Genital Mutilation (the "Compendium") was prepared to contribute to this urgent and important development debate with the understanding that the knowledge of the law is an important empowerment tool to end FGM/C. It provides a survey of the key international and regional instruments as well as domestic legislation as they relate to the prohibition of FGM/C.

Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C) is a development issue and a form of violence against women and girls that affects at least 200 million women in the world FGM/C is a harmful practice proven to impact the physical and mental health of affected women and girls from the moment of the cutting, with prolonged and irreversible consequences during their entire lives. Studies show that FGM/C has economic and social consequences and a high obstetric cost although a comprehensive study on the exact extent of these economic, health and social costs is still to be carried out. Beyond the data and the statistics, researcher have shown that FGM/C deprives women of sexual satisfaction, sexual health and psychophysical wellbeing. The Compendium of International and National Legal Frameworks on Female Genital Mutilation (the "Compendium") was prepared to contribute to this urgent and important development debate with the understanding that the knowledge of the law is an important empowerment tool to end FGM/C. It provides a survey of the key international and regional instruments as well as domestic legislation as they relate to the prohibition of FGM/C.

This report derives from the work of coordinators of Work Package 9 of the FP7 programme bEUcitizen coordinated by Utrecht University (NL) and the University of Turin (IT) and is based on the findings of four work packages focusing on the economic (WP5), social (WP6), civil (WP7) and political (WP8) citizenship rights with regards to gendered and generational biases in the access to these citizenship rights. These findings have been discussed at a panel meeting in the Oviedo work conference of the bEUcitizen consortium in June 2016. Contributions have been presented by the University of Trento (WP5; IT), the University of Oxford (WP6; UK), University of Oviedo (WP7; ES), and Utrecht University (WP8; NL). In addition, the Institut Barcelona d'Estudis Internacionals (WP4; ES) and Utrecht University (WP3, NL) have contributed to the panel meeting. This report presents the findings of these WPs as well as the discussions during the meeting. It first presents the questions the WP9 coordinators have raised regarding gendered and generational biases in the access to the four citizenship rights to each of the representatives of WP5 to 8. Second, it summarizes the reactions to these questions. Third, the discussion at the panel meeting is presented and finally some conclusions are drawn.

The article outlines that rights and freedoms are inalienable and belong to everyone from birth. Each young person has certain rights. These rights can be divided into the following groups: civic, political, economic, social and cultural. Every young man should consciously take any action in accordance with their rights to these acts brought only benefit the society and the country to which he lives. In addition, young people should remember that along with the rights he has and responsibilities. В статье обозначено, что права и свободы человека неотчуждаемы и принадлежат каждому от рождения. У каждого молодого человека есть определенные права. Данные права целесообразно разделить на следующие группы: личные (гражданские), политические, экономические, социальные и культурные. Каждый молодой человек должен осознанно совершать какие-либо действия, в соответствии со своими правами, чтобы данные деяния приносили лишь благо обществу и стране, в которой он живет. Помимо этого молодой человек должен помнить, что наряду с правами у него есть и обязанности.

Second semester University: University College Dublin., This thesis deals with Sen's Capability Approach coupled with his work on public reason. The aim is to understand if the effective use of public reason and the genuine freedom to participate in public deliberation require the establishment of some preconditions, enabling every citizen to participate if they so choose. It has indeed been observed that some social groups have a decreased or inexistent level of participation. This shows that prior social and economic inequalities influence considerably the freedom to participate in public debates, and therefore lead to political inequalities. Such inequalities in the deliberative process seriously undermine its legitimacy. This is especially valid for theories of justice such as Sen's, which rely on the concept of public reasoning as being the key process of creation of principles of justice. Therefore, our analysis focuses on the question whether Sen's theory itself implies the establishment of preconditions that would guarantee a more inclusive and legitimate debate.

Two major approaches on how to address women's land security can be identified: reforming the formal legal sector, and embracing informal community practices. However, through research conducted among Kenya's agricultural communities, the authors find that these systems formal, informal, or hybrid are underpinned (and undermined) by the same local power dynamics that control and ultimately prevent women from obtaining land, leaving all of these systems inadequate in ensuring women's access to land. Community leaders play a key role not only as local power brokers, decision makers, and protectors of local practices, but also as gatekeepers to the formal system. Thus, their decisions to support local power dynamics and limit access to the formal system essentially supporting traditions? in lieu of rights can effectively deny women access to their land rights. Based on these findings, the authors argue that the policy debate must shift away from pitting formal legislative approaches against support for 'customary' systems. With economic and political contexts influencing individuals, the debate must look at the social context within communities, whose members must be pressed to reject attempts to 'hijack' custom and legitimize abusive, self-serving behavior. This problem needs to be tackled using the same avenues that currently promote the marginalization of women, that is, the sociocultural value systems that determine which behavior, arguments, and actions are legitimate in a community. By working with existing positive values, the justice system used formal or informal becomes less important and a lasting, positive change on women's access to land rights might be achieved.

ÖZET Anayasalar, bir. devletin temel yapısını, organlarını, organların birbirleri ile olan ilişkilerini ortaya koyan belgeler olmalarının yanı sıra, kişilerin, doğumla kazandıkları hak ve hürriyetleri tanıyan ve koruma altına alan üstün hukuk belgeleridir. Asli kurucu iktidar sahiplerinin istekleri doğrultusunda şekillenen Anayasalar, hayat buldukları dönemin izlerini taşırlar. Dönemin baskın şartları, anayasaların gelecekle olan bağlarım kopartmalarına ve insan ihtiyaçlarının demokratik toplumlarda olduğundan daha düşük nitelikte karşılanması sonucunu doğurmaktadır. Toplum, gelişen sosyal, ekonomik, siyasal ve teknolojik belirleyiciler sayesinde, dünyanın diğer bölgelerinde yaşayan hemcinslerinin sahip olduğu hak ve hürriyetlerden haberdar olmaktadırlar. Zamanla, insanlar, söz konusu hak ve hürriyetlerin korumasından kendilerinin de faydalanması gerektiği yönündeki isteklerini siyasi iktidara çeşitli vasıtalarla iletmişlerdir. Gelişen ve değişen ihtiyaçların yönlendirdiği bu istekler karşısında kayıtsız kalamayan siyasi iktidarlar, gündemlerine zaman zaman anayasa değişikliklerini almışlardır. 1982 Anayasası da bu gelişmelerden payına düşeni almıştır. 1982 Anayasası, yürürlüğe girdiği günden bugüne toplumun bir çok kesiminin ağır eleştirilerine hedef olmuştur. Buna bağlı olarak anayasa değişiklikleri ülke gündeminden hiç düşmemiştir. 1982 Anayasasmda 2001 değişikliklerine gelinceye kadar 1987, 1993, 1995 ve 1999 yıllarında olmak üzere toplam beş değişiklik yapılmıştır. Altmcı değişiklik olan 2001 değişiklikleri, şimdiye kadar yapılan değişikliklerin en kapsamlısıdır. Anayasanın muhtelif maddelerini kapsayacak toplam 35 maddede değişiklik yapılmıştır. Bu çalışmamızda, 2001 Anayasa değişikliklerinin, temel hak ve hürriyetlere bakan yönü incelenmiştir. 2001 Anayasa değişiklikleri ile, Anayasanın ikinci kısmmda düzenlenen, ` genel esaslar`, `kişinin haklan ve ödevleri`, `sosyal ve ekonomik haklar ve ödevler` ile `siyasi haklar ve ödevler` başlığı altında düzenlenen hak ve hürriyetlerin bazılarında değişikliğe gidilmiştir. 2001 değişiklikleri ile, Anayasanın, başlangıç kısmında, 13, 14, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, 28, 31, 33, 34, 36, 38, 40, 41, 46, 49, 51, 55, 65, 66, 67, 69 ve 74. maddeleri çeşitli şekillerde değişikliğe uğramıştır. Söz konusu değişiklikler, temel hak ve hürriyetler açısından ne gibi farklılıklar getirdiği inceleme konusu yapılmıştır. VI ABSTRACT The Constitutions are the legal documents which expose the fundamental structure bodies and the their interwoven relations as well as recognizing and maintaining inborn rights and liberties obtained by the individual. The constitutions which are being shaped for the sake of the claims of principal founder power owners pursuing the traces of the period when they have emerged. The dominant conditions of the period have resulted in breaking the futuristic linkages of the Constitutions and, thus, meeting the human necessities of democratic societies in less qualified manner. The society may have been aware of the rights and liberties of their species within different regions of the world by means of the developing social, economic, political and technological parameters. By the lapse of time, people demanded to use the rights and liberties which they have been deprived from the political power by implementing the different means. The political powers who could not be insensitive for these claims evolving and transforming in accordance with the conjonctural needs and attempted to set the constitutional amendmends to their agendas. 1982 Constitution is also subjected and influenced from these motifs. 1982 Constitution have been criticised by the different levels of the society in many respects since the date when it entered into enforcement. Depending upon the constitutional amendmens, we can mention 5 changes as 1987, 1993, 1995 and 1999 as well as 2001 as an agenda of the country. 2001 amendments as a sixth one is the most inclusive covering different 35 articles of the Constitution. In our study, we have focused on the basic rights and freedoms of 2001 Constitutions. Whih the 2001 Constitutional amendments, regulating on the second part of the Constitution, concerned with the titled subjects on the `general principles`, `the rights and the duties of individual`, `social and economic rights and duties`, `political rights and duties`. With the 2001 Constitutional amendments, on the Preamble of the Constitution, the articles 13, 14, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, 28, 40, 41, 46, 49, 51, 55, 65, 66, 67, 69 and 74 were partially changed. Aforementioned amendments have been studied in respect of fundemental rights and freedoms. 184