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This article provides a critical reading of Alaa Al Aswany's novel The Yacoubian Building (2002), evoking important questions about the nature of terrorism in Egypt and how young men are transformed into religious fanatics. While certainly not excusing terrorists' violent acts, we try to use the novel as a guide to understand what makes a terrorist tick. The novel invites us to witness the fall into the abyss of terror of a young man who dreams of being a policeman. The novel shows that while Taha struggles to change his fate, he faces marginalisation, police corruption, oppression and torture, which finally set him on the path to violence. The paper thus uses the novel as a focal point to broaden our understanding of who a terrorist figure is. Furthermore, we are interested in the literary representations of terrorism and why this novelist chooses terrorism as a main structuring element. By offering a qualitative, different understanding of the fundamental aspects of terrorism, we try to reveal that while it is the terrorist's finger that pulls the trigger, there is a disorienting history of social, political and economic circumstances behind each bullet. The paper concludes that Al Aswany neither demonises nor offers an apology for extremists. He simply presents them as humans so that we can understand what they are angry about. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we aim at highlighting some aspects related to corruption offenses provided for by the Criminal Code and Law no. 78/2000 for the discovery, prevention and sanctioning of acts of corruption, committed by civil servants with special status within the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MAI). At the same time, this study emphasizes a special concern for the prevention and combating these offenses by identifying the risks and vulnerabilities existing within the Romanian Police that can influence the correct functioning of this structure. Corruption among public servants with special status within the MAI erodes moral values, mainly integrity, a trait that requires them to exercise their duties according to certain values and principles, without compromise. We believe that an important role in reducing corruption among police officers and in preventing these acts can also be played by harshening the penalties, although, currently, there is an aggravated version of the sanctioning of acts of corruption committed by police officers, provided for in art. 7 of Law no. 78/2000, a variant that consists in sanctioning with the penalty provided for in art. 289 and 291 Criminal Code, whose limits are increased by one third. The main methods employed were survey, observation and case study. Therefore, at the end of our study, de lege ferenda proposal: as, in the case of the crime of assault (art. 257 of the Criminal Code) there is a paragraph in which the sanction is provided with the penalty provided by law whose limits are increased by half if the crime is committed against a policeman in the exercise of his duties, the punishment applied based on the special quality of the victim, a policeman, the same should be done in the case of the crime of bribery (art. 289 of the Criminal Code) respectively, the addition of a new paragraph stipulating that if the acts were committed by a police officer in the exercise of his duties, he shall be punished with the punishment provided by law for that crime, the limits of which should increase by half. Our belief is that these legislative amendments are necessary to lessen the incidence of corruption among police officers, thereby making them aware of the risks associated with bribery from the standpoint of the more severe punishment system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public trust in community policing plays a major role in enhancing police effort in securing peace, public safety, and crime combat. Fractured relationship between a community and the police breeds corruption and social disorderliness. This study used qualitative case study to explore public trust in community policing at a peri-urban community in Ghana using 120 landlords as respondents. The researcher used interview, triangulated with focus group and direct observation, to collect data from the subjects who freely consented to become participants of the study. The author of this paper ensured reliability of the outcome of the study using member-checking, bracketing, and rigor. A qualitative software, NVivo, aided the analysis of the data which generated three main themes. The outcome of the study revealed that lack of public trust in the community policing resulted from fear of reprisals from criminals reported to the police, poor visibility of police officers, and lack of confidence due to perceived poor performance of the police. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to critically examine the lie detector test policy of the Nigeria Police Force to determine if the policy is capable of curbing corruption in the Nigerian Police Force. Design/methodology/approach: The analysis took the form of a desk study, which analyzed various documents and reports such as the report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the National Bureau of Statistics titled "Corruption in Nigeria – Bribery: Public Experience and Response," Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index 2017, the report by the International Police Science Association and the Institute for Economics and Peace. Findings: This paper determined that the lie detector test policy of the Nigeria Police Force could achieve its desired objectives if the following recommendations are implemented: The Nigeria Police Reform Trust Fund bill should be given accelerated consideration in the Senate and House of Representatives based on its urgency and significance for the new lie detector test policy of the Nigeria Police Force. There is need for the Nigerian Police to have enough funds to conduct trainings for police personnel who are chosen as examiners for the lie detector tests. The Nigerian National Assembly will need to pass an Act to provide for the licensing of detection of deception examiners – commonly known as polygraph or lie detector operators – and regulation of that profession. The act should set forth the conditions under which persons may be admitted to practice detection of deception with a polygraph, the standards they must observe and the types of polygraph devices that they may henceforth be used lawfully. This is what was done in the State of Illinois. The Nigeria Police Force is advised to make use of two examiners for the lie detector test: one in-house examiner and one external examiner. The external examiner may be from another country in which corruption is not at a high rate, and must be someone of high integrity and professional competence. This measure may reduce the risk of bribery and corruption in the system. It will also bring more integrity and transparency into the system. The external examiner may also carry out "on the job training" with the in-house examiner while the polygraph exercise is going on. The Nigeria Police Force must make a new policy that mandates that all transactions relating to the purchase of polygraph machines must be conducted in an open and fair manner that recognizes the need for the transaction to be done directly with the seller, and not through a sales agent. This policy may help prevent a situation where a corrupt sales agent connives with a corrupt police officer to defraud the police unit. An ongoing approach to screening should be considered for specific positions, as circumstances change, or for a comprehensive review of departmental staff over a period. The Nigeria Police Force should have a policy that mandates that the lie detector test should be taken once in five years by all staff of the Nigeria Police Force. For staff in very sensitive positions, the lie detector test should be taken every three years. This will enable the lie detector policy to be more effective. Let us take, for example, a person passes the lie detector test genuinely without any influence of corruption; there is still a possibility that the person may change over time. The temptation to follow current employees to collect bribes is very high. But if the Nigeria Police Force put a policy in place that mandates every police personnel to take the lie detector test every five years starting from the first five years after recruitment, the cankerworm called corruption may be curbed effectively. Imagine if every police personnel knew that they were going to be asked by an examiner, five years after working, to confirm if they ever collected bribe during the time they served in the police force; most employees will desist from taking bribes or engaging in corrupt acts. The above measure will ensure that current employees who are chosen as examiners for the lie detector tests are fit and proper persons for the job. Research limitations/implications: This paper focuses on the new lie detector test policy of the Nigeria Police Force. It does not address the other anti-corruption policies of the Nigeria Police Force. Originality/value: This paper offers a critical analysis of the lie detector test policy of the Nigeria Police Force. It will provide recommendations on how the policy could be strengthened. This is the only paper to adopt this kind of approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines drivers' perceived traffic police corruption and its impact on their compliance with traffic laws in the capital city of province Punjab i.e. Lahore. For this purpose quantitative methodology was employed and cross-sectional survey was conducted on 400 driver participants recruited through simple random sampling. Questionnaire was used as a tool of data collection and regression analysis was done in order to assess the impact of independent variables on dependent variable. Results show that personal and vicarious corruption experiences decreased the drivers' likelihood to comply with traffic laws. Moreover, it was found that the drivers' personal and vicarious corruption experiences in Lahore city were less that still affect their level of compliance with traffic laws. The implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we conduct an empirical analysis to examine whether police officers are disciplined more severely than other government officers. We used data on disciplinary actions in cases of bribery, which had been extracted from the casebook on disciplinary appeals reviews (2004–2018) published by the Appeals Commission of the Republic of Korea. The results of the ordinal logistic regression for the entire period (2004–2018) show that disciplinary actions imposed by the police agency were more severe than other government agencies. However, in a period-separated analysis of police disciplinary rationalisation policies in 2011, the differences in the level of disciplinary actions between the police and other agencies were only significant in the former period (2004–2011). The difference was not significant in the latter (2012–2018). This implies that the police agency imposed more severe disciplinary actions than other government agencies in the past. However, the latter period analysis implies that the disciplinary tendency of the police changed due to the effectiveness of the disciplinary rationalisation policy of the South Korean police agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper bridges the gap in criminological research on the impact of work systems and conditions on working-class drivers' commitment to road traffic laws in Africa. Drawing on interviews and focus group discussions with 'Tro-Tro' drivers in Ghana, the study shows that, while unquestionably concerning, transgressive driving behaviors (e.g. over-speeding, and dangerous overtaking) are necessary for minibus drivers to cope with the adversities structurally embedded in the power relations that surround, structure, and organize their work. This finding belies the long-standing media and policy narrative which attributes the transgressive behaviors to the drivers themselves (e.g. their unruliness and indiscipline). Approaching risky driving practices among minibus drivers against the backdrop of the power relations underlying the sociotechnical commercial passenger transport system in which they operate opens avenues for more effective countermeasures. The paper hopes to stimulate the further application of criminological theories to model and address road transport problems in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discreetness of street-level corruption resides in somewhat coded languages, techniques, networks and trust (solidarity) by key players. The newcomers become indoctrinated as the oldtimers, found at different levels of the police hierarchy, acting as the gatekeepers. Therefore, bribery occurs within a syndicate requiring privileged knowledge, coping strategies, and a network that would descriptively qualify as the art of bribery. Dissidence comes with a greater cost. This paper shows how Kenyan police corruption and behaviour at checkpoints occurs within a syndicate underpinned by policing culture and loosely regulated institutional environments. Traffic policing features a well-established and expansive network of institutionalised corruption regulated by the rules-of-the game where each party play their parts. Motorists pay bribes to circumvent traffic regulations or be on the right terms with corrupt officers while the police maximise illicit incomes for personal and institutional gains. The unstructured public transport and overlapping regulations exacerbate corruption at the roadblocks, creating a corruption complex and spiral effects between the police and motorists. This discussion also indicates the incompetence of police personnel and citizen agency deficits in anti-corruption reforms in Africa. Most importantly, the paper shows that tighter traffic regulations unexpectedly produces and legitimises corruption in weaker regulatory systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the Afrobarometer surveys, this paper finds that people living in regions in which police corruption is more prevalent are more likely to report that they or someone in their family have been victims of physical assault. People living in more corrupted regions are also more likely to report that they or someone in their family has had something stolen from their home. We find no statistically significant gender differences in the average marginal effects. Controlling for the incidence of corruption in other domains reduces the size of the estimated association but does not render it insignificant in terms of statistical significance or magnitude. Non‐police corruption is also strongly associated with an increased risk of crime. For both types of crime, the evidence points to "transactional" police corruption (having to pay bribes to get help) rather than "predatory" police corruption (having to pay bribes to avoid problems) as driving the relationship. Finally, we show that, controlling for whether the respondent reports being a victim of either type of crime, police corruption predicts an increase in the probability that the respondent reports feeling unsafe while walking in their own neighborhood thus imposing a cost even on those who have not been victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic police reform models dominate discussions on police reform in non-Western contexts. Researchers and practitioners often attribute reform failings to personnel and institutional failure within police organisations, the weakness of formal external institutions of control and accountability, lack of inclusion of, or customisation to, hybrid forms of governance or a failure to address social injustice more broadly. Drawing on analysis of political and police transformation in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia this paper suggests low state capacity and authoritarian and neo-patrimonial politics present more prominent barriers to DPR. In low capacity states police pay is insufficient and bureaucratic control weak. Formal reforms have little influence over the police who are influenced by organised crime and corrupt police leaders and politicians. Authoritarian and neo-patrimonial elites often stymie reform initiatives which undermine their political and economic interests. Full DPR is thus unlikely without increasing state capacity and political elite will and capacity to democratise control of the police. But contrary to democratisation being key to successful reform the relationship between regime type and reform outcomes is more nuanced. Partial reform is possible where a partially authoritarian/neo-patrimonial regime has the ability to improve police effectiveness and clampdown on corruption and prioritises these. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores HBO television show The Wire's portrayal of inequality and injustice in terms of the neoliberal state and capitalism, while focussing on the Baltimore Police Department and the marginalized people in the show. In arguing that the neoliberal state and neoliberalism promote the systemic problems reflected in The Wire, this paper will examine the representation of the marginalized in the show in relation to Zygmunt Bauman's idea of wasted lives. In doing so, it will explore how bureaucracies in the show fail to salvage the wasted lives that Bauman defines as the collateral casualties of capitalistic globalization. After examining the show's bleak portrayal of American urban life in terms of the police department, this paper will discuss some morally complicated characters, such as Major Colvin and Detectives McNulty and Freamon, who attempt to surmount the systemic problems of the department. In examining their controversial police work, including transgressions of law, this paper aims to clarify the political implications of these police officers in terms of Jacques Rancière's ideas of politics and equality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Purpose – Relying on a moral development theoretical framework, the purpose of this paper is to argue that the perceived seriousness of a particular behavior is a reflection of one’s broader attitudes toward ethical behaviors. Attitudes toward ethical behavior should provide both an elaborated explanation for the relationship between the perceived seriousness of a behavior and the likelihood of reporting a fellow officer for that behavior, as well as an alternative approach to the measurement and assessment of police integrity outcomes. Design/methodology/approach – Using data from a sample of 499 Philadelphia police officers, the current study uses a modified fifteen item ethics scale first developed by Hyams (1990) and used by others, in order to examine its relation to integrity outcomes. The paper provides a full descriptive and measurement analysis of the scale and then explores its utility in understanding integrity outcomes through a variety of hypothetical scenarios. Findings – While the perceived seriousness of a behavior is strongly predictive of the likelihood of reporting a fellow officer who engages in that behavior, the findings suggest that seriousness may be a proxy for attitudes toward ethical behaviors. Originality/value – While Klockars et al.’s approach to the measurement of police integrity has been an important contribution to integrity research, other measures of police integrity such as attitudes toward ethical behavior are also useful as they move us conceptually from assessing attitudes toward ethical behavior to their antecedents – the strength of underlying value premises shaping subsequent attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to test an aspect of the theory of police integrity by exploring the perceived disciplinary threat made by police agencies in Croatia, South Africa, South Korea, and the USA. Design/methodology/approach – A police integrity survey was used to assess perceptions of the expected discipline meted out by police agencies in four countries. Samples of police officers from Croatia, South Africa, South Korea, and the USA evaluated 11 hypothetical scenarios describing various forms of police misconduct. Findings – Bi-variate analyses reveal considerable divergence of perceptions of disciplinary consequences across the four countries. The majority of the respondents in each country expected some discipline for every scenario, but dismissal was expected for very few scenarios. Multivariate models of perceptions of expected discipline show that the country effect remains strong in the majority of the scenarios even in the presence of numerous controls. Research limitations/implications – To accommodate the diversity of legal rules, answers providing disciplinary options were not identical across countries. Some of the samples are representative, while others are convenience samples. Practical implications – The results show that, controlling for societal integrity, organizational variables play a critical role in shaping the respondents’ perceptions of expected discipline. Teaching police officers official rules might be an effective tool toward attaining more accurate perceptions of expected discipline. Originality/value – Police integrity research is dominated by single-country studies; this paper provides an in-depth exploration of perceptions of expected discipline across four countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to test the theory of police integrity, particularly its fourth dimension, on a centralized police agency and to assess the degree to which levels of police integrity are related to the characteristics of the larger environment. Design/methodology/approach – In 2008, a stratified representative sample of 945 Croatian police officers from ten police administrations evaluated 11 hypothetical scenarios describing a range of various forms of police misconduct. The questionnaire measures officer views regarding scenario seriousness, appropriate and expected discipline, and willingness to report the misconduct. Findings – Bivariate analyses show that police officers’ evaluations of seriousness differed across categories of police administrations for more than one-half of the scenarios. Multivariate analyses reveal that, once organizational predictors are entered into the models, community characteristics remain significant predictors of seriousness evaluations for only a few scenarios. Research limitations/implications – The analytical strategies were limited by the number of police administrations in the country. Practical implications – The results indicate that levels of police integrity in large, centralized organizations vary across units and that the characteristics of the communities the police are a contributing factor to these differences. At the same time, organizational characteristics carry substantial weight. Originality/value – Prior studies of police integrity focussed on the organizational aspects (the first three dimensions of the theory); the present paper extends the literature to ascertain the importance of the larger environment and its characteristics for levels of police integrity (the fourth dimension of the police integrity theory). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent protests against police brutality in Nigeria and the Arab Spring, which was sparked by an incident of police brutality in Tunisia, led to public demands that brought political reforms. This paper explores the question, how do citizens evaluate their government in regards to corruption? Using the Afrobarometer Wave 6 dataset, I investigate the relationship between the public's perception of police and upper-level government officials' corruption in African countries. Due to lack of transparency, the public has no direct information from upper-level bureaucracy but can evaluate corruption of upper-level government officials through direct experience with police. My finding demonstrates that regardless of regime type, the corruption perception of police influences the corruption perception of upper-level government officials. The public cues to evaluate their government quality are likely derived from interactions with police. Therefore corruption perception of police can affect government legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Flash houses', a distinctive type of public house associated with criminal activity, are a shadowy and little-studied aspect of early 19th-century London. This article situates flash houses within a wide perspective, arguing that the discourses on flash houses were part of concerns about the threat of the urban environment to the moral character of its inhabitants. The article draws on an original synthesis of a range of sources that refer to flash houses, including contemporary literature, newspapers, court documents, and government papers. It demonstrates that flash houses were part of both popular intrigue about the perceived 'criminal underworld' and official concerns about the collusion between police officers and suspected offenders, since police officers allegedly frequented flash houses to gather criminal information. A detailed examination of this term reveals anxieties about the state of the metropolis, poverty, and criminality that were central to the early 19th-century consciousness. However, the discussion of flash houses in this context also demonstrates a powerful connection in contemporary minds between the physical spaces of the city and the risks that they posed to inhabitants' morals. While associations between the physical environment and morality have been drawn throughout history, flash houses represent a paradigmatic moment in this dialogue. This is because different moral concerns coalesced around the discourse on flash houses: anxieties about the criminal underworld, the potential for moral degradation of young people who frequented these spaces, and the corruption of police officers through contact with known or suspected offenders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – Following the theoretical model of reporting and disciplinary fairness developed by Kutnjak Ivković and Klockars (1998), the purpose of this paper is to use a survey of US police officers to explore empirically the contours of the code of silence and the potential relation between the code and perceptions of disciplinary fairness. Design/methodology/approach – In 2013-2014, a police integrity survey was used to measure the contours of police integrity among 604 police officers from 11 police agencies located in the Midwest and on the East Coast of the USA. The questionnaire contains descriptions of 11 scenarios describing various forms of police misconduct, followed by seven questions measuring officer views of scenario seriousness, the appropriate and expected discipline, and willingness to report misconduct. Findings – The results point out that the code of silence varies greatly across the scenarios, both for supervisors and line officers. While the supervisor code and the line officer code differ substantially, they are the most similar for the scenarios evaluated as the most serious. Compared to the respondents who evaluated expected discipline as fair, the respondents who evaluated it as too harsh were more likely to say that they would adhere to the code. On the other hand, compared to the respondents who evaluated discipline as fair, the respondents who evaluate the expected discipline as too lenient were as likely to adhere to the code. Research limitations/implications – The data were collected online, resulting in a lower response rates those typical of traditional paper surveys. Practical implications – The results of the research allow police supervisors interested in the controlling the code of silence to assess where the code is the weakest and easiest to break. Furthermore, the findings suggest to the supervisors who want to curtail the code that the strategy of meting out discipline perceived by line officers as too harsh will potentially only strengthen the code. Originality/value – Whereas the study of the code of silence has started several decades ago, empirical studies exploring the relation between the code of silence and perceptions of disciplinary fairness are rare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Eighth Annual Meeting of the International Police Executive Symposium, police practitioners, government officials, researchers and academics from 24 countries met in Szczytno, Poland in May 2001 to define and identify the forms and causes of institutional and police corruption, to describe and document the extent and effects of this corruption and to propose methods to deal with and reduce this problem. This article presents and analyzes the information provided and discussed at this meeting. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper critiques three recent inquiries and recommended changes in practice around the management of complaints against police in the state of Queensland, Australia, with a view to advancing a best practice model internationally. A civilian oversight system, closely aligned to a 'civilian control' model, was introduced in Queensland as part of a reform program following the 1989 Fitzgerald Inquiry into police corruption. However, external control of complaints was almost completely eroded over a 30-year period. The resumption of police control resulted in recurring scandals and widespread stakeholder disaffection. These issues came to a head and were addressed to varying degrees through three inquiries across 2022: the Review of Culture and Accountability in the Queensland Public Sector ('Coaldrake Review'), the Commission of Inquiry relating to the Crime and Corruption Commission ('Fitzgerald and Wilson Inquiry') and, in particular, the Commission of Inquiry into Queensland Police Service Responses to Domestic and Family Violence ('Richards Inquiry'). The combined findings and recommendations demonstrated the need for rigorous institutional independence and transparency in the processing of complaints, along with a range of complementary integrity management strategies to ensure adequate accountability of police. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resilient organised crime groups survive and prosper despite law enforcement activity, criminal competition and market forces. Corrupt police networks, like any other crime network, must contain resiliency characteristics if they are to continue operation and avoid being closed down through detection and arrest of their members. This paper examines the resilience of a large corrupt police network, namely The Joke which operated in the Australian state of Queensland for a number of decades. The paper uses social network analysis tools to determine the resilient characteristics of the network. This paper also assumes that these characteristics will be different to those of mainstream organised crime groups because the police network operates within an established policing agency rather than as an independent entity hiding within the broader community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of police corruption faces seemingly insurmountable sampling and validity problems. This paper outlines an experimental technique for overcoming these issues by challenging the assumption that corruption is not prone to systematic observational research. Incident reporting combines a 'combing' procedure for sampling observable incidents of corruption in public spaces with a benchmarking procedure for coding observations of misconduct. After introducing the new forms of analysis that this technique makes feasible the paper reviews unique values and limitations of incident reporting. The main contention is that the technique constitutes a valuable tool for improving the study of everyday police corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines traffic violations and cooperative intentions among a sample of commercial vehicle drivers in Ghana. Results showed that personal and vicarious corruption experiences independently increased frequency of self-reported violations of traffic laws. We found no evidence that perceived police fairness influenced self-reported violations of traffic laws. However, perception of fairness correlated with self-reported violation of traffic laws only when it interacted with personal or vicarious corruption experiences. We also found that perceived police fairness significantly increased the likelihood of cooperation with police, lending support to evidence from prior studies. Personal experience of police corruption decreased the likelihood of cooperative intention. Perceived fairness remained relevant for cooperative intention even among drivers who reported personal corruption experience. The implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine citizen support for female police officers in India. More specifically, we examined the relationship of citizens' perceptions of police effectiveness, corruption, general satisfaction with police, and contact experiences with their support for women police in India, a society that is patriarchal with strong gender role stereotypes. Findings suggest that older residents living in urban areas are supportive of more women police, but contact has no bearing on the dependent variable. Perceived corruption of the police, in general, was a strong predictor for citizen support for female police officers. However, perceived police effectiveness and satisfaction is negatively related to support for women police. It is argued that apart from expanding the strength of female police officers in all female police stations, they should also be deployed more widely in patrol functions to enhance the visibility and value of women in crime and security responsibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Frank Jay Dunleavy (1865-1924), a Victorian prospector, emerged in 1898 as a leader in the miners' protests against the inadequacies of the Canadian government's administration of the Klondike. This paper adopts a biographical approach to explore how, and why, Dunleavy came to take on this role, which began with his personal encounter with police corruption and culminated in the establishment of a 'miners' association' to defend the interests of miners. Dunleavy's endeavours were not without their failings, but his efforts helped keep the peace on the Klondike in the summer of 1898. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategies for the prevention of police corruption, for example, bribery, commonly neglects its social dimension in spite of the fact that police corruption has societal causes and undertaking a reform of the police requires, to some extent, reforming society. In this paper, we built a decision tree from socioeconomic profiles of 103 countries classified according to their level of police corruption using data from the United Nations Statistics Division and Transparency International. From the rules of the resultant decision tree, we identified and analyzed social determinants of police corruption to assist policy-makers in designing societal level strategies to control police corruption by improving socioeconomic conditions. We found that school life expectancy, involvement of women in society, economic development, and work-related indicators are relevant to police corruption. Moreover, empirical results indicate that countries should gradually improve social indicators to reduce police corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to partially replicate and extend the work of Klockars et al. and others on police integrity by examining how individual, organizational, and ecological factors affect police supervisors’ perceptions of police misconduct and willingness to report fellow officers’ misconduct. Design/methodology/approach – Surveys containing 17 scenarios developed by Klockars et al. (2000, 2004, 2006) were administered to 553 ranking officers attending training at the Bill Blackwood Law Enforcement Management Institute of Texas from June 1, 2009 to March 1, 2010 and employed by municipal police departments, county sheriff’s departments, and constable agencies. Findings – Results suggest that individual and organizational factors affect supervisor willingness to blow the whistle on underling misconduct, although their effects varied by seriousness of the behavior. Originality/value – The current project partially replicates and extends prior studies of factors affecting police integrity by surveying supervisors, measuring their willingness to whistle blow, and including variables in statistical models that prior studies have not included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – Following the theory of police integrity, the purpose of this paper is to explore empirically the contours of police integrity in South Africa using survey of the three South African police agency types. Design/methodology/approach – During the period from 2010 to 2012, a police integrity survey was used to measure the contours of police integrity among 871 police officers across South Africa, covering all three police agency types. The questionnaire contains descriptions of 11 scenarios, covering different forms of police misconduct, followed by seven questions measuring officer views of scenario seriousness, the appropriate and expected discipline, and willingness to report the misconduct. Findings – The results show that the respondents from the three police agency types were about equally likely to recognize behaviors as rule-violating and, in most scenarios, evaluated these scenarios to be of the same level of seriousness. The contours of the code of silence were very similar as well. The authors found the largest and most systematic differences in the respondents’ perceptions of disciplinary environment, with the traffic respondents expecting harsher disciplinary environments than either the South African Police Service or metro police respondents. Research limitations/implications – Similar sample group sizes would have been preferred, although the current sample group proportions are certainly representative of a collective, agency size comparison. Practical implications – Although the respondents from the three police agency types expressed similar views of misconduct seriousness and their willingness to report, and were as likely to recognize these behaviors as rule-violating, their views depicted markedly different disciplinary environments. These results clearly support the critical importance of consistent enforcement of official rules. Originality/value – Whereas several integrity studies have explored the country’s national police service, empirical studies on the integrity of the other South African police agency types are non-existent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether there are gender differences in police integrity in Estonia. Design/methodology/approach – The exploratory study is based on a police integrity survey – gender-neutral in nature – carried out in the Estonian Public Order Police. The study uses nonparametric methods to test whether male and female police officers are identical in their views and characterizes the differences in the sample (n=109). Findings – Results show that male and female respondents differ in how they relate to police integrity, but the differences are situation specific, not general across scenarios or measures. Originality/value – This is the first study of gender differences in police integrity in Estonia and one of the first explorations of gender differences in police integrity overall using an approach that includes a wider range of motives. As the Estonian police force has the highest proportion of women among European police services, the study explores gender differences in a unique police organization with a rare gender balance. The study compares variability across groups with the nonparametric Levene test for equality of variances – an approach that is not common in similar studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – A growing public concern among South African citizens is that of corruption in law enforcement, an awareness of which causes significant tension in the community – police relationship. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how law enforcement corruption influences service delivery satisfaction and public trust. Design/methodology/approach – Data from the Victims of Crime Survey 2013/2014 for all nine provinces in South Africa were utilised, yielding a final sample of 25,605 respondents. By means of standard multiple-regression analysis, the study established that corruption statistically significantly influence service delivery satisfaction and public trust. Findings – The demographic variables that statistically significantly influenced the aforementioned dependent variables were province, population group and age. Gender and religion were not found to influence law enforcement public trust and service delivery satisfaction significantly. Research limitations/implications – It is recommended that the findings be used to stimulate public debate and renew efforts to curb law enforcement corruption specifically by emphasising police integrity. Practical implications – Limited empirical evidence can be found on the influence of law enforcement corruption on service delivery satisfaction and public trust especially in South Africa where police corruption is a serious concern. Determining the consequences of perceived corruption underscore the importance thereof and will renew efforts to curb as such the prevalence thereof. Social implications – The case study of South Africa could provide valuable lessons not only for South African policy makers but for other countries perilled by high crime rates, a lack of public trust and social segmentation. Originality/value – Limited empirical evidence could be found on the influence of law enforcement corruption on service delivery satisfaction and public trust especially in South Africa where police corruption is a serious concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Jair Bolsonaro's government (2019-2022) brought unprecedented turmoil to the Brazilian democracy. In this paper, we argue that Bolsonaro's government builds on and expands pre-existing zones of authoritarianism embedded in the country. We illustrate the intricacies and perils of sustaining and expanding zones of authoritarianism in the Brazilian case in two domains: corruption and police violence, areas that represent some of the most important unsolved puzzles of redemocratization. They are bound together by the centrality of impunity, where unchecked power creates zones where the Rule of Law is contested. By illustrating the struggles to build accountability in these areas, we discuss the challenges that pre-existing zones of authoritarianism pose to democracy and how new autocrats have mobilized them. We also highlight analytical as well as empirical challenges for those studying autocratization processes in countries that are as hybrid or dual legal orders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In just a few decades, China has undergone probably the fastest motorization of a transportation system in history. Now possessing the longest roadway network and the highest volume of car sales in the world, China has also faced major public health impacts from adopting automobiles, including air pollution and traffic fatalities. This paper synthesizes various sources to present the challenges to road safety in China. The country's rapid development expresses many patterns and features familiar to developed nations, such as declining urban density, increased use of sport utility vehicles, and strict drunk-driving laws. It also mirrors patterns familiar to developing nations-high-fatality rates for pedestrians and nondrivers, low salaries and corruption among police officers, and infrequent seat-belt use. Despite these similarities, China also exhibits particular attributes, such as a nationwide cadre evaluation system and tightly controlled media organization, which influence the traffic risks that receive national attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Police departments in the United States have been increasingly involved in placing their sworn officers in off-duty jobs. Individual officers, commanders or union representatives in a number of police agencies earn commissions by brokering off-duty jobs for fellow officers, a practice the US Department of Jus tice characterized as an “artery of corruption” in the New Orleans Police Department. In response to actual or potential corruption by entrepreneurial officers and unions acting as employment brokers, many police agencies now directly place officers in off-duty jobs. Corruption has tainted agency-managed officer placements as well, leading to corruption charges against Pittsburgh's Police Chief and bringing into stark relief how departments generate business and account for commissions earned by placing fully uniformed officers in private employment via “police details”—as the practice is commonly called. This paper looks at “police details” in terms of the realized and potential types of corruption they engender, and the kinds of off-duty employment activities that pose integrity threats, both for the individuals involved and for their law enforcement agencies. The paper concludes by discussing public policy questions raised when police agencies and officers monetize taxpayer-funded training, symbols of office and equipment in order to command premium wages in off-duty employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]