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Domain generalization is an account of certain word-final phonological phenomena, such as devoicing, in which they originate as phrase-final patterns that become phonologized and generalized by learners from the phrase level to the word level. Myers & Padgett (2014) tested this theory empirically through two artificial language learning experiments. They show that participants can learn an utterance-final obstruent devoicing pattern, given relatively short exposure, and generalize it to a word-level final devoicing rule. Building upon Myers & Padgett (2014), this thesis explores whether the same type of domain generalization can account for syllable-final phenomena, or whether there is something special about the word that makes it the destination of generalization. Three artificial language learning experiments are presented, the third of which shows generalization from the word/utterance level to the syllable. Though syllables may differ from words in important ways, evidence from this study suggests that the syllable is accessible to the grammar for learning, generalization, and derivation of phonological rules.

This article revisits, extends and interrogates the position advocated in Honeybone (2019) — that phonotactic constraints are psychologically real phonological entities (namely: constraints on output-like forms), which have a diachrony of their own, and which can also interfere with diachronic segmental change by inhibiting otherwise regular innovations. I focus in the latter part of the article on the role of one phonotactic constraint in the history of English: *Rime-xxŋ. I argue that we need to investigate the emergence of such constraints in the history of languages and I show how this particular constraint, once innovated (which occurs through constraint scattering), can be understood to have inhibited the patterning of ash-tensing in certain varieties of American English (and also that it may now have been lost in some varieties). To do this, I adopt a phonological model which combines aspects of Rule-Based Phonology and aspects of Constraint-Based Phonology, and which is firmly rooted in the variation that exists when changes are innovated. Finally, I evaluate the extent to which the type of phonotactically-driven process-inhibition that I propose here involves prophylaxis in phonological change (I show that it doesn't), and I consider the interaction of these ideas with the proposal that all change occurs in language acquisition (‘acquisitionism’).

Do individual differences affect sound change? Traditional approaches to phonetic and phonological change typically downplay differences between the individuals who make up a speech community that is undergoing change, but this has been questioned in recent years in a number of ways from within several distinct traditions of research. The articles in the Glossa Special Collection to which this article is an introduction consider the extent to which individual differences (at a psychological, sociological, physiological, genetic and/or behavioral level) between the members of a speech community might or might not be important in explaining the general properties of sound change. This introduction places these articles in context, considers what we might mean by ‘sound change’ and ‘individual differences’, and aims to build a synthesis of the current research landscape in the area.

This study investigated the role of phonology in the processing of morphologically complex words in a masked priming experiment. An English stem word target was preceded by either its derived form, sharing the phonological information with its stem (P+; healer–HEAL), or its derived form with a phonological change from the stem (P−; health–HEAL). Interestingly, both P+ and P− conditions showed comparable priming, suggesting that phonological information does not play a crucial role at least at early stages of morphological decomposition. This finding does not support the distributed connectionist approach of morphological processing, that maintains that morphemes are patterns of activation distributed across spelling, sound, and meaning. In fact, our results suggest that morphemes are explicitly represented as discrete units in the mental lexicon.

Ketapang is a village in Limau sub-district, Tanggamus district, Lampung province, Indonesia, inhabited by Sundanese speakers. This condition contributes to the variation of Arabic pronunciation, causing irregularities or difficulties known as disturbances. Linguistic phenomenon as a form of language development, something important happens in Arabic. This research was to study phonological interference forms in Sundanese. This research used a qualitative descriptive method with data collection methods through interviews, observations and hearing that comes to the speech of the Ketapang community. The results showed several changes in the phonological change phenomenon, namely phoneme changes and word changes. This study contributes to the knowledge of language development that occurs from phonological disorders in Sundanese to Arabic, thus providing a great deal of knowledge about Arabic linguistic studies.

Labov's classic study,The Social Stratification of English in New York City(1966), paved the way for generations of researchers to examine sociolinguistic patterns in many different communities (Bell, Sharma, & Britain, 2016). This research paradigm has traditionally tended to focus on Western industrialized communities and large world languages and dialects, leaving many unanswered questions about lesser-studied indigenous minority communities. In this study, we examine whether Labovian models for age, sex, and social stratification (Labov, 1966, 2001; Trudgill, 1972, 1974) may be effectively applied to a small, endangered Tibeto-Burman language in southwestern China: Ganluo Ersu. Using new field recordings with 97 speakers, we find evidence of phonological change in progress as Ganluo Ersu consonants are converging toward Chinese phonology. The results suggest that when an endangered language undergoes convergence toward a majority language due to intense contact, this convergence is manifested in a socially stratified way that is consistent with many of the predictions of the classic Labovian sociolinguistic principles.

This article proposes that patterns of phonological contrast should be added to the list of factors that influence sound change. It adopts a hierarchically determined model of contrast that allows for a constrained degree of crosslinguistic variation in contrastive feature specifications. The predictions of this model are tested against a database comprising the set of vowel changes in the Algonquian languages. The model reveals striking commonalities in the underlying sources of these changes and straightforwardly predicts the previously unrecognized patterning of the languages into two groups: (i) those in which */ɛ/ tends to merge with */i/ and palatalization is triggered by */i/, and (ii) those in which */ɛ/ tends to merge with */a/ and palatalization is triggered by */ɛ/. In addition to providing a new argument for the relevance of contrast to phonology, the model also gives us a way to import traditional philological findings into a framework that brings them to bear on theoretical questions.

This article fills a gap in the existing descriptions of Italo-Romance diachronic phonology. It does so by offering a geographical and historical account of the emergence of voiceless stops replacing etymological voiced stops in the final syllable of proparoxytones, as in the widespread Tuscan variant stupito ‘stupid’. Within a broadly-defined Labovian framework, this development is discussed according to two main options: as due to finely-conditioned articulatory processes, typical of the initial stages of regular sound change, or as a case of lexically sporadic, substitutive change. The second option is tentatively favoured, also on the basis of the possible links to another change – the much debated, irregular voicing of intervocalic /p/, /t/ and /k/.

One question that historical phonology should reasonably seek to answer is: are there impossible changes ? That is: are there plausible changes that we could reasonably expect to occur in the diachrony of languages’ phonologies, but which nonetheless do not ever occur? In this paper I seek to spell out what it really means to consider this question and what we need to do in order to answer it for any specific case. This will require a consideration of some fundamental issues in historical phonology, including the distinction between exceptionless and lexically-specific/sporadic changes (which I call ‘N-changes’ and ‘A-changes’), and the connection between that distinction and the ‘misperception’ model of phonological change. It will involve an analysis of aspects of the phonological history of Pulo Annian, Arabic, Italic, Spanish and several varieties of English. I argue that the current state of evidence indicates that there are indeed impossible changes (which I symbolise using ‘x ≯ y’ to represent that ‘x cannot change into y’) in a very specific but phonologically real way, and that f ≯ θ is one.

Using a corpus of Medieval Spanish text, we examine factors affecting the Modern Standard Spanish outcome of the initial /f/ in Latin FV‑ words. Regression analyses reveal that the frequency of a word’s use in extralexical phonetic reducing environments and lexical stress patterns significantly predict the modern distribution of f‑ ([f]) and h‑ (Ø) in the Spanish lexicon of FV‑ words. Quantification of extralexical phonetic context of use has not previously been incorporated in studies of diachronic phonology. We find no effect of word frequency, lexical phonology, word class, or word transmission history. The results suggest that rather than frequency of use, it is more specifically a word’s likelihood of use in contexts favoring reduction that promotes phonological change. The failure to find a significant effect of transmission history highlights the relative importance of language internal sources of change. Results are consistent with usage-based approaches; contextual variation creates differential articulatory pressures among words, yielding variable pronunciations that, when registered in memory, promote diachronic change.

This book is a collection of articles dealing with the phonology and dialectology of Wichí (referred to in the past as Mataco) and Mapuzungun (also called Mapudungun or Mapuche), two unrelated Amerindian languages of South America. Published by the Universidad Nacional de La Pampa, it is the end result of a three-year project funded by the Argentine government, the purpose of which was to study dialect variation in these languages. All of the authors are specialists in the indigenous languages of Argentina, and all but one are teachers or researchers at Argentine universities or research institutions. Adopting the “dynamic synchrony” approach of the French functionalist school as a methodological-theoretical perspective, the book pretends to give an overall view of the dialectical continua of the Argentine varieties of the languages under study and at the same time to provide some understanding of sociolinguistic variation and ongoing phonological change in both languages. The four articles on Wichí and the single article on Mapuzungun found in this volume, while falling short of constituting a systematic survey, make significant steps toward achieving these difficult and important goals.

This paper explores segmental shifts and their formalization in constraint-based models. Using historic French data on rhotics (“r-like sounds”), productive and perceptual evaluative matrices are proposed to account for output variability, including a formalization of ranked output. If ad hoc segmental constraints are proscribed, as it is argued, the ultimate selection of one rhotic over another cannot be fully explained without recourse to knowledge units deriving from extra-grammatical factors, in this instance social forces. Proposals for the reconciliation of constraint-based models with attested data include the reintroduction of parochial rules and the admission of learned, non-universal constraints.

The border shared by Brazil and Uruguay represents a situation of sustained, intimate cultural and linguistic contact between Spanish and Portuguese speakers. Previous research on the bilingualism of this region has focused primarily on Dialectos Portugueses del Uruguay ‘Portuguese Dialects of Uruguay’ (DPU) (Carvalho 1998, 2003a, 2003b; Elizaincín 1976, 1992a, 1992b; Elizaincín, Behares & Barrios 1987; Hensey 1971, 1972; Rona 1965). Surprisingly, however, the Spanish of Uruguay spoken along this border has never been extensively studied. The current research focuses on the role of sociolinguistic identity in the conditioning of language-specific variants of intervocalic /d/ in the Spanish of 63 bilinguals living in Rivera, Uruguay. Unlike in monolingual varieties of Spanish, in which intervocalic /d/ is realized as either a fricative or a phonetic zero, this phoneme is also variably realized as an occlusive in the bilingual Spanish of Rivera in accordance with Portuguese phonological norms. Perceptions of sociolinguistic identity within this speech community are based on four independent factor groups. These are: (1) frequency of language use, (2) language preference, (3) attitudes toward local Portuguese and (4) attitudes toward language mixing. Results from multivariate analysis reveal that Portuguese-dominant speakers tend to incorporate occlusive variants of intervocalic /d/ into their Spanish to a much greater extent than Spanish-dominant speakers. Conversely, the deletion of this consonant, which has garnered covert prestige within the community due to its association with non-border varieties of Spanish, is statistically favored among speakers who prefer this language. These results provide evidence in support of the hypothesis that the ease of access of phonological exemplars from stored memory is greater for those encoding frequent, recent experiences (Pierrehumbert 2001). With regards to sociolinguistic attitudes, statistical analysis shows that speakers who have positive attitudes toward local Portuguese favor the use of occlusive variants, which serve as markers of Brazilian identity. Somewhat counter intuitively, speakers who have positive attitudes toward language mixing favor deletion. When these attitudes are cross-tabulated with speakers’ occupation, however, it becomes clear that only students have overwhelmingly positive attitudes toward language mixing. Not surprisingly, they are also the least conservative group in the community and lead the way for phonological change (Waltermire 2008).

The purpose of the current study is to document phonological change from a multidimensional perspective for a 3-year-old boy with phonological disorder by comparing three measures: (1) accuracy of consonant productions, (2) dynamic assessment, and (3) acoustic analysis. The methods included collecting a sample of the targets /s, [symbol: see the text], t[symbol: see the text], and d[symbol: see the text]/ produced in single words and repeated over time. The samples were analysed using phonetic transcription and acoustic measures of duration, spectral mean, and spectral variance. A dynamic assessment was administered that showed change in response to cues and linguistic environments using a 15-point scale. The results from the three measures were compared for gradient change and evidence of covert contrasts. In conclusion, gradient change was illustrated across the three measures and contrasts were evident in the child's phonological system. Acoustic measures were most sensitive, followed by dynamic assessment; however, accuracy scores based on phonetic transcription showed little to no change for some targets.

In light of sociolinguist phonological change, the following study investigates the shift of [ʧ] to [k] sound in the speech of Kuwaitis and argues against the Bedouin/ Sedentary distinction. The main hypothesis is twofold: first the shift seems to be driven not by the differences between the sedentary and Bedouin varieties, but by the widespread of the English language as a prestige form and by the recent change of Kuwaitis’ lifestyle; second, the shift is not totally in the direction of [k], but rather in the direction of a lexical replacement by either English loanwords, classical Arabic, or other Arab dialects. To test this hypothesis, 130 informants were informally interviewed. 503 tokens were collected and were examined across gender, age, level of education. Their speech was phonetically transcribed and accordingly was quantitatively and qualitatively analyzed. Results indicate that the [ʧ] variant is undergoing change and that the social parameters and the significant social changes, that Kuwait has undergone recently, have triggered this linguistic shift.

Although the vowels of many monosyllabic words have been lengthened from Middle High German to Modern Standard German (e.g., [glas] > ‘glass’), it has only recently (and sporadically) been considered that the lengthened forms might be due to a phonological change (cf. Naiditsch and Kusmenko 1992; Page 2001, 2007). Traditionally, vowel length in the relevant cases is explained on the basis of analogical-morphological principles such as paradigm uniformity. In the present paper we will defend the view that vowel length is the result of a genuine phonological change, namely monosyllabic lengthening. It will be argued that monosyllabic lengthening plays a crucial role in most High German dialects and the standard language, as positive evidence in favor of monosyllabic lengthening can be collected from all major dialect areas, not only from Upper German relic dialects. Furthermore, we will propose a typology of High German quantity developments based on five parameters (monosyllabic lengthening, open syllable lengthening, final degemination, total degemination, positional moraicity of coda consonants). This typology accounts for the dialect-specific outcomes of monosyllabic lengthening in words ending in a singleton, geminate, or cluster. Under this view, monosyllabic lengthening and open syllable lengthening are analyzed as two independent innovations which originated in different areas. If the proposal is correct, a number of interesting consequences for German historical phonology in general follow, such as the crucial role of moraicity of consonants, the irrelevance of voicing contrasts, the importance of word minimality, and the motivation for eliminating either consonantal or vocalic quantity contrasts. We conclude that the voicing contrast in Modern Standard German is a relatively recent re-instantiation of a former quantity contrast, most likely under the influence of Low German pronunciation.

Recent research on frequency effects in phonology suggests that word frequency is often a significant motivating factor in the spread of sound change through the lexicon. However, there is conflicting evidence regarding the exact nature of the relationship between phonological change and word frequency. This article investigates the role of lexical frequency in the spread of the well-known sound change TH-Fronting in an under-researched dialect area in east-central Scotland. Using data from a corpus of conversations compiled over a two-year period by the first author, we explore how the process of TH-Fronting is complicated in this community by the existence of certain local variants which are lexically restricted, and we question to what extent the frequency patterns that are apparent in these data are consistent with generalisations made in the wider literature on the relationship between lexical frequency and phonological change.

Northern Paamese and Southeast Ambrym, two languages of Central Vanuatu, share a set of sound changes involving vocalization and loss of *l. One subpart of this sound change results in loss of *l word-initially before nonhigh vowels. An interesting aspect of this sound change is that it appears to apply in all word classes except verbs. Indeed, Crowley (1997) suggests that Northern Paamese *l-loss is a clear case of sound change with grammatical conditioning. In this paper we suggest that phonological and morphological aspects of verbal inflectional paradigms have given rise to the apparent exceptionality of *l-loss in these two languages. Phonological factors result in continuation of *l, while the structure of inflectional paradigms has given rise to analogical restoration of initial /l/ in all verbs where it is expected to be lost. Under this analysis, initial *l-loss can be seen to have applied without exception, and without grammatical conditioning.

Although sound change may contribute to the loss of grammatical categories, such as the Latin future and passive, comparative data show that phonological change alone cannot account for these morphological changes. Syncretism can arise from sound change, but patterns of sound change within Romance falsify the homonymy avoidance argument. Furthermore, Italian and Occitan provide models for analogical "solutions" to syncretism. Patterns of loss of grammatical categories must be contextualized cross-linguistically without preconceptions about which categories may be lost. Close analysis of phonological and morphological factors will facilitate the establishment of a typology of category loss.

The term“apical vowel” is first seen in Bernhard Karlgren’s work Études sur la phonologie chinoise and widely accepted by Chinese linguists. However apical vowel is merely an articulatory description. In phonological analyses apical vowels actually create problems. They cannot be described as front, central, or back, and even cannot be included in a regular vowel chart. In this article we examine the historical process which produced the apical vowels and related changes before and after the Menggu Ziyun 蒙古字韻. Based on the analyses it is quite obvious that apicalization and other related changes after the retroflex initials are the results of the same phonological change. The result of this change is simply to delete the [+front] feature of the final after the retroflex initials. Thus phonologically the so-called apical vowels have to be central vowels that lack the front feature. The nature of this change can also be learned from analysis of the hP’ags-pa spellings employed in the MGZY. The hP’ags-pa spellings of the Yuan time not only provide the first phonetic transcription of a Chinese phonology; they also provide an insightful phonological analysis.

The phonology of Oma Longh Kenyah as described by Soriente (2006) shows strinking typological difference from its nearest relatives. Contrary to a pattern of avoidance that is almost universal in Austronesian languages, it has developed final palatals, including voiceless unreleased palatal stop (written -j), and a palatal nasal (written -ny). In violation of universal tendencies in phonological systems, it has also innovated a voiceless velar nasal (but no other voiceless nasals) in final position. Out of a Proto-Kenyah six-vowel system in which tense mid vowels occurred only word-finally, it has developed three new vowels and an unusual system of soube vowel harmony that requires both High-Mid avoidance and Tense-Lax agreement. Even more surprisingly, a typologically bizarre connection between the tenseness/laxness of the penultimate vowel and the shape of the final syllable is present in one subclass of bases, but emerges clearly only through a historical analysis. Together, these innovations add to an already impressive picture of north-central Borneo as a "hot spot" for rapid phonological change, include changes that do not appear to be phonetically motivated.

Principles of Evolutionary Phonology are applied to a selection of sound changes and stable sound patterns in varieties of English. These are divided into two types: natural phonetically motivated internal changes and all others, which are classified as unnatural. While natural phonetically motivated sound change may be inhibited by external forces, certain phonotactic patterns show notable stability in English and are only eliminated under particular types of contact with languages lacking the same patterns. Within the evolutionary model, this stability is expected since natural sound changes involving wholesale elimination of these patterns are not known.

In a previous article (Lagerberg 2005) the stress of the Russian verbal suffix -ировать was analysed on the basis of a survey conducted in Russia. The main conclusions to come out of this article were as follows: firstly, the survey demonstrated the high potential for variation in verbs with this suffix: only 12 of the 32 words given in the survey received uniform stress placement (i.e. stress in all responses either on the initial suffixal syllable (-ировать) or on the final syllable (-ировать); 2 secondly, the survey provided confirmation of the clear tendency for ST1: 70% of all responses had stress on the initial suffixal syllable, a high percentage given that almost half of the words chosen for the survey were given as ST2 in Zal. 1997. 3

Core vocabularies of five major dialects of Rejang are derived from Proto- Malayo-Polynesian etyma mediated by a reconstructed protolanguage, Proto- Rejang, crucial evidence for which is provided by Rawas, a previously neglected dialect. Every etymon turns out to be reconstructable on the basis of just two dialects-either Rawas and Pesisir or (more often) Rawas and Kebanagung. One clear conclusion is that the Rawas area represents the oldest Rejang settlement in Sumatra. While a few minor claims made in previous work on Rejang historical phonology are corrected or refuted by the Rawas evidence, the most important findings are confirmed. Thus, (a) individual Rejang dialects have undergone more changes (splits and mergers) of Proto-Malayo-Polynesian vowels than any other known Austronesian group; (b) Proto-Rejang underwent two accent shifts, first to a Malay-type pattern (a modified form of penultimate word-stress) and then to the contemporary word-final stress pattern; and (c) complex conditions, including vowel harmony conditions, are needed to preserve regularity in the majority of sound changes affecting Rejang dialects.

This paper documents a recent sound change in Klamath of *ss > s which took place sometime between the late 1800s and the mid 1900s. A phonetic basis for this sound change is proposed, based on the intrinsic duration of short sibilants. This sound change not only explains the absence of geminate sibilants in modern Klamath but also the lack of derived distributive forms which, historically, differed only from nondistributives in the presence of a geminate sibilant.

Saramaccan, an Atlantic creole spoken in Surinam, has traditionally been analyzed as exhibiting a high-tone/low-tone opposition in its lexicon. However, while it is true that part of its lexicon exhibits a robust high/low opposition, the majority of its words are marked not for tone but pitch accent. The Saramaccan lexicon, therefore, is split with some words being marked for tone and other words marked for accent. This lexical split has important effects in the phrasal phonology of the language which, like the lexicon, is a mix between a tonal phrasal system and an accentual one.

The present study explores the phonetic and phonological grounds on which postalveolar fricatives in Polish can be analysed as retroflex, and considers whether postalveolar fricatives in other Slavic languages are retroflex as well. Velarization and incompatibility with front vowels are introduced as articulatory criteria for retroflexion, based on cross-linguistic data. According to these criteria, Polish and Russian have retroflex fricatives (i.e., /[small s with hook]/ and /[small z with retroflex hook]/), whereas Bulgarian has a laminal palatoalveolar fricative ((/[small Esh]/). In addition, it is illustrated that palatalization of retroflex fricatives in Slavic languages (and in general) causes a phonetic and phonological change to a non-retroflex fricative.

This paper examines the phonetic typology of pharyngeal sounds and presents external articulatory evidence for the phonological shift from uvular ejectives to pharyngeals in the Nootka dialects of Nuuchahnulth, based on the theory of the function of the aryepiglottic laryngeal sphincter mechanism. The phonetic structure of postvelar sounds is evaluated laryngoscopically in Wakashan and in Salish (cross-linguistically) to explain the historical phonological change through articulatory data. The physiological evidence suggests that uvulars may acquire phonetic characteristics of pharyngeals by adding an extra gesture to an existing sound. We conclude that postvelars can increase in complexity incrementally and that the complex pharyngeals of Wakashan and Salish can be explained through an articulatory phonetic hierarchy. The evolution of epiglottal components in each of the two phonologies is accounted for by the adaptation of existing glottal and pharyngeal elements. Implications for phonology are that features such as [RTR] and nodes such as pharyngeal can be attributed to the action of the laryngeal sphincter mechanism.

To date, predictor variables strongly associated with phonological change as a result of intervention have not been identified. The purpose of this study was to determine the best predictor or combination of predictors of change in percentage of consonants correct (PCC; L. D. Shriberg & J. Kwiatkowski, 1982) as a result of speech-language intervention for a group of 20 participants and to replicate this procedure with a second group of 20. Participants were preschool children, ages 3;0 (years;months) to 5;11, with impairments in phonology and morphosyntax who received intervention focused on both phonology and morphosyntax in different goal attack configurations. The relationship of predictor variables chronological age, inventory size, error consistency, and expressive language to the criterion variable, change in PCC, was investigated. In both the initial study and the replication, the mean change in PCC following a 24-week intervention period was 13.1%. In the initial study, error consistency and a finite morpheme composite (FMC; L. M. Bedore & L. B. Leonard, 1998) accounted for 52% of the variance for the criterion variable. Error consistency at the first step in the regression accounted for 31.6% of the variance. In the replication, error consistency was the only variable related to PCC change, again accounting for 31% of the variance. Further research examining overall error consistency is warranted.

Approximately 20 percent of the original settlers to New Zealand came from Scotland, and Scottish influence is still visible around New Zealand and in New Zealand English (NZE) vocabulary. But the phonological systems of NZE and Scottish English are so different that it is difficult to see any residual influence of the early Scottish settlers in New Zealand pronunciation today. In this study, the authors use a database of historical recordings held in the Origins of New Zealand English project to track the possible influence of the early Scottish settlers on modern NZE phonology. They show that although the centralized vowel in the lexical set of KIT is not a legacy from the early Scottish settlers, Scottish English nevertheless had a discernible influence as NZE developed out of the initial dialect-contact situation in which the first European settlers found themselves.

Word frequency and neighborhood density are properties of lexical organization that differentially influence spoken-word recognition. This study examined whether these same properties also affect spoken-word production, particularly as related to children with functional phonological delays. The hypothesis was that differential generalization would be associated with a word's frequency and its neighborhood density when manipulated as input in phonological treatment. Using a multiple baseline across subjects design, 8 children (aged 3;10 to 5;4) were randomly enrolled in 1 of 4 experimental conditions targeting errored sounds in high-frequency, low-frequency, high-density, or low-density words. Dependent measures were generalization of treated sounds and untreated sounds within and across manner classes as measured during and following treatment. Results supported a hierarchy of phonological generalization by experimental condition. The clinical implications lie in planning for generalization through the input presented in treatment. Theoretically, the results demonstrate that lexical organization of words in the mental lexicon interacts with phonological structure in learning.

Although Proto-Oceanic has been reconstructed as having three labiovelar consonants (*[b.sup.w], *[p.sup.w], and *[m.sup.w]) that contrast with simple bilabials, this distinction was apparently not present in Proto-Austronesian or Proto--Malayo-Polynesian. Various theories have been proposed to account for their origin; few go into any real detail, and no single theory seems to account for most or all of the facts in a satisfactory manner. At the same time, there are numerous inconsistencies in reflexes of many etyma containing one of these phonemes, even with languages that can be thought of as "exemplary" in normally reflecting a Proto-Oceanic labiovelar separately from a bilabial. This paper evaluates the various theories of origin that have been proposed and attempts to explain the development of labiovelars in Proto-Oceanic and its early descendants, their somewhat unusual phonotactic distribution, and the inconsistency in correspondences. I suggest that phonological conditioning and borrowing are both i nvolved, but also propose other factors--dissimilation of rounded vowels adjacent to newly created labiovelar allophones, which led to contrast between simple bilabials and labiovelars; the use of the bilabial/labiovelar distinction to distinguish semantically similar forms; and the increased functional load of labiovelars in newly created words. I also try to explain why labiovelars seem to be considerably more frequent in Eastern than in Western Oceanic. ********** 1. INTRODUCTION. The development of the labiovelar consonants in Oceanic languages has been a topic of considerable interest in comparative Austronesian phonology. (1) There appears to be good evidence supporting the reconstruction in Proto-Oceanic (POc) of the phonemes *[b.sup.w] and *[m.sup.w], which contrast with *b and *m, though the evidence supporting the reconstruction of *[p.sup.w] in contrast with *p is not quite so strong. No such contrasts, however, have been reconstructed for Proto-Austronesian (PAN) or Malayo-Polynesian (PMP). This paper examines the distribution--phonotactic and genetic--of labiovelars in the Oceanic subgroup. It attempts to describe the development of these phonemes in POc and Proto--Eastern Oceanic (PEOc), and also to account for the irregularity of labiovelar correspondences between Oceanic languages. 2. LABIOVELAR PHONEMES IN OCEANIC LANGUAGES. The term "labiovelar" is used as a cover term here to refer to various kinds of phonemes found in some (but by no means all) Oceanic languages. Languages that have one or more labiovelar phonemes include (some or all) languages of the Admiralties family, the Schouten family of North New Guinea, the Nuclear Papuan Tip linkage, the Southeast Solomonic family, the Southern Oceanic family (Vanuatu and New Caledonia), the Central Pacific family, and the Micronesian family. Labiovelar phonemes combine, in one way or another, a bilabial and a velar articulation, though the phonetic manifestation of labiovelarization may vary considerably from language to language. Included under this label are phonemes as described in table 1 (represented here by their phonetic norms), where it will be noted that velarization and rounding may both be involved in the production of a labiovelar. Vowel phonemes--especially a--often have different allophones depending on whether they occur adjacent to a bilabial or a labiovelar. In Lewo (Early 1994:56), for example, a has a fronted allophone [ae] following bilabial consonants and also preceding v (thus mare [maere] 'die', eveklavi [e[beta]eklae[beta]i] 'afternoon'), whereas it is central [a] elsewhere, and specifically when adjacent to labiovelars. In Anejom (Lynch 2000:19), a is normally [a] but occurs backed and rounded [D] when adjacent to labiovelars. In some languages like Loniu (Hamel 1994:20-21), labiovelar + front vowel is often in free variation with labial + back vowel--that is, [p. …

Jorge Isaacs and Rafael Celedón published descriptions of the Ika language in 1884 and 1892 repectively. On the basis of the identification of the current mecaning and pronunciation of some 500 words or phrases included in them, the two works are evaluated and evidence examined for sound changes that would have taken place since Isaacs and Celedón recorded their data. Jorge Isaacs y Rafael Celedón publicaron descripciones de la lengua ika en 1884 y 1892 respectivamente. Con base en la identificación del sentido y la pronunciación actuales de unas 500 palabras o frases incluidas en ellas, se evalúan las dos obras y se examinan los indicios de cambio de sonido que se habrían producido desde que Isaacs y Celedón recogieron sus datos.

The origin and nature of ‘irregular', ‘sporadic' sound changes have been debated by different theories of phonological change since at least the Neogrammarians. They are often attributed to non-phonological factors, as analogy or borrowing, or to the non-(purely)-phonological mechanism of lexical diffusion. The aim of this paper is to show that an irregular sound change in the historical phonology of Tuscan - namely the voicing of some intervocalic voiceless stops - is not due to borrowing (as often argued), but to a variable and allophonic voicing rule, whose output was only partially subject to phonological recategorization. The most likely causes for this irregular outcome are the variable strength intervocalic voicing had in different environments, the interaction with another lenition process and the perceptual ambiguity of the lenited stops.

PART I INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT PART II: EVIDENCE AND METHODS IN HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY PART III: TYPES OF PHONOLOGICAL CHANGE PART IV: FUNDAMENTAL CONTROVERSIES IN PHONOLOGICAL CHANGE PART V: THEORETICAL HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY PART VI: SOCIOLINGUISTIC AND EXOGENOUS FACTORS IN HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY

In adults, neural networks for phonological processing distinct from those involved in acoustical processing are located in the left temporal lobe. We now report that by the age of 3 months, infants display phonological processing devices analogous to those found in adults. Within a stream of identical syllables, acoustic deviants were introduced, either crossing a phonetic boundary or remaining within the same category. Event-related potentials were recorded using a 64-electrode net. Although the acoustical change was of similar amplitude in the two deviants, the electrophysiological response was larger for a phonological change and involved a more posterior and dorsal temporal region than for an acoustical change. These results demonstrate that infants, like adults, already possess a dedicated neuronal network for phonetic processing.

In echoing a well-known title of some thirty-six years ago (Pike 1947), I do not wish to suggest that considerations of meaning and grammatical function have been excluded from the study of diachronic phonology. How to characterize the interface between phonology and morphosyntax across time has stimulated perennial debate, having commanded the attention of several generations of historical linguists from Curtius (1870) and Jespersen (1894) to, most recently, Lass (1980: Ch. 3). With a burgeoning literature on the mechanisms of syntactic change and the renascent interest in morphology, the issue is once more felt to be acute. Our concern, of course, is no longer with the autonomy of one plane from the other. It would seem uncontroversial to assert that grammar plays SOME role in the course of phonological change-- and vice versa. But how to make sense of this truism remains problematic.

Metaphon is a two-phase therapy procedure for children with disordered phonology. It seeks to influence phonological production by targeting aspects of linguistic awareness within an interactive learning framework. An earlier investigation of this procedure, involving 13 children treated by a single therapist, showed a significant decrease in the occurrence of simplifying processes post-therapy for most subjects (Howell & Dean, 1994). The investigation reported in this paper sought to test the effectiveness of Metaphon therapy further by studying a larger number of children. In addition, the study was designed to determine the relative contribution to phonological change of the two phases of Metaphon therapy; Phase I which aims to harness awareness of phonological contrasts and Phase II which aims to enhance communicative competence. Fifty children aged between 3;6-5;6 participated in the investigation. They were treated by 12 speech and language therapists. The criteria used for subject selection ensure that the children had received no previous speech therapy and that their communication difficulties were specific to the speech sound system. They were all monolingual speakers and came from a variety of social backgrounds. The subjects were assigned to four different experimental conditions: Group 1 — Phase I treatment only (six treatment sessions); Group 2 — both phases I and II treatment (10 treatment sessions); Groups 3 and 4 — no treatment (control groups, one for each of the two treatment conditions). (All the children in the control groups received therapy immediately following the experimental period.) A variety of cognitive and linguistic assessments were given to all subjects before and after their respective periods of therapy/no therapy. A comparison of mean error scores on a measure of phonological production before and after the period of therapy/no therapy showed a reduction in error occurrence for all four groups, with the greater change occurring in Group 2, the subjects receiving the complete Metaphon programme. Analysis of covariance revealed a significant interaction between treatment group (control/experimental) and inter-test interval. The results suggest that Metaphon therapy does have a positive effect on phonological change, with both phases of Metaphon required for maximum effectiveness for most subjects. The implications for clinical practice from this investigation include the following. Firstly, that enhancing awareness of the phonological and communicative aspects of language appears to be an effective way of bringing about phonological change. Secondly, the finding that phonological change occurred in both the treated and non-treated groups over a relatively short timespan suggests that the potential influence of maturation should be considered when appraising the effectiveness of any therapeutic programme used with this client group.

This paper studies adjective reduplications in Fuzhou within the framework of autosegmental phonology and lexical phonology. I first examine the morphological process of reduplication, focusing on the definition of base as the target of reduplication. I argue that the bimorphemic base for reduplication is defined in two ways: either morphologically, where the entire compound reduplicates as a whole, or prosodically, where reduplication applies under positive prosodic circumscription accessing either or both edges of the bimorphemic base. I then investigate the phonological changes subsequent and unique to reduplication. I propose that a binary iambic foot is constructed at the right edge in each reduplication output where the penult syllable dominated by the weak node undergoes regular sandhi. The antepenult and preantepenult, if any, are unfooted and will have their tones delined and later get a default low tone. I also show that the fixed melodic material in one of the reduplication patterns is the result of a default vowel realization. Finally, I discuss the extension of the metrical treatment to the non-reduplication data as provided in Chan (1985).