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This article focuses on civic education and the constitution of subjects within a complex landscape of peace and war making in Colombia. Using a genealogical approach to study the manufacturing of citizens, and drawing on a document analysis of policies, curricular guidelines, and teaching resources, this paper evidences an increasing attention to students' skills, conducts, and interpersonal relations, rather than structural inequality and injustice. Through the examination of the "integral citizen," I argue that the development of students as skillful civic subjects has become central to the aspiration of building and sustaining peace and democracy. Such citizens are described as individually embodying the virtues and skills of problem-solving, conflict-management, autonomy, and self-regulation of emotions. This research adds to our understanding of the construction of the ideal citizen in conflict-affected settings, and how education policy intersects with larger efforts for meaningful and sustained change.

With the purpose of ending wars, international organizations and governments promote reintegration projects that seek to transform combatants affiliated with illegal armed groups into citizens through education. The assumption behind these efforts is that through education, ex-combatants will become economically independent, overcome marginalization, experience personal transformations, and integrate into communities. This paper questions this optimistic narrative of education by highlighting the differentiated meanings of education for ex-combatants reintegrating in urban Colombia. Listening to the voices of ex-combatants who have engaged in technical and vocational education programs, this paper compares policy narratives with ex-combatants' narratives regarding the role of education in the reintegration process. The analysis reveals how for ex-combatants, education is a complex social practice that redistributes resources and contributes to positive psychosocial and empowerment transformations. At the same time, it is a process of insertion into an individualistic system and adaptation to unequal participation within the country's socio-economic hierarchy.

This paper presents the results of a critical ethnography of literacy practices experienced by a group of university students, who perceived them as promoting social exclusion in the Colombian educational system. It also gives an account of their views about how this educational system could be more inclusive and contribute to peacebuilding in the country. Inspired by Paulo Freire's understanding of literacy and Hannah Arendt's political theory, the meaning reconstructive analysis of 46 stories reveals a thematic universe composed of three main categories: understandings of social exclusion from schooling experiences, types of social exclusion as lived in schooling, and social exclusion-related factors of literacy practices. Based on two discussion groups, and an analysis in the light of the theory of practice architectures, it is argued and empirically substantiated that ethical literacy, as a way of being-with-others, is a practice that must be at the core of an education for peace.

With global conflict currently riding at its highest levels in the past 30 years, the international community has recognised the importance of engaging young women and men in shaping lasting peace. In 2015 the United Nations Security Council passed a ground-breaking resolution, Youth, Peace and Security: Resolution 2250 (United Nations Security Resolution 2250, 2015). This urged member states to increase inclusive representation of young people in institutions to establish mechanisms for the prevention and resolution of conflict, and to counter violent extremism. Youth were finally recognised as 'the missing peace' in the role of global peace processes. The United Nations acknowledged the potential for good of these 1.8 billion young people who, on a daily basis, seek creative ways to prevent violence and consolidate peace across the globe in devastated and conflict-affected societies. Technology-based peacebuilding practices, collectively known as Peacetech, were enshrined as a route forward in this complex task. Peacetech, combining the strategic use of technology in peacebuilding practice, has been pioneered as one pillar of Resolution 2250. Post-conflict education programs often deliver Peacetech's technology-based peacebuilding programs to post-conflict youth groups. This paper on Peacetech is divided into three parts. First, it outlines the definition and goals of Peacetech. Secondly, it outlines the definition and goals of Peacebuilding and outlines the significant role post-conflict education can have in peacebuilding. Thirdly, it highlights three Peacetech case studies evaluated in the field by the author. Overall, it is hoped that the paper will enthuse researchers in both the education and development fields to engage in further extensive research on post-conflict education.

This paper presents a narrative inquiry study on agency development in student-teachers of an English language teacher program at a public university in the south of Colombia. Our goal was to understand how student-teachers develop agency when narratively inquiring their community by planning and conducting community-based pedagogy projects on issues they found pertinent to investigate. The data were gathered through semi-structured focus group interviews, individual journal entries, and video-recorded talks about their inquiries. As a conclusion, we acknowledge that certain social and narrative practices such as interacting within their inquiry groups, interacting with their communities, voicing their communities' necessities, and acting upon the inquired necessities facilitated developing agency and contributed to rethinking their roles as transformative members of their communities.

This paper draws from "Silencios" -- a photography series by the Colombian artist Juan Manuel Echavarría. "Silencios" comprises more than 120 portrayals of abandoned schools due to armed conflict in Los Montes de María, Colombia. Sharing Echeverría's belief that 'these chalkboards have lessons to tell us about war', the author of this paper advocates for the pedagogical use of "Silencios" to promote and support memory works in Colombia. The present analysis acknowledges that hegemonic memories and narratives have a negative impact on conflict-affected societies due to their authoritarian and oppressive character. Therefore, the pedagogical use of "Silencios" seeks to ignite multiple narratives and counterhegemonic memories that might emerge as the public interacts with the photography. The visuals, in this sense, become an educational opportunity to stimulate reflection and resistance against the monopoly of the past in a country that is currently emerging from conflict. In this paper, the abandoned schools are considered as memory sites, and as renewed learning spaces to stimulate reflections and debates upon the armed conflict. "Silencios" can contribute to peacebuilding efforts by bringing up the possibility to reconsider essentialist conceptions of peace, memory, and pedagogy, that might hinder potential venues for enduring peace in Colombia.

Promoted by the peace process between the Santos administration (2010-2018) and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, which resulted in the signing of a peace accord in November 2016, peace education at Colombia's higher education establishments and schools is gaining momentum. Educators have seized upon the opportunity afforded by the peace process and the associated legislation, particularly Law 1448 (2011) on victims and Law 1732 (2014) on the Peace Chair ("Cátedra de la Paz"), to energise peace education. Yet this is proving to be difficult. Among the challenges are the persistence of high levels of political, criminal and other types of violence following the termination of the armed conflict affecting learners' attitudes, behaviours and values; little relevance for peace education of established education in ethics and democratic citizenship competences; limited concrete knowledge on tertiary peace education as a pedagogical field; a vague legal framework; and little institutional guidance. Based on the author's first-hand experience as a conflict analyst and university lecturer in Colombia and a discussion of the 'conventional' and 'critical' orientations of peace education, this paper addresses these challenges and presents ideas on how tertiary peace education in Colombia could be enhanced through a focus on historical memory.

Education should be considered as one of the mechanisms for governments and nations to succeed in a post-conflict process. The purpose of this Review Article is twofold: to explain the importance of education in a post-conflict setting, and to describe a few strategies that post-conflict societies have implemented. In terms of research design, a multiple case study approach has been implemented. The paper reviews a unique topic with specific reference to education plans implemented in post-conflict societies such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, and South Africa. Each of them has experienced violent conflicts and has used education as a tool to succeed in their post-conflict process. In sum, there are several educational programs that involve children, young people, survivors, parents, teachers, and local communities as well as curriculums focused on teaching of cultural values and technical skills to improve the quality of life in a post-conflict setting.

Colombia has joined the international movement of countries which, under the impulse of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), are looking to integrate global citizenship education (GCED) into their educational system. However, being a recently emerging initiative, the characteristics and possible effects of GCED have not been discussed sufficiently in academia, nor among policy makers. This paper presents a critical discourse analysis of the most recent antecedents of GCED to be found in Colombian education policy. It thereby contributes to the national and international debate surrounding the integration of GCED in contexts that differ from those of Western and 'developed' countries, which have been the main focus of GCED research and interventions to date. It is argued that, in the case of Colombia, educational initiatives that are based on critical approaches to GCED should be recuperated and strengthened, since these initiatives provide powerful clues for a truly transformative integration of GCED in the country.

Critical peace education literature has focused attention on how programmes that promise to teach peace contribute to and contest existing power relations. However, using social theory to work out the relationship between peace education programmes and their context is only beginning. This paper uses a document review and interviews with experts to examine the expectations for peace education in Colombia and the challenges these programmes face. It finds there is a coherent set of demands that constitute peace education, which primarily focus on developing empathy and critical thinking. These aims face material restrictions of a lack of time and space in the curriculum, but also the problem of embedded competitive behaviour between pupils. Bourdieu's toolkit of habitus, field and capital frames this obstacle as part of the struggle to determine what constitutes legitimate capital within a field. This framing has two benefits. It prevents the problem of competitive inter-pupil relations being located within the actions of individual teachers and students. It also allows for solutions that address the structural challenges facing peace education. This use of Bourdieu focuses attention on the systemic obstacles facing peace education and so helps move the literature away from problem-solving and individualised analysis.

Public education is one influence on how young people learn to navigate social conflicts and to contribute to building democratic peace, including their sense of hope or powerlessness. Social studies curricula, in particular, introduce core concerns, geographies, governance and civil society, and participation skills and norms. History education narratives frame identity, (dis)trust or peaceful coexistence, and provide exemplars of how social conflicts and injustice have been handled in the past. To shed light on these peacebuilding and peace-blocking choices, this paper examines government-sanctioned social studies and history curricula in contrasting contexts of violent conflict and peace: Bangladesh, Colombia, México, and (Ontario) Canada. Our comparative analysis shows how these official curricula (de)normalize violence and militarism, present national identities as hegemonic/exclusive or plural/inclusive, and create opportunities for teaching/learning peacebuilding citizenship competencies such as conflict dialog, human rights awareness, and engagement in collective processes of civil society and governance.

This article focuses on civic education and the constitution of subjects within a complex landscape of peace and war making in Colombia. Using a genealogical approach to study the manufacturing of citizens, and drawing on a document analysis of policies, curricular guidelines, and teaching resources, this paper evidences an increasing attention to students' skills, conducts, and interpersonal relations, rather than structural inequality and injustice. Through the examination of the "integral citizen," I argue that the development of students as skillful civic subjects has become central to the aspiration of building and sustaining peace and democracy. Such citizens are described as individually embodying the virtues and skills of problem-solving, conflict-management, autonomy, and self-regulation of emotions. This research adds to our understanding of the construction of the ideal citizen in conflict-affected settings, and how education policy intersects with larger efforts for meaningful and sustained change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent literature has identified a new avenue for approaching peace in the post-peace agreement sphere: agonistic peace. While much of the nascent scholarship on agonistic peace includes mentions of gender, the link between agonistic peace and gender has yet to be clarified. This paper fills this gap in the literature in three critical ways. First, it demonstrates the shared importance in both certain strands of feminist theory and agonistic theory of anti-essentialism, intersectionality, and plurality. Second, it argues that agonistic peace's emphasis on transforming existing hegemonies through non-violent contestation must include a focus on addressing patriarchal patterns of oppression. Finally, through the empirical example of Colombia's Truth Commission, it demonstrates the ways in which a post-agreement examination of gender can serve as a tool for identifying agonistic peace practices in empirical cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses the fundamental aspects of transitional justice in Colombia, within the legal framework developed to obtain peace and considering the broad case law of the Colombian Constitutional Court on the matter. To this end, after laying down some foundations concerning the scope of the constitutional principle of "peace" in the Colombian legal order and the concepts of justice, truth, reparation and guarantee of non-repetition, the study focuses on the legislative and judicial developments that have characterized the process, starting from its very beginning up until the report of the Commission for the Clarification of the Truth in 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2015, the Colombian Ministry of Education introduced the Cátedra de Paz (CdP), a national policy that seeks to contribute to human rights, citizenship, violence prevention, and peaceful conflict resolution. In the context of a decentralized education system, schools have significant autonomy to adapt the policy to local contexts. Relatively little research to date has documented the enactment, evaluation, or impact of the CdP. This study aims to understand how educators have interpreted this national mandate, and the extent to which the policy has prompted and expanded teaching and learning opportunities about conflict, peace, and justice. We explore the perspectives of 46 teachers working in public schools across 19 of Bogotá's 20 localities, several years into the creation of the CdP and in the midst of a contentious national peace process. The paper shows a range of enactment formats and uneven impact on teachers' existing commitments to peace education. We conclude that the CdP has had a contradictory effect on school-based practices, legitimizing the importance of peace education as a national imperative, while marginalizing efforts within schools as individualized and bound to the social sciences subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Insecurities associated with the credible commitment problem during disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR) processes are usually examined within a dyadic relationship between the government and a rebel group, ignoring how these insecurities play themselves out in the context of multiple warring parties. In addition, most studies on these dynamics take an overview macro-perspective, leaving out micro-dynamics such as how insecurity is experienced by those undertaking the disarmament process. This paper examines FARC members' perception of insecurity and threat during the disarmament process in Colombia in the context of multiple armed groups. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with FARC combatants in three different demobilisation camps during the process of disarmament, this paper sheds light on how credible commitment problems between the FARC and the Colombian government were influenced by the presence of additional armed actors and how associated insecurities are perceived by combatants who are disarming vis-à-vis various armed actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper studies the impact of terrorist attacks on the returns and volatility of Colombian stock returns using an event study methodology in a GARCH model framework. It also investigates the impact of the 2016 peace accord between the Colombian government and the FARC, an army of leftist narco-guerrillas, on the same characteristics of the financial market. Results show that the COLCAP index, a market-capitalization weighted index that includes the 25 most liquid stocks listed in the Colombia's stock exchange, has a significant negative abnormal return of 0.1% 1 day after a bombing attack occurs, that continues to accumulate down to −0.18% 3 days after. Furthermore, events associated with the peace accord, exhibit a significant positive abnormal return of 0.58% on the event date that continues to accumulate up to 1.02% the day after. In addition, cumulative abnormal volatility (CAV) is statistically insignificant both after terrorist attacks and peace-associated events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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After more than 50 years of war, in 2016, the Colombian government signed a historic peace accord with the country's largest rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Although the cessation of hostilities between the rebel group and the government is a monumental step, violence remains rife in the country. By drawing attention to the correlation between neoliberal economic development in the country and militarism, this paper sheds light on several structural issues that have been left potentially unresolved by the peace negotiations, each with the potential to ignite further violence. We introduce the concept of militaristic neoliberalism to argue that there is a fundamental link between Colombia's neoliberal development and a culture of militarism, which relies on gendered and racialized constructions of 'self' and 'other', that exacerbate structural inequalities and severely hampers prospects for achieving peace for many of Colombia's citizens post-conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Using the 'war on drugs' in Colombia as its case study, this paper reflects on the recent findings and recommendations of Colombia's Truth Commission to make a case for a transformative approach to end ongoing cycles of drugs-related violence. In Colombia, the armed conflict and repressive prohibitionist drug policies are deeply entangled, and violence is ongoing. A peaceful future, we contend, requires thinking about a world in which we can live well with drugs. This would be a clear break from the goal of a 'drug free' world that has prevailed under the repressive prohibitionist regime. Legal regulation of drug markets is proposed here as a form of long-overdue reparations for victim groups in Colombia, which could address and repair past inequality and harms engendered by prohibition, and improve the living conditions of people involved in, and impacted by, illegal drug markets. Colombia, with its unique historical trajectory, has much to contribute towards future projections on the global legal regulation of drug markets. By positioning legal regulation of drug markets as reparation, this paper contributes to debates on drug policy reform and reparative justice, arguing that the two are very much connected. • The Colombian truth commission (CEV) concluded that the county's conflict has been transformed by the 'war on drugs'. • This chapter analyses the CEV's recommendation to transition towards a legally regulated drug market to end violence in Colombia. • Drug policy reform is not an end in itself; it should help to create a fairer and more inclusive world. • This chapter makes an important contribution from the Global South to debates about drug legalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the special issue "The Micro-dynamics of Conflict and Peace: Evidence from Colombia." It contributes to the burgeoning literature on the study of micro-dynamics in peace and conflict studies, with a special empirical focus on the Colombian case. The contributors to the special issue use a variety of methods and interdisciplinary approaches to study questions regarding land tenure and forced displacement during conflict, the assassination of social leaders in post-conflict scenarios, as well as dataset comparability and accuracy in micro-level analyses. They tackle the challenges of micro-level studies of conflict, namely the disconnect between the macro- and the micro-levels, data quality, and generalization. Indeed, although all articles use Colombia in their empirical analyses, the theoretical contributions are broad and general: land tenure structures cause and are caused by conflict dynamics; national policies will be met with violence to preserve local orders; and relatively rich data environments are not as reliable as they might seem. Este artículo presenta el número especial "Las microdinámicas de conflicto y paz: evidencia de Colombia". Contribuye a la creciente literatura sobre las microdinámicas en los estudios de paz y conflicto, con un enfoque empírico especial en el caso colombiano. Los autores en este número especial usan una variedad de métodos y aproximaciones interdisciplinares para estudiar preguntas acerca de la tenencia de la tierra y el desplazamiento forzado durante el conflicto, el asesinato de líderes sociales en escenarios de posconflicto, así como la comparabilidad y certeza de bases de datos en los análisis a un nivel micro. Los autores enfrentan los retos del estudio a nivel micro del conflicto, a saber: la desconexión entre los niveles macro y micro, la calidad de los datos, y la generalización. En efecto, aunque todos los artículos usan a Colombia en sus análisis empíricos, las contribuciones teóricas son amplias y generales: las estructuras de la tenencia de la tierra causan y son causadas por las dinámicas del conflicto; las políticas nacionales serán enfrentadas con violencia para preservar órdenes locales; y ambientes relativamente ricos en datos no necesariamente son tan fiables como aparentan. Cet article présente le numéro spécial "Les microdynamiques des conflits et de la paix : évidence de la Colombie". Il contribue à la littérature croissante sur les microdynamiques dans les études sur la paix et les conflits, avec un focus empirique particulier sur le cas colombien. Les auteurs de ce numéro spécial utilisent une variété de méthodes et d'approches interdisciplinaires pour étudier des questions sur le régime foncier et les déplacements forcés pendant les conflits, le meurtre de leaders sociaux dans les situations post-conflit, ainsi que la comparabilité et la certitude des bases de données dans l'analyse à un niveau micro. Les auteurs sont confrontés aux défis de l'étude du conflit au niveau micro, à savoir : la déconnexion entre les niveaux macro et micro, la qualité des données et la généralisation. En effet, bien que tous les articles utilisent la Colombie dans leurs analyses empiriques, les contributions théoriques sont amples et générales : les structures fonciéres causent et sont causées par la dynamique des conflits; les politiques nationales se heurteront à la violence pour préserver l'ordre local; et les environnements relativement riches en données ne sont pas nécessairement aussi fiables qu'ils le paraissent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Conflicts have a strong impact on land tenure, use, distribution, accessibility, and governance; consequently, a sustainable strategy for peacebuilding requires the set-up of land-based institutional arrangements from the peace negotiation phase onwards. Based on the concept of territorial peace, these arrangements have a key role in the reconstruction of the collective, productive, and symbolic functions of the territory after conflicts, and in addressing conflict root causes related to land inequality. This paper contributes to the development of the concept of territorial peace by providing a framework for its operationalisation, based on three categories of arrangements, and testing it, to qualitatively explore and compare two comprehensive peace agreements: Colombia and the Philippines. Land may take the role of peacemaker in addressing territorial peace's collective dimensions, especially when it is at the core of a peace agreement; however, its implementation remains volatile if it lacks trust, security, and technical capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Hydroelectric power is part of the global energy transition policy, but its production in Colombia requires more collaborative solutions to social conflicts. This research aims to analyze watersheds' governance as a collaborative framework using a cross-case study based on 53 interviews with the hydropower industry stakeholders in Colombia to describe issues, players, and tools in the context of conflict because of water access complications and violent struggle situations. The results exhibited water consumption complications and land use conflicts caused by the economic sectors of energy and agriculture. The identified transition to peace and the energy industry's interdependency with the territory are favorable issues for a fairer energy transition to renewables. Governance regimes contribute more to planning and joint execution than evaluation in facing two significant challenges: (1) assessing the impact of the hydropower industry and (2) reducing the asymmetry between players. The research contributes to the energy transition policy with a comprehensive governance framework to better understand the interdependence between the hydropower industry and watersheds in conflict contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of scholarship connects the participation of women and the inclusion of gender provisions to the sustainability of peace settlements. But how do women's groups navigate gender power structures and gendered forms of violence within complex and fragile political bargaining processes aimed at ending large-scale conflict? The 2016 Colombian peace agreement, internationally applauded for its inclusion of strong gender provisions and women's participation as negotiators and peace advocates, is a significant case for examining these questions. Drawing on original case material, including interviews of key actors on different sides of the conflict – this article analyses the political bargaining dynamics within and among women's movements, the Santos government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, FARC). We argue that the inclusion of women was pivotal in transforming the elite bargaining process and power structures of Colombian society enabling a gender-based approach to the substantive peace agenda addressing transitional gender justice for sexual violence survivors and gender-equal redistribution through land and rural reform programmes. The study suggests that deeply situated political bargaining analysis is essential to navigating gender in elite bargains rather than a one-size-fits-all approach to inclusive peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship has seen the peace agreement between Colombian government and the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) guerrillas a milestone in closing more than 50 years of internal armed conflict. Indeed, the traditional practice of subversive warfare between the two sides ended. However, this did not imply a true path to peacebuilding. The empirical and statistical evidence indicates the worsening of the conflict through the transformation of its practices and representations, into terrorism and transnational organized crime. This article contends that the FARC, as a political party, a new insurgent group, and a criminal actor, continues to have a main role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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What explains the divergent strategies of middle commanders after negotiated peace? After Colombia's peace process with the insurgent group Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, former FARC midlevel commanders deployed a variety of strategies, from leading reintegration projects to build peace, to rearming splinter groups to spoil peace. Most other studies approach leading and spoiling separately, thus failing to account for both outcomes. Responding to this limitation, this article proposes an integrated theory explaining middle commander strategies after armed conflict. It argues that former commanders seek to maximise personal security and influence, and they choose strategies that respond to variations in local security and community embeddedness. Former commanders in secure areas with community embeddedness will build peace, while former commanders in dangerous areas with community embeddedness will spoil peace. This argument is evaluated with a qualitative analysis using primary data collected during field work in Colombia, including 59 interviews with former FARC members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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this paper examines how the memory of the war influenced the campaigning for the October 2016 peace plebiscite in Colombia. By analyzing 1307 tweets, the study identifies key strategies carried out by supporters and opponents of the peace agreement. This comparative approach shows that the "No" campaign mobilized the public around the delegitimization of the FARC guerilla, while the "Yes" campaign used Twitter essentially to announce campaign events. Allusions to the armed conflict were more frequent in the tweets against the peace agreement. They contributed to (re) writing the collective memory of the conflict by referring mainly to the facts for which the adversaries were responsible. The campaign for the plebiscite was a continuation of the war discourses specific to the period of armed confrontation. The conclusion highlights the implications for the peacebuilding project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The signing of the Final Agreement between the Colombian National Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) on November 24, 2016, created many expectations. However, key advances that were achieved during the subsequent months gave way to a period of stagnation and even actual backsliding in its implementation. This paper analyzes the difficulties of fulfilling the Final Agreement, in particular as concerns its first point regarding Comprehensive Rural Reform (CRR). The analysis is based on the argument that if the Agreement was focused on generating the conditions necessary to end armed conflict and reestablish democratic conditions in the country, it also contains structural factors which infringe upon the consolidation of peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The start of the negotiations in 2012 between the government of Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) over an agreement to put an end to the Colombian armed conflict was marked by the absence of women. In response, women's and feminist movements raised their voices to press the government for inclusion in the process. Due to their intervention, women's invisibility was alleviated by the creation of the Gender Subcommittee, the first of its kind in the world, and the gendered approach was mainstreamed. This paper analyses the meaning of war in the lives of Colombian women and the journey women's and feminist movements took to gain recognition for their experiences and needs in the 2016 Peace Agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how the Nasa indigenous community of Toribío (Cauca, Colombia) has configured mental reconciliation models in spite of the violent feedback they received during the armed conflict in Colombia. For this analysis, the theoretical perspective of cognitive institutionalism is used. Empirical evidence was collected mainly through semi-structured interviews and focus groups. The results suggest that strategies of peaceful resistance, such as the creation of Permanent Assembly Sites, the Community Life Plan and the Indigenous Guard, have contributed to producing successful solutions in the search for reconciliation and peace in indigenous territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Peace Agreement or Final Agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP brought the armed conflict with the guerrilla organisation to an end. The agreement is seen as a model due to several of its features: among others, its gender and ethnic perspective, and its methodology of negotiation in the midst of conflict. This introductory article seeks to present the background to the peace process and the main lines of the agreement reached. It also makes a preliminary assessment of compliance with the accords (as of April 2019) and the prospects of success. A general context is thereby provided to the papers included in this issue of Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, which is dedicated to the peace process in Colombia, and to understanding the framework within which its contents should be interpreted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analisis Politico is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Niñez y Juventud is the property of Centro de Estudiso Avanzados en Ninez y Juventud alaianza Cinde, Universidad de Manizales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of CIVILIZAR: Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Sergio Arboleda and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)