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The nexus between democracy and peace in Africa is examined by applying data to 42 sub‐Saharan African (SSA) countries between 2008 and 2020. The study used panel regression techniques that include Ordinary Least Squares, the Tobit regression to account for the limited range of the dependent variable, and the System Generalized Method of Moments to account for endogeneity bias. Using seven indicators of democracy, which include electoral democracy, liberal democracy, participatory democracy, deliberative democracy, egalitarian democracy, a total democracy index derived from principal component analysis, and the Polity2 score, and using the global peace index as a proxy for peace, our findings show that all the indicators of democracy, irrespective of the model, have a positive and significant influence on peace in SSA. The result has underscored the importance of advancing democratic practices and values to promote sustainable peace and stability in the region. Related Articles: Antwi‐Boateng, Osman. 2015. "No Spring in Africa: How Sub‐Saharan Africa Has Avoided the Arab Spring Phenomenon." Politics & Policy 43(5): 754–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12129. Asongu, Simplice A., Cheikh T. Ndour, and Judith C. M. Ngoungou. 2024. "The Effects of Gender Political Inclusion and Democracy on Environmental Performance: Evidence from the Method of Moments by Quantile Regression." Politics & Policy, 52(1), 118–39. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12576. Ryan, Susannah. 2015. "White Gold and Troubled Waters in Southern Africa: Hydropolitical Policy's Effect on Peace in Lesotho and South Africa." Politics & Policy 4(2): 239–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12114. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of tolerance and recognition of the other in the text of the peace agreement signed between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-FARC-EP People's Army, and its implication in the success of the Agreement and the construction of a stable and lasting peace. As early as, a documentary review and using the hermeneutic method, philosophical texts that address the concept of tolerance and recognition of the other were reviewed, to then enter into dialogue with the text of the Final Agreement. It is concluded that the final Agreement expressly emphasizes tolerance, but not recognition of the other; however, there are relevant aspects in the text of the Agreement such as forgiveness and reconciliation that require going beyond tolerant acts, especially when is going to implement a Peace Agreement to end an armed conflict, where negative feelings are involved that make it difficult to advance in national reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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International Humanitarian Law (IHL) strives to protect those affected by armed conflicts and limit means and methods of warfare. However, violations of IHL persist, and people often remain inadequately protected. The article traces IHL's historical evolution from its early days to the universal ratification of the Geneva Conventions, emphasizing that the framework itself is not flawed. Instead, the lack of political will to comply with IHL in good faith is the primary cause of these violations. The article argues that compliance in good faith with IHL is essential to preserve its protective nature and demonstrate its relevance. Examples of compliance with IHL illustrate how IHL can protect persons affected by armed conflicts and its potential to contribute to peace. The conclusion underscores that the persistent relevance of IHL hinges on states' commitment to uphold and enforce its principles, asserting that genuine political will is crucial for mitigating the impact of armed conflicts and fostering sustainable peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article proposes an analysis of the pericope of Ezekiel 13,1- 16, starting from its context, namely the Babylonian exile, so that it can serve as a paradigm for contemporary reality. Ezekiel is a priest who becomes a prophet. His task is to denounce his countrymen, prophets who proclaimed peace when there was no peace. In the text, the intentions and benefits of the false prophets are exposed and they receive divine oracles. In the same way, today there are many prophets who propagate the peace of life in the midst of extreme consumerism, individual enrichment in the face of the impoverishment of the masses, professional performance as a form of success, even if one loses one's soul and spirit for it. This analysis is based on bibliographical, qualitative and hermeneutic research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research explored school coexistence from the students' perception of conflict, and was developed under a mixed descriptive approach. The conceptual foundation included information associated with the construction of reality, conflict and violence, as seen from Galtung's theory. The fieldwork was based on a non-probabilistic sampling, corresponding to 24 students of the Francisco José Caldas School of Cúcuta in Norte de Santander, Colombia. The diagnosis showed that perceptions of conflict correspond to the notion of direct violence, are based on negative implicit appraisals, and are difficult to modify. In addition, students have a low capacity to develop explicitly grounded conceptions, since the cultural and social environment repeatedly presents conflict in a negative way. The results can contribute to the formulation of strategies for the construction of a healthy school coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is relevant to build a common view of the city, of those diverse cities, which actually make up the district of Medellin, the city of hillsides, the rural peasant city, the city of tenants, possessors, and owners, the city of the large informal economy family, the city of dwellers, and, even, the city of street dwellers. This shared vision should lead to a collective agenda, which will guide development plans and, even more, land-use plans, by promoting a more inclusive and equitable network-city. This concrete, real, participatory process is what we should consider, in a certain way, the path toward Urban Peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the relationship between fraternity and interreligious dialogue and its respective relevance for the construction of a new culture. In this way, we seek to reflect on some questions and problems exposed by Pope Francis in his Encyclical Letter Fratelli Tutti, especially with regard to the importance of interreligious dialogue for the implementation of a culture of encounter and fraternity, based in social freindship and political love. To This end, initially, it is about analyzing the concept of fraternity, and, secondly, presenting some essencial assumptions, so that, in fact, it is possible to articulate and develop a respectful, constructive and cooperative interreligious dialoge, whose purpose is the integral development of human beings in a more fraternal and peaceful society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study was to describe the differences in the perceptions of peacebuilding factors among children, adolescents, parents and teachers in Colombian public schools. Methodologically, the study was based on a quantitative approach with a descriptive scope and a nonexperimental cross-sectional design; the instrument applied was the Likert scale of Peace Perception, which evaluates the following factors: participation mechanisms, social coexistence, communication, pedagogical strategies and institutionalism. The population consisted of 164 children, 214 adolescents, 104 parents and 39 public school teachers. The results indicate that there are significant differences in the perceptions of all the factors for peace building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To reveal the role of women from the municipality of Ovejas, Sucre, as peace weavers during times of armed violence and transition in Colombia, based on the recognition of care as a comprehensive category. Methodology: The research was qualitative, employing a narrative approach. Ten women from eight local initiatives participated. The selection of the information unit was done through non-probabilistic sampling. The technique used was the semistructured in-depth interview. Results: Through practices of self-care and care for others, the women of Ovejas demonstrate novel aesthetics that contribute to peace in a territory long affected by armed violence. Caring for others, through the protection of life where fear, protection, responsibility, and love intersect, and caring for oneself, driven by trust, security, the desire to overcome, and forgiveness as a means of reconciliation, emerge as self-affective expressions of recognition and resistance in support of peace. Conclusions: The care promoted by women during times of armed conflict and transition serves as a mediation of recognition, safeguarding, and binding through love and solidarity. Through caring for themselves and others, women demonstrate their creative capacities that contribute to peacebuilding. In this sense, the experiences of mediation through care demonstrate that when women participate, reconciliation processes become more visible and likely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

More than three decades have passed since revolutions swept through Eastern Europe, Germany was reunified, the Baltic countries reestablished their independence, and the Soviet Union disintegrated. In 1992 it seemed that the East-West conflict had come to an end in a true spirit of cooperation. Antagonistic bipolarity had given way to a new world order. In 2023 we are in a more fragmented world, with new social and political tensions and with new leaders who seek to change previously established consensuses. Extremist positions are normalized, making necessary a critical vision of the quality of contemporary political systems, valuing the perspective of Human Rights, the duty of word and duty of memory, so as not to forget the crises of the dawn of the 20th century. with such a high number of victims. Genuine democracy must foster great attempts at encounter, conciliation, closeness and alliance, as the only context for human rights, citizen participation, social cohesion and peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Territorially Focused Development Programs (PDET), derived from the 2016 peace agreement, seek to strengthen state institutions, and reduce the incidence of criminal organizations in areas affected by armed conflict. This article analyzes the correlation between resources allocated to state strengthening in municipalities prioritized by the PDET and criminal violence rates, through a statistical analysis, segmented into four corridors, during the period 2017-2019 and 2020. The results show that only the Amazon-Guaviare corridor reduced violence rates as an effect of investment expenditures, particularly enforced disappearances. It is considered that investment in the PDETs does not necessarily have an impact on violence rates, as there are criminal governance practices in which illegal actors rearrange their interests in the territory and adapt to the institutional transformations of the post-agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper features the process whereby an experimental Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) program fostered a critical learning community around peace and security across 13 countries and with 40 women. It addresses the epistemological questions of doing research in collective ways (with and among activists/scholars), the axiological challenge of recognizing and embracing counter-expertise, and the possibilities for incorporating values and practices of care as well as non-extractivism in producing and disseminating knowledge. By articulating the core ethical principles that emerged from this experience, the paper suggests a critical feminist epistemological commitment in taking seriously grassroots women's knowledge in peace and security processes, rather than what is often done in both policy and academy: prescribing their needs from above, interpreting their knowledge from the outside, and advising what problems to tackle and how to live. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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El Acuerdo de Paz con las FARC-EP ha sido pionero en la incorporación de la agenda de Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad en los procesos de postconflicto. La creación de la Subcomisión de género, conformada por la sociedad civil organizada, se instituyó como una medida innovadora que impulsó la incorporación transversal del enfoque de género en el Acuerdo Final de Paz (2016). Estas disposiciones han supuesto un avance en la incorporación de una justicia transicional equitativa en el país; que promueve la reparación del impacto diferencial de la violencia en las mujeres y la población LGTBI+. Por estos motivos, el presente artículo tiene como objetivo abordar, desde una perspectiva de género, la innovación de las medidas legislativas desarrolladas en Colombia, en el contexto de excepcionalidad que caracteriza estos acuerdos, con el fin de ofrecer un análisis de la situación que pueda ofrecer lecciones para otros procesos de justicia transicional. The Peace Agreement with the FARC-EP has been a pioneer in the incorporation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda in post-conflict processes. The creation of the Gender Sub-Commission, made up of organized civil society, was instituted as an innovative measure that promoted the mainstreaming of the gender approach in the Final Peace Agreement (2016). These provisions have meant an advance in the incorporation of an equitable transitional justice in the country; one that promotes the reparation of the differential impact of violence on women and the LGTBI+ population. For these reasons, this article aims to approach, from a gender perspective, the innovation of the legislative measures developed in Colombia, in the context of exceptionality that characterizes these agreements. The aim is to offer an analysis of the situation that can provide lessons for other transitional justice processes. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1342