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Qaddafi's unpredictable foreign policy always attracted attention from academics and politicians. However, very few works were devoted to examine an important part of the Libyan leader's diplomacy: The staunch and fervent Arab nationalism directed to promote the creation of state unions with neighboring (and sometimes even far) countries in the perspective of pan-Arabism. Adventurism, limitless ambitions, and irrational projects also hid a pragmatic approach that had its roots in the quest for regional balance of power in the Arab world and the constant search to limit or break the isolation that surrounded Libya, considered a pariah and a rogue state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is no secret that nationalist movements are making their presence felt more throughout the world. This comes as a result of people’s consciousness being marked of the different policies adopted by multilateral institutions which negatively affect the state`s perceived sovereignty. The anarchical structure of the international system reveals how order is only maintained once states hold the power of decision, whether it is through cooperation or independence. Studies underline how sovereignty has become an institution in itself and how states become increasingly dependent on it, in the last seventy years. The concept of a nation-state is not about total independence, but about finding the best economic, social and political solutions for the best outcome through mutual understandings within the Westphalian sphere.

After various setbacks, the latest being the Arab uprisings of 2011, pan-Arabism has made a return starting in the second decade of the 21st century, but in the shape of neo-pan-Arabism. Thus, neo-pan-Arabism would appear to be the legitimate heir of pan-Arabism. Unlike the former, however, it does not appear to be an ideology, but rather a mere tool of Arab regimes to legitimise their control over their populations. Neo-pan-Arabism, then, seems to be a populist rhetoric, with limited action on the ground and aimed primarily at domestic audiences. The cases of Algeria and Tunisia – two countries outside the traditional pan-Arab nucleus –, presented through the actions and words of their respective leaders, illustrate how regimes are using neo-pan-Arabism for their domestic legitimation.

One of the most important developments in modern Islamic missionary activism was the establishment in 1972 of the Libya‐based World Islamic Call Society (WICS, originally the Islamic Call Society) which acted as a leading think tank advocating Muslim unity and Pan‐Arabism throughout the Qaddafi era. Despite the severe challenges facing post‐revolutionary Libya, WICS remains active today, albeit with reduced global visibility. This article demonstrates the ways that WICS's endeavors in publishing were innovative in the Northern African Arabic context, notably when it comes to the al‐Muṣḥaf al‐Jamāhīriyya (1983) and the various Qur'an translations it produced, and argues that its activities are a neglected yet critical aspect of modern Islamic missionary endeavors at the nexus of Pan‐Islamism and Pan‐Arabism. Through exploring WICS's historical background, the individual actors affiliated with it, and its primary publishing projects, the current study sheds light on an overlooked chapter in modern Islamic missionary activity. It also explores the contextual factors that have influenced the success of its Qur'an translations beyond issues of religious identity, offering new insights into the intersection of politics and religion that underlie many modern translations of the Qur'an. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to study the Baathist-Nasserist dialogue occurred in the years preceding the establishment of the United Arab Republic (1952-1958). After providing a historical overview of the evolution of Arab nationalism, this study tries to understand the mutual ideological influences and differences between Baʿathist and Nasserite terminology. In addition, it discusses the effects of such dialogue within the ideological and political context. The research relies on a thorough analysis of Arabic primary sources, from the writings of Baʿath founders to ʿAbd al-Nāṣir’s speeches and writings. Keywords such as “revolution”, “struggle”, “socialism” and “Arabism” will be analyzed and compared. By examining the most relevant conceptual issues from a linguistic and historical perspective, this paper aims to enrich the already existing field of studies about the historical and ideological reassessment of the UAR and, more broadly, of the so called “secular” pan-Arab movements.

Syria is one of many countries in the Middle East diverse in terms of religion, nationality, and ethnicity. Internal divisions emerged when Syria reclaimed independence in 1946, but the differences inside Syrian society have become a taboo. One of the reasons for that was Arab nationalism, which claimed that they were all Arabs. The Syrian authorities managed to maintain the appearance of national homogeneity owing to these claims. This article aims to show the uniqueness of Arab nationalism, which is not characteristic of one country but of numerous states sharing a common past, language, and their citizens belonging to the family of the Arab nation. As a case study for Syria, this article analyses the basic concepts relevant to the subject (nationalism, the nation from the perspective of Islam, and Arab thought), the roots of pan-Arabism in Syria and its presence in the public and legal space. It also attempts to demonstrate that Arab nationalism helped the Syrian authorities (represented by the Alawite minority) blur national, ethnic, and religious differences and thus preserve the unity of society and state.

Kuwait's post-oil modernisation is often attributed to a sequence of masterplans designed by British architects and planners. Throughout the recent history of Kuwait's urban development, these plans foreshadowed policies mediated by local actors and an ambitious public infrastructure building conceived by a new Arab muhandis (architect-engineer). This paper seeks to illuminate a specific period in Kuwait's architectural and urban history that was facilitated by Arab actors hired in the 1960s in different capacities, and the emergence of the Arab architectural firm in the 1970s. By taking on the role of "expert," refining what it means to be a muhandis, and by looking at more regional references, these local actors were able to experiment, attempting to develop a distinctly Arab architectural and urban modernism situated in a global modernist movement. This paper offers an expanded reading of the making of Kuwait's architectural and urban production beyond the polarisation between imported masterplans and locally produced building knowledge and the role played by muhandis in such development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the recent publication in English translation of an anthology of texts from the Moroccan journal Souffles (Stanford University Press, 2016), this article is part of a wider project that links the journal's moves to question Négritude with its postcolonial critique of folklorism. It considers the Moroccan journal as an archetypal May 1968 publication; first, by tracing the dramatic shift that Souffles makes between 1966 and 1969 from literary and cultural journal to revolutionary mouthpiece of Marxist anti-Zionism, and which takes place in a period of pan-Arabist crisis and during the social unrest of 1968–1971 in Morocco; and second, by looking closely at the theoretical and philosophical innovations of Abraham Serfaty, alongside the agitational poetry of Abdellatif Laâbi and the political theories emerging in sub-Saharan Africa and the Francophone Caribbean, that appear in Souffles in the wake of May 1968 in France. Finally, it locates an incipient Maoism in the radicalization of Souffles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ciência & Trópico (03042685) is the property of Fundacao Joaquim Nabuco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Saddam Hussein, the nonexistent president of Iraq, is one of the prominent figures in the Arab world, with whom a part of the Palestinians sympathizes and in some way regard him as a hero in supporting the Palestinian issue. This support has been brought up many times in the media and has had repercussions in Iran's domestic arena. In such that sometimes it has been used as a lever in the psychological operations of the opponents of the Islamic Republic. This article has tried to answer the reason for this support and sympathy for Saddam. Based on this, this article uses the concept of "understanding" in Max Weber's interpretive sociology literature and seeks an understanding of the Sympathizing of some Palestinians with Saddam. By examining the external factors of this empathy, its causal explanation has been attempted. Finally, by settling in a position outside the Palestinian mental and psychological space, this empathy has been critically explained. Although the method of the article is descriptive and analytical, it is also influenced by Weber's interpretations. The basic finding of this article is that the mental and psychological atmosphere of a part of the Palestinians, in a path of understanding, has components that consider Saddam's actions in support of the Palestinian issue as heroic, while the causal and critical explanation of this view shows propositions contrary to this view.

Copyright of Storia Urbana is the property of FrancoAngeli srl and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the Arab Fair that took place in Jerusalem in 1933 and in 1934 from the economic and political perspectives. It foregrounds the reasons and results of the absence of a continuously held international trade fair by Arabs in Palestine within the schema of Mandatory Palestine in particular and of the post-Ottoman Balkans and Middle East in general. Although it was successful in bringing businesspeople from various parts of the Arab World together, the lack of official support, broad participation, international recognition, and promotional efforts abroad, as well as strong Zionist propaganda campaigns against it, adversely affected the progress of the Arab Fair, and it did not take place after 1934. Unlike most other post-Ottoman states where collaboration between business groups and political elites gave rise to international fairs in the interwar period, Palestinian Arabs could not enjoy any official endorsement from the British to organize and sustain such a business gathering. In contrast with the Arab Fair, the Levant Fair in Tel Aviv in the same period grew in size and popularity and evolved into an international spectacle thanks to the contribution of Zionist leaders, enterprises, business associations, and journalists in and outside Palestine and the considerable support of the British and other colonial governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the construction of Gamal Abdel Nasser’s pan-Arab identity from a social constructivist theoretical approach. In this sense, it scrutinizes how Nasser came to be constructed as a pan- Arab hero by cleverly manipulating the symbolic politics and establishing socially and politically binding pan- Arab norms and eventually made himself constrained by them. This study also examines social constructivism’s explanatory power as a theoretical model in understanding and explaining Nasser’s political motives and moves by comparing it with that of rationalism. It is argued that Nasser’s power did not come from economic or military capabilities, as rationalism fails to explain, but his power came from his ability to frame the events within a historical narrative in such a rhetorical way to establish new Arab norms. He was the leading figure in the establishment of the United Arab Republic, the North Yemen Civil War and The Six-Day War of 1967, despite all were against his and Egypt’s absolute material national interests. This article analyzes the path to nationalist ascent and descent of Nasser’s Arabism by chronologically scrutinizing on the discourses and events in order to examine the power of the given theories in explaining each period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Politics & Society / Polityka & Społeczeństwo is the property of University of Rzeszow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Cold War justifiably receives attention from scholars exploring interstate relations in the Middle East. While competition between the major nuclear powers invariably contributed to how regional politics transpired in the twentieth century, there may be much that is missing from the narrative adapting such a focus on external factors. This article provides a detailed analysis of intraregional relations that are informed by domestic, intra-Arab concerns. With special focus on the evolving relations between Iraq and Yemen over the course of the 1920–90 period, it is possible to argue for a new approach to the study of the Middle East and its relationship to the larger world during the Cold War. Domestic concerns prove as much an animating force in global affairs as those based in British, American and/or Soviet Bloc circles usually foregrounded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the problem of political leadership in developing countries on the example of Yemen. The main source of data for the analysis is the personal experience of one of the authors, who worked for two years in the local higher education system. The activity of Yemen’s national leaders, who headed the authoritarian regime in both parts of the country and who coordinated the political, economic and ideological efforts of the authorities, aimed at modernization of the Arab society, has been chosen as the object of the study. The research focuses on the practice of public administration and social transformations, which was implemented in the Yemen Arab Republic and the National Democratic Republic of Yemen, when Ali Abdullah Saleh (1978-2011) and Ali Nasser Muhammad (1972-1986) - prominent representatives of the modernist authoritarianism, headed these countries. First one was an Arab Marxist, the other a moderate Islamic nationalist. The article uses the method of comparative analysis to show the role and importance of political leadership in Yemen under the conditions of the authoritarian regime. The analysis of relevant leaders’ activities provides serious basis for reflection to managers, political scientists and economists.

This article investigates the transregional cultural magazine Al-Arabi (al-'Arabi) during the late 1950s and 1960s under its first editor, the Egyptian scientist Ahmad Zaki. Founded in Kuwait, the magazine's establishment and sociocultural-political agenda are reconstructed within the context of Kuwait's cultural diplomacy and pan-Arabism during decolonization and early Cold War politics. Al-Arabi offered timely discussions on Arab cities, gender, literature, politics and science, and readily embraced color photography for illustrations as a way of stimulating transnational understanding during times of substantial change in the region. Consequently, an analysis of Al-Arabi provides insights into historical strategies for re-imagining the region from within. Overall, the magazine can be situated in a long-standing tradition of Arab printing and publishing, while also forming part of a global illustrated magazine culture. Using a transdisciplinary approach, the article combines archival research and interviews with the media-historical and art-historical analyses of text, image and graphic design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the Middle East is widely associated with Islam, it is diverse in terms of religion. Syria is an example where two religious groups dominate, i.e. Muslims and Christians, which are internally diverse. The purpose of this article is to examine the position of religious minorities in the ideology and politics of Syria. Syria is not chosen by accident as the authors believe that the failure to recognize the existence of minorities and to respect their rights was one of the reasons for the civil war in Syria. The article consists of three parts. The first discusses the theoretical issues related to the definition and understanding of the notions of what constitutes a religious minority and of pan-Arabism in Syria. The next presents the complex religious pattern in country, and the last concerns the policy of the Syrian authorities, who are influenced by Arab nationalism, towards various religious groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is dedicated to the emergence of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. This topic is still relevant in our days since revealing the origins of political and social processes in the Middle East of the 21st century is necessary for their understanding. The main issues which are considered by the author are the following: which factors had crucial influence on the emergence of Arab nationalism (panarabism as well as regionalism), when exactly it was formed and what were the specifics of its emergence in Palestine.The author defines three main periods in the genesis and formation of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. The first is the Nahda, the Arab cultural revival of the second half of the 19th century, which became a foundation for the later development of nationalist ideas. However, the author tries to show that the cultural revival itself was not nationalistic. The second key period is the political expression of the Arab national movement in the first decades of the 20th century, with the ottomanist and later pan-Turkist policy of the Ottoman government having the decisive influence. This policy was nationalist in essence. Zionism, as noted in the text, was not such an important issue for the nascent pan-Arab movement before the First World War, although it caused concern among the locals in Palestine. The third key stage, that was decisive in the Arab national development, is the Great Arab Revolt, which, despite the fact that it was not massive and universal, forced the pan-Arab movement enter the international arena for it attracted the attention of the great powers – mainly with the help of McMahon–Hussein correspondence. In result, during the postwar settlement, pan-Arabism became more popular and internationally recognised phenomenon, although eventually it happened to be divided into a multitude of regional movements, in particular – Palestinian nationalism fostered by the Anglo-French division of influence zones in the Middle East.In general, the formation of the Arab national movement was a multidimensional and gradual phenomenon influenced by a variety of factors. At the same time, the emergence of the regional groups had its own specifics; originally belonging to the Pan-Arab movement, although with their own features, after the First World War these groups became largely independent.

Yevgeny Maximovich Primakov knew the Middle East so well as, perhaps, nobody else in Russia did: he worked in Cairo from 1965 till 1969 and visited the city regularly after that period of time. He was personally acquainted with all of the highest representatives of Egyptian political and military elite. He had visited Israel multiple times since August, 1971. Five PrimeMinisters of the Jewish state (Golda Meir, Yitzhak Rabin, Menachem Begin, Shimon Peres, Benjamin Netanyahu) were his interlocutors in different years. Whatever views and powers he had in different years of his extremely intensive and multifaceted activity, the Middle East lacks very much statesmen of such magnitude and with such depth of understanding of geopolitical and regional processes which distinguished Yevgeny Maximovich, to the memory of whom the current essay is devoted. The June War of 1967 year, which is called in Western and Israeli historiography the Six-Day War, has radically changed the Middle East. Dozens of books and hundreds of scientific articles on this war have been published. The current research demonstrates the central role of Egyptian leaders in the onset of the war which nobody sought for. These lead-ers were driven by considerations and interests of pan-Arab solidarity which significantly contradicted in this case the interests of Egypt itself. By analyzing the causes of the war of June 1967 between Egypt and Israel it is proved that they laid to a certain significant extent beyond the context of bilateral relations of these countries.The tragic experience of June 1967 is important nowadays when it is taken for granted that a new war between Israel and Egypt could not erupt because these countries have nothing to divide after the return of the Sinai Peninsula. Once upon a time, in March 1957, Israel has already withdrawn its forces from the Sinai. The same situation of lack of territorial claims did not prevent abrupt escalation of conflict in May 1967 and the following outbreak of hos-tilities. Another important lesson is that security of any country, including Israel, cannot be guaranteed neither by deployment of the “blue helmets” nor by receiving American guaran-tees. As events of the second half of May 1967 demonstrated, both UN forces and American authorities were ready to shirk when the task of war prevention was most acute.

The purpose of the paper is to identify and analyze some key factors that in recent years have stimulated processes and trends, leading to further fragmentation of the Arab world. The main attention is focused on the substantiation of the thesis that, despite the desire of the Arab peoples to unite on the path to the formation of a single state entity, due to a complex of factors, almost all of their attempts have failed. It is shown that the causes of the contradictions and conflicts underlying the fragmentation, along with the socio-economic and political ones, are also rooted in the confessional sphere. This thesis is based primarily on the examples of the conflict between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, as well as the wider Sunni-Shiite conflict, which, starting with the Islamic Revolution of 1979 in Iran has become increasingly acute over the past decade. It is concluded that the trends towards fragmentation, which have intensified as a result of the so-called “Arab Spring”, in modern conditions prevail over the unifying aspirations of the Arab peoples.

In the article, the authors consider the models of self-identification typical for the public thought of Egypt of the interwar period. In the fi rst half of XX century Egypt entered an important period of its history. As one of the fi rst formally independent Arab States, Egypt continued to struggle for full sovereignty from the United Kingdom while seeking to establish itself as a regional leader. In this regard, the leading thinkers of Egypt tried to determine the place of their country in the world and fi nd the most acceptable ideology for it, which could also rally other Arab, Muslim, Asian and African countries around Egypt. The article touched upon four concepts that were developed during the interwar period and infl uenced the further development of public thought in Egypt. Some thinkers have tried to develop a model of secular pan-Arabism based on the ideas of al-Kawakibi and al-Husri. For these authors, Egypt was an integral part of the Arab world and the core of its possible unifi cation. The second concept was related to pan-Islamism: developing the ideas of al-Afghani, the ideologues of this direction interpreted Egypt primarily as a Muslim country and part of the Dar al-Islam . For example, Muslim Brotherhood belonged to this group. The third concept is associated with the comprehension of the identity of Egypt through the idea of pharaonism and tamsir modern Egyptians declared heirs of the ancient Egyptian civilization. The fourth concept, conventionally named Eastern Idea or Easternism , was founded on the opposition of all the countries of the East to Western countries. Each of the areas of identity of Egypt - pan-Arab, pan-Islamic, Egyptian (pharaonism) and Easternism - made a contribution to the development of the identity of Egyptian society in the interwar period, and somehow infl uenced on the history of Egypt in the second half of the XX century.

The debate concerning the identity of Arabs in Israel involves a dimension that has not yet been studied--the hybrid identity of a stateless minority. The definition of Israel as a Jewish state, the fact that Arabs in Israel do not take part in the country's Independence Day, and the emergence of a national movement among Arabs in Israel demanding cultural but not territorial autonomy are major factors that foreground this status of Arabs in Israel. The current study focuses on the influence of activist Arab groups--political, literary, and journalistic--within the Israeli Communist Party. The party operated as a group of "populist intellectuals" immediately following its consent to the Palestine Partition Plan. The goal of the Communist Party was to engineer the identity of the Palestinian collectivity in Israel as a hybrid identity adapted to the political and territorial circumstances in the aftermath of the War of 1948. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike many works on constitutions, this article focuses on non-legal aspects of the framing of Arab constitutions. This emphasis on the social and political in lieu of purely legal aspects of constitution-making allows us to place constitutions in a wider regional and not merely national context, and interpret them from a not strictly legal perspective. By adopting such an approach, historians can explain the extent to which the turbulence in the Arab world in the 1950s as a result of Arab nationalism, the creation of the state of Israel, the rivalry between revolutionary and monarchic Arab regimes, and the Cold War affected three Arab organic laws in the revolutionary year of 1958. This focus on contemporary social and political developments enables scholars to explain why the three different fundamental laws examined here reflect three different interpretations of Arab nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The state of Israel, and the Zionist movement before it, has always considered itself to be facing an existential threat from hostile surroundings. Hence, seeking alliance with non-Arab nations and ethnic minority groups in the area was seen as a means of confronting this challenge. During the early decades of its existence, the Israeli establishment adopted the concept of the alliance of the periphery and the alliance of minorities developed by Israel's first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion and his protégée, Reuven Shiloah, the founder of the Israeli intelligence service, the Mossad. This research project will demonstrate that, in opposition to apologetic and ideologically-motivated arguments that deny that alliance with minority communities has been a systematic policy, the minorities' alliance has for decades been an important foundation of Israeli strategy vis-à-vis the Arab world. Furthermore, the article will argue and demonstrate that the 'Minorities Alliance' is derived from ideological, historical, and strategic considerations anchored in the very existence of Zionism and Israel. Furthermore, and on the same note, this conception and strategy cannot be disconnected from the self-perception of Zionism, its self-directed reading of Jewish history, and the Zionisation of the milieu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many existing studies on the war in Syria offer important insights but none fully engages the longue durée of history and its implications. Syria like many other states in Asia was established and institutionalized in the context of the growth and expansion of a capitalist world economy centred in Europe. The Franco-British reorganization of the Levant between the two world wars was supposed to support long-term processes of wealth accumulation and economic growth but forceful integration in the world economy set the stage instead for nationalist backlashes, economic crises, and war. Indeed, one of the driving forces of conflict in Syria as well as in other parts of the developing world has been the recurrence of struggles between those pushing for ever greater capitalist integration and those resisting such efforts in the name of alternative ideologies, including communism, Pan-Arab nationalism, and various distinct currents of political Islam. To demonstrate these dynamics, this paper will present a sweeping overview of the history of Syria and of the greater region, from Ottoman times to the present. It will also examine in detail the war that broke out in Syria in 2011, highlighting how it relates to broader struggles unfolding across the immediate region and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its establishment in 1921, Iraq’s borders were incorporated by a diverse medley of people who had not been joined into a single political community with a common sense of identity. For the Iraqi rulers, the education system was the most important and the best tool for expanding a common national identity. As a result, a centralized education system was created, new schools were developed, and new education with nationalist content was spread from Baghdad to other parts of the country. In the present study, the descriptive-analytical method was used and the data were collected through library sources to answer two research questions: how nationalism and the infusion of national identity were started and expanded in the Iraqi society? And what goals and motives did the nationalists have to promote nationalism in Iraq? The results showed that Arab nationalists, such as Sati' al-Husri, Fazel Jamali and Sami Shawkat, along with Syrian and Palestinian nationalists, who taught in Iraq, played an important role in the development of national identity. They expanded a common national identity with the foundation of Arabism by teaching the common Arabic history and the language developed for the curriculum. Ultimately, the spread of nationalism pursued two important goals: to create a shared identity in Iraq's multi-ethnic society and to emphasize its role in Arab unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on a comparative discussion of Arab secular and Islamic perceptions of power in the interwar period (1919-39), analyzing the writings of two key figures, namely Sāmī Šawkat, who was a vocal protagonist of Arab unity in Iraq, and Ḥasan al-Bannā, who founded the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. A comparative perspective reveals marked similarities between the two authors. Both advocated commitment to the nation and opposition to imperialism, and both positioned education as the focal point of their approach, fostering a glorious legacy and the exaltation of sacrifice. A careful analysis of Šawkat's and al-Bannā's conception of power adds another layer to our understanding of the interplay between secular and religious thought in the Middle East, an issue that has been largely overlooked in the literature, on the assumption that the two worldviews were conflicting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text speaks about two very important problems existing in Tunisia, after revolution: identity and language. The problem about Tunisian identity is very present in Tunisia, because the article 38 of constitution speaks about Arabic-Muslim identity, but that, it is not correspond to the reality, because we have to talk about a specific identity character of the country. “Tunisianity”, it’s the wright answer to the article 38.Second important question is the language. Always the article 38 of the constitution voted by the Islamic party at that time at the power, says that the national language is Arabic. Even that not correspond to the linguistic reality of the country, because classical Arabic is not spoken in Tunisia. People speaks Tunisian Arabic. So the text analyses the dangers of the article 38 about the real Tunisian identity and Tunisian language.

This article examines Taha Hussein's (1889-1973) efforts as minister of public instruction to create Egyptian cultural institutes in Europe and North Africa between 1950 and 1952. While scholars have explored the Egyptian interest in the Mashriq before 1952, the details of Hussein's hitherto unknown conflict with the French authorities over the creation of such institutes in the Maghrib show that Egypt also sought to officially extend its influence to the Maghrib before Nasser came to power. The article explores how Egypt and France articulated their cultural policies in the region as Egypt tried to assert itself as the guardian of Arabic and Islamic studies. Moreover, the article shows that despite Hussein's ties to France and his controversial claim that culture should transcend politics, his negotiations reveal that the promotion of culture was his political strategy to assert an Egyptian influence, and push back against French colonial policies in North Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]