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Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the modern world, festivals and commemorative ceremonies, national pledges, songs are all used to help students connect to each other and their wider society, particularly to the nation state and its ideals. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate how such rituals were used to different ends in terms of nation-building in the Republic of Turkey. The Western-oriented identity of the Turkish Republic began to take shape during the Ottoman era, and education played a very significant role in this. This paper first introduces the educational rituals of the Ottoman state to set the scene for the main discussion, which centres on the development of new rituals in the Turkish Republic. Religious and sultanic rituals were replaced by new rituals which fostered Turkish identity and promoted secular nationhood. To this end, the most effective educational rituals – national festivals, flag-raising ceremonies and Turkey's student pledge – are examined in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A century after the victorious Allied powers distributed their spoils of victory in 1919, the world still lives with the geopolitical consequences of the mandates system established by the League of Nations. The Covenant article authorizing the new imperial dispensation came cloaked in the old civilizationist discourse, entrusting sovereignty over "peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world" to the "advanced nations" of Belgium, England, France, Japan, and South Africa. In this series of "reflections" on the mandates, ten scholars of Europe, Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and the international order consider the consequences of the new geopolitical order birthed by World War I. How did the reshuffling of imperial power in the immediate postwar period configure long-term struggles over minority rights, decolonization, and the shape of nation-states when the colonial era finally came to a close? How did the alleged beneficiaries—more often the victims—of this "sacred trust" grasp their own fates in a world that simultaneously promised and denied them the possibility of self-determination? From Palestine, to Namibia, to Kurdistan, and beyond, the legacies of the mandatory moment remain pressing questions today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ottoman–Italian War of 1911–1912, often overlooked as little more than a prelude to much greater calamities, produced a vibrant discourse in Ottoman-language newspapers that called attention to issues including the efficacy of international law, Ottoman sovereignty, and the place of North Africa in the Ottoman imperial imagination. This article explores the coverage of the war in the Ottoman-language press and argues that the outbreak of the Ottoman–Italian War produced similar claims on the need to protect the Ottoman nation – and Ottoman imperial ambitions – to those following the Balkan Wars to which historiography ascribes much more importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to examine the genocide story invented during the late 1980's and 90's called the "Pontic Greek Genocide" by way of referring both to the Greek academic sources and Pontic Greek allegations. This article also examines this invented story by referring to the Turkish evaluation of the "Pontus question" before, during, and after the World War I with a special emphasis on the period corresponding to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. In this general framework, this article reviews the ethnic background of the Pontic Greeks, the fragmentation of the Byzantine Empire and its successor states, the conquest of the Greek Trebizond Empire by the Ottoman Empire, Pontus Greek narratives and claims concerning the World War I developments, Pontic Greek activities and efforts to establish a Pontian state during World War I, and the invented story of genocide. It also elaborates the elements of the hate speech developed against Turks on the basis of the fabricated "Pontic Greek Genocide". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pursuit of History is the property of Selcuk University, Faculty of Arts & Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents a report from an April 8-12, 2014 conference in Istanbul, Turkey organized by the Orient-Institut Istanbul school of the Max Weber Stiftung foundation and the Tarih Vakfi Association of Liberal Historians of Turkey on the history of Ottoman involvement in World War I. Topics of presentations included the deportations of Greek residents of Western Anatolia, violence against Arabs and Armenians in World War I, and social conditions of Iranians living in the Ottoman Empire.

The prolongation of the Italian-Turkish War encouraged the Balkan peoples to attack Turkey in September 1912. The declared aim was to release the conationals in the Ottoman Empire and to unify the liberated territories. In this situation, Turkey saw herself obliged to conclude peace with Italy, in Lausanne, on October 15, 1912, surrendering and giving up Tripolitania and Cyrenaica. As such, the Balkan States made a great service to Italy, as Italy in its turn had helped drawing Turkey into a war that has weakened it from all points of view. The Balkan Alliance generated various reactions among the European powers, since it was born under the patronage of Russia, an empire that hoped to be able to count, in the event of an increasingly predictable European war, on a major political and military force in the South-East Europe, but it overestimated the influence exercised over these States because the Balkan allies attacked the Ottoman Empire at a time when Russia had not accomplished all military preparations. The entry of the Romanian armies and their march towards Bulgaria and Sofia had an important role in the cessation of hostilities and the start of peace talks. They were held in Bucharest, which highlighted Romania's role in settling the conflict. The peace of Bucharest generated different reactions among the European powers, according to the interests and rivalries in the area. The most affected was Austro-Hungary which claimed the allegiance of the ratification of the treaty to a European Conference, but France, Russia and the United Kingdom opposed to any revisions, whereas Italy and Germany, not excluding this possibility, considered that the decisions adopted in Bucharest had to be respected. However, the Balkan wars did not solve all territorial issues, many of the decisions taken were subsequently challenged and hence in applicable. There were still disputed territories, as well as countries discontented because of the lack of a seashore access, of the collapse of a hegemony vision, or of the loss of some key positions. Soon, all these rivalries and disputes became evident in connection with the outbreak of World War I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları is the property of Turk Dunyasi Arastirmalari Vakfi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the influence of the historian Ibn Khaldun on the political debates on the Ottoman Empire in the early 20th century between Arab nationalists', who believed in the importance of tribal affiliation, and the Ottoman Empire supporters, who held the Khaldunian theory based on asabiyaa, or group feeling. An overview of the role that the Qurʾan and hadiths played in the intellectual debate on the Ottoman Empire, including in regard to the authority of the Ottoman sultan, is provided. The relationship between European colonialism and the debate over the Ottoman Empire is discussed. The popular belief among Arab nationalists that the caliph should be a member of the Quraysh tribe is also discussed.

This article discusses the historical value of Ottoman women's periodicals published in the aftermath of the 1908 Revolution, which marked the beginning of the Constitutional Era (1908-1918). Through specific examples of women's writings in the press, it illustrates how these periodicals can shed light on the previously unexplored aspects of this period. The article argues that women's journals allow scholars both to recover the identities and stories of hundreds of women, which would have been lost otherwise, and to challenge the mainstream historiography, which has traditionally presented a one-dimensional portrayal of the Constitutional Era by privileging men's voices and experiences over women's. It demonstrates that women's journals not only reveal a dynamic, flexible, and complex milieu, in which women could and did act as agents of both social and political change, but also signify the multifaceted transformation the Revolution of 1908 caused in Ottoman society in the early twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the successor to the multi-ethnic, multi-religious Ottoman Empire, modern Turkey inherited many non-Turkish-speaking Muslim communities. This article is concerned with Albanians in Turkey, one of the Muslim communities which migrated in large numbers to Anatolia during and after the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire to escape conflict and massacre in the Balkans. Based on historical studies and oral history interviews, we account for the Albanian migration to Turkey during the 1912-13 Balkan Wars and demonstrate the formation and transformation of an Albanian community in Samsun Province in the Black Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the finding of a historical study which explored the use of foreign loan words used in the Turkish language. The study used 561 novels published circa 1870 to 2000 written by 82 authors with a sample list of words chosen from each book. The article details how the Ottoman Empire's historical relations with Eurasian countries help foster the use of loan words. The study's results are graphed and statistically analyzed and they show an increasing use of foreign loan words throughout the period used in the novels examined.

The article reports on the finding of a historical study which explored the use of foreign loan words used in the Turkish language. The study used 561 novels published circa 1870 to 2000 written by 82 authors with a sample list of words chosen from each book. The article details how the Ottoman Empire's historical relations with Eurasian countries helped foster the use of loan words. The study's results are graphed and statistically analyzed and they show an increasing use of foreign loan words throughout the period used in the novels examined.

An introduction is presented wherein the editor discusses articles published on topics including history of the emergency state in Turkey, expropriation, and legalities of Ottoman and Turkish states.