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[EN] The current business context needs trust as a continuous mechanism of relationship with employees, because along with responsibility and moral standards, they configure a climate where the main perception is that the way of operating adjusts to ethical guidelines. Thus, establishing an ethical climate is of vital importance because it builds an interpersonal habitat that develops close ties based on positive emotional states. Such climate is a propitious scenario for other relevant variables such as work autonomy, intrinsic motivation or creativity to be related in a systemic way. Therefore, this study aims at analyzing how an ethical climate relates to employee creativity, considering the moderating capacity of work autonomy and the mediating role of intrinsic motivation in a primary sector, such as the Colombian electrical sector. In this sense, the research uses a quantitative, non-experimental, cross-sectional and correlational-causal design. The sample is formed by 448 employees who were evaluated through an online survey. Regarding the results, an ethical climate promotes organizational creativity resulting from high levels of autonomy. When the latter is significantly reduced, the relationship between ethical climate and creativity becomes negative. In turn autonomy, in the medium levels, does not influence the relationship between both variables. Furthermore, ethical climate links with creativity through Benevolent and Principles criteria, but not selfish criteria. Finally, ethical climate and creativity are consistently mediated by intrinsic motivation. In conclusion, both the moderating effect of work autonomy and the mediating effect of intrinsic motivation largely explain how ethical climate links to creativity. [ES] El contexto empresarial actual necesita servirse de la confianza como un mecanismo continuo de relación con el empleado, dado que junto con la responsabilidad y los estándares morales configuran un clima donde la percepción principal es que el modo de proceder está ajustado a lineamientos éticos. Por ese motivo el establecer un clima ético es de vital importancia pues construye un hábitat interpersonal que desarrolla vínculos de cercanía basados en estados emocionales positivos; un escenario propicio para que otras variables relevantes como la autonomía laboral, la motivación intrínseca o la creatividad se puedan relacionar de forma sistémica. Por lo tanto, este estudio tiene como objetivo analizar cómo un clima ético se relaciona con la creatividad del empleado teniendo en cuenta la capacidad moderadora de la autonomía laboral y el papel mediador de la motivación intrínseca dentro de un sector primordial en Colombia como es el eléctrico. En ese sentido, la investigación emplea un diseño cuantitativo, no experimental, transversal y correlacional-causal. La muestra está compuesta por 448 trabajadores que se evalúan a través de una encuesta online. En cuanto a los resultados un clima ético promueve la creatividad organizacional en virtud de índices altos de autonomía. Cuando esta se reduce significativamente la relación entre clima ético y creatividad se torna negativa; a su vez en rangos medios la autonomía no influye en la asociación entre ambas variables. Además, el clima ético se asocia con la creatividad a través de criterios benevolentes y de principios, pero no egoístas. Por último, el clima ético y la creatividad están mediados de un modo consistente por la motivación intrínseca. En conclusión, tanto el efecto moderador de la autonomía laboral como el mediador de la motivación intrínseca explican en gran parte cómo un clima ético se vincula con la creatividad.

Publisher Copyright: © 2023 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. Although the literature on psychological contracts is rich, researchers have so far paid limited attention to psychological contracts in times of crisis. To investigate how employees assess their psychological contracts during a crisis, we conducted 32 semistructured interviews during the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Europe. The interviewees worked in the airline industry, which the pandemic severely affected. Our qualitative approach allowed us to gain novel insights into the mechanisms by which contracts are managed when the typical parameters of contract assessment are not possible, thereby allowing us to expand psychological contract theory. In addition to illustrating the key employer obligations that employees perceived during a crisis, we introduce two novel theoretical concepts –psychological contract credit and psychological contract inactivation–that explain how employees managed their contracts during the crisis. The practical findings of this study are of relevance to HR managers in managing future crises and addressing the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Tracing the history of gendered working-class responses to deindustrialization in the Montréal neighbourhood of Saint-Henri reveals that many of the local political initiatives of the 1960s and 1970s were connected to longer-term working-class efforts to navigate shifting patterns of capital accumulation extending back to the 1940s. The gendered tradition of territory-based organizing in this community encouraged women workers’ shop-floor militancy and was foundational for new forms of local political advocacy around issues like health care and housing. In deindustrialization’s moment, the concerns of a precariously employed, feminized working-class population spurred a crossover of industrial struggle with survival-focused reproductive labour issues, centred around a grassroots organization called the popir (Projet d’organisation populaire, d’information, et de regroupement). This pattern of gendered working-class militancy and solidarity persisted throughout the 1980s and shaped resistance to Saint-Henri’s subsequent gentrification at the turn of the new millennium.

On 15 August 1983, 9,500 workers from the Montréal locals of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union went on strike for the first time in 43 years. The strike became known as “la grève de la fierté” and made clear that the women working in the city’s garment factories were taking a stand against the layoffs and closures prompted by industrial restructuring and deindustrialization. However, the strike’s success was limited, revealing the extent to which the structural inequities in the garment industry had calcified along gendered, classed, and ethnic lines. The union executive had grown increasingly distant from its rank-and-file, and it was immigrant women workers who were left to organize against the flurry of closures and the corresponding decline in their working conditions. The campaign leading up to the 1983 strike, organized by the Comité d’action des travailleurs du vêtement, articulated a series of demands for the improvement of workplace health and safety conditions, better benefits, and more representative union leadership. With original archival research and oral history interviews, I argue that the 1983 “grève de la fierté” illustrates how the historically entrenched gendered structure of labour relations shaped the pathways of deindustrialization in Montréal’s garment industry.

Following the industrial crisis of the 1920s and the Great Depression in the 1930s, consecutive provincial governments in Nova Scotia turned their efforts toward state-led economic development. After the election of Robert Stanfield and the Tories in 1956, a wholesale industrial planning model was unveiled. Indeed, Stanfieldian economic policy in Nova Scotia was predicated upon the belief that direct state-led interventionism was necessary to offset regional inequity. State corporate entities, such as Industrial Estates Limited, and renewed interest in a state-driven industrial relations paradigm were central in the province’s efforts to revitalize its flagging economy and offset predicted decline in the Cape Breton coal and steel industries. This article examines the fate of the Clairtone Sound Corporation, one of Nova Scotia’s “new industries” that emerged out of these state-led development efforts. A case study of this Stellarton-based firm reveals how structural processes of deindustrialization produced crisis even within sectors that were completely distinct from the province’s cornerstone industries of coal and steel. This case includes a reflection on the class composition of the modernist state in Nova Scotia and represents a convergence of the historiographical focus on state-led industrial development in the Maritimes and recent literature found within deindustrialization studies.

Although mine closures are an inherent feature of extractive industry, they tend to receive less attention in the literature on deindustrialization than the closures of manufacturing and other heavy industries. Until recently, the settler-colonial context of hinterland mineral development and its impact on northern Indigenous lands and communities in Canada have also remained largely unexplored within this literature. Mineral development is historically associated with the introduction of a colonial-capitalist industrial modernity across Canada’s northern regions. Yet the boom-and-bust nature and ultimate ephemerality of mineral development has meant that resource-extractive regions have also been subject to intensive “cyclonic” periods of closure and deindustrialization. This article examines the experience of deindustrialization on the part of the Inuit community of Arctic Bay, who were largely “left behind” by the closure of Nanisivik, Canada’s first High Arctic mine. Through documentary sources and oral history interviews we illustrate how, for Arctic Bay Inuit who were engaged in the cyclonic economies of Nanisivik’s development and closure, there were myriad dimensions of social loss, displacement, and resentment associated with the failure of this industrial enterprise to deliver promised benefits to Inuit, beyond more commonly understood socioeconomic impacts such as job loss.

Deindustrialization became a pressing political issue and an object of research almost simultaneously in North America. This article inquires into the intellectual origins and radical roots of the deindustrialization thesis in Canada and the United States. Though the two countries share much in common, their distinctive formulations of the deindustrial problem in the 1970s and 1980s reflected key economic and political differences between them. Radical political economists in Canada and the United States turned to dependency theory and capital flight, respectively, in their theorization of deindustrialization. Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison’s 1982 book, The Deindustrialization of America, in particular, is a founding text for the burgeoning field of deindustrialization studies. We can learn much from re-engaging with this early scholarship. In doing so, however, we need to bridge the continuing analytical divide between micro-level labour histories of working-class communities and macro-level studies of political economy and the international division of labour.

Nova Scotians understand economic hardships at both the personal and community levels. This is especially true for the residents of Pictou County. With the eclipse of coal, steel, and heavy manufacturing, successive governments looked to tourism to augment an eroding economic base and to commemorate the working lives of Nova Scotians. This article offers an analysis of the initial decision to construct and maintain the Museum of Industry in a region of the province subjected to sequential phases of deindustrialization. The venture, officially opened to regular attendance in 1995, is the largest facility in the province’s impressive system of 28 regional museums. The creation of the museum, however, was fraught with uncertainty and narrowly avoided financial collapse and plans to disperse the collection of artifacts. The project was subsequently left straddling an uneasy divide between celebrating industrial heritage and tempering controversies of economic and environmental development. Despite Nova Scotia’s proud heritage of worker resistance and union activism, visitors may exit the museum with the ambiguous message that while working lives are often harsh and riven with uncertainty, optimism for the future must prevail. The implication is that the appropriate response is selective anodyne forms of nostalgia, even resignation, but not resentment of the human and environmental costs of deindustrialization.

Buena parte de estudios sobre conciliación de empleo y vida personal asumen que el reto atañe básicamente a las mujeres. Este artículo analiza el apoyo y dificultades que encuentran los hombres comprometidos con el cuidado de sus menores en sus empleos cuando intentan conciliar. Tratamos de responder a las siguientes preguntas: (a) por qué estos padres aprecian más algunas adaptaciones laborales sobre otras; (b) cómo influyen las culturas organizacionales en su conciliación corresponsable; y (c) qué diferencias existen en cuanto a tamaño y titularidad de las organizaciones en donde trabajan. Hemos optado por una metodología cualitativa basada en grupos de discusión con padres comprometidos empleados en la administración pública, grandes y pequeñas empresas del ámbito privado. Los resultados muestran que el diseño de las políticas y culturas organizacionales interactúa e influye en cómo concilian los nuevos padres, habiendo encontrado pequeñas empresas de nueva creación que presentan mejores condiciones para conciliar corresponsablemente que las grandes. Proyecto IMPLICA, subvencionado por la Agencia Estatal de Investigación (CSO2014-58754-P). 2022-23

Esta investigación tiene como objetivo general hallar correspondencias entre las representaciones y los encuadres que realizó la prensa sobre las mujeres desempleadas canarias y las conceptualizaciones e ideas que las trabajadoras canarias tenían del mercado y de sí mismas durante la Gran Recesión (2007-2012). Para alcanzarlo, se ha realizado un análisis de contenido de los textos publicados en la prensa canaria sobre las mujeres desempleadas y del discurso de una muestra de las trabajadoras del Polígono de Los Majuelos (Tenerife). Como principales resultados, hallamos un sesgo de género en el tratamiento del desempleo femenino, en forma de silencio mediático sobre los condicionantes estructurales y sociales que convierten a las mujeres en una fuerza trabajadora de segunda clase para el mercado, que incide en las autorrepresentaciones que las empleadas tienen de sí mismas, en la percepción del ejército de reserva y en la conversión “voluntaria” en trabajadoras flexibles.

En los últimos tiempos asistimos, al menos en los países occidentales, al debilitamiento de los lazos de solidaridad que daban lugar a lo que ha venido denominándose “conciencia de clase”. Una redefinición de esta última categoría atendiendo a las determinaciones que la crítica de la economía política pone al descubierto nos lleva a pensar que, más que una desaparición, ha tenido lugar una mutación. El hecho de que los agentes clasistas, particularmente la clase trabajadora, no se reconozcan como clasistas es una consecuencia que resulta precisamente de su condición de miembros de una clase. Son diferentes mecanismos, entre los que destacamos las nuevas dinámicas de consumo, que les conciernen como tal los que les lleva a asumir la ideología que, desde las coordenadas foucaultianas, se ha denominado como “subjetividad neoliberal”.

En este artículo discutimos algunos de los principales sesgos que rodean los estudios académicos sobre el acoso sexual en el trabajo. Para ello recurrimos a la Economía Política, disciplina que nos permite reposicionar aspectos como el clima organizacional o los efectos del acoso sobre la rentabilidad de las organizaciones. En este sentido, ofrecemos una perspectiva sistemática a partir de un estudio cualitativo realizado en Ecuador con dieciséis grupos de discusión formados por hombres y mujeres de diferentes perfiles profesionales. A través del análisis de sus experiencias, destacamos que la reificación de la fuerza de trabajo es decisiva para convertir la sexualidad de los trabajadores en un recurso productivo en manos de las organizaciones. Analizando este proceso, terminamos señalando la necesidad de soluciones no basadas únicamente en la responsabilidad individual o en función de la rentabilidad, sino en la desmercantilización de la fuerza de trabajo por la acción social.

El MVI es un proyecto político cuyo objetivo es lograr un pleno reconocimiento de los derechos de las personas con discapacidad (PCD), desde una orientación liberal en la cual tales derechos son entendidos como derechos individuales. Esto supone una contradicción, entre su base social, caracterizada como un colectivo oprimido, y su naturaleza política como movimiento, individualista. En un contexto de organización keynesiano, esta contradicción no supone un problema para el logro de sus objetivos, pero será la causa de su fracaso cuando el modelo de gestión keynesiano deje paso a un tipo de organización económico-política de tipo neoliberal. La evolución de la legislación española y de las condiciones de empleo de las PCD desde los años 80 hasta la actualidad es la prueba empírica de ese fracaso y de su causa de fondo.

Presentación monográfico.

Este artículo se centra en el análisis de las principales líneas de actuación seguidas por las organizaciones obreras y empresariales en el proceso de Transición política a la democracia en España. Los agentes sociales adecuaron sus estrategias para consolidar su posición en el nuevo marco de las Relaciones Laborales. Así, mientras en el ámbito empresarial se logra la concentración bajo unas siglas, en el sindical, prima la libertad sobre la unidad, traduciéndose en la fragmentación de la representación de los trabajadores, y la defensa de un modelo basado en la concertación social, construido durante el marco de la Transición, que primó la estabilidad del proceso, se tradujo en una serie de mejoras en las condiciones de vida laborales, y, con sus luces y sombras, es reconocido como una vía de negociación para crisis más actuales donde se subraya el relevante papel de los agentes sociales. El texto contempla a estos protagonistas del acuerdo social desde una perspectiva integradora, enfoque menos presente en la historiografía, a través de una miríada de fuentes complementarias, fundamentadas en estudios relevantes sobre la materia, testimonios y memorias de quienes vivieron estos sucesos, así como el eco de los acontecimientos en prensa y revistas de organizaciones empresariales.

Este trabajo estudia la política activa de empleo aplicada en Suecia en el tercer cuarto del siglo XX. Concretamente, analizamos su papel central en la estrategia de política económica general desarrollada por la socialdemocracia en este país bajo el marco del Modelo Rehn-Meidner, núcleo esencial del Modelo Sueco. Por un lado, constatamos que esta estrategia fue imprescindible para evitar que la política salarial solidaria, pilar central del proyecto económico socialdemócrata, generara desempleo masivo en determinados sectores y regiones, aunque es dudoso que pudieran haber sido suficientes sin el complemento del empleo público masivo. Por otra parte, comprobamos que esta estrategia tuvo graves consecuencias para ciertos sectores de la población trabajadora: en algunos casos, por verse empujados a una migración interna forzosa, y, en otros, por verse forzados a cambiar de industria y trabajo. Todo ello, en aras del fomento de la competitividad del capital sueco, verdadero beneficiario último del modelo.

PurposePrevious research assumes that technologies 4.0, particularly big data, may be highly relevant for organizations to increase human resources (HR) communication strategies, but the research provides little or no evidence on whether and how these tools are applied in employees and labor market relations. This study intends to offer a first insight on the adoption of data-driven HR/talent management approach, contributing to the ongoing debate on the Industry 4.0. This study aims to investigate the use of 4.0 technologies in HR and talent management functions, focusing also on the adoption of big data analytics for internal and recruitment communication.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis of the literature enables to define the research questions and an exploratory web survey was carried out through a structured questionnaire. The analysis unit of the empirical survey includes the communication and marketing managers of 90 organizations in Italy, examined in the Mediobanca Report on the “Main Italian Companies.”FindingsFindings highlight a lack of the use of 4.0 technologies and big data analytics in employee and labor market relations and reveal some sectoral differences in the adoption of 4.0 technologies. Moreover, the study points out that the development of HR analytics is hampered by short-term perspective, data quality problems and the lack of analytics skills.Research limitations/implicationsDue to the exploratory research design and the circumscribed sample from a single country (Italy), further cross-national evidence is needed. This study provides digital communication managers with useful insights to improve the data-driven HR/talent management approach, which is a strategic asset for ensuring a sustainable competitive advantage and optimizing business performance.Originality/valueThe study offers an overview about the use of big data analytics in internal and recruitment communications. Considering the alignment between Italian and European trends in the use of big data and in the adoption of HR analytics, the study can provide insights also for other European organization.

The rationale of this article is to study and evaluate the stress faced by individuals, especially Indian working women within their families, during the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Through this study, the authors aim to highlight the impact of the pandemic on Indian women grappling with mental and emotional distress. For this study, primary research techniques have been used. A survey instrument was constructed and circulated among women working from home or employees of any firm. Based on the survey, focused group interviews were conducted with randomly selected females. The total responses for this study were 203. The study results were collated and a statistical analysis of multivariate regression was used to conclude the findings. From this study, three factors contributed to the overall stress levels faced by working women induced by the COVID-19 pandemic: depression, nervousness and anxiety. Many studies have examined healthcare workers and their stress levels during the global pandemic. However, there is little literature on Indian working women, especially those working in I.T. and manufacturing companies. This article aims to identify the factors that can lead to stress and burnout in Indian working women specifically during the COVID-19 pandemic.