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People who nonmedically use drugs (PWUD) face intricate social issues that suppress self-actualization, communal integration, and overall health and wellness. "Strengths-based" approaches, an under-used pedagogy and practice in addiction medicine, underscore the significance of identifying and recognizing the inherent and acquired skills, attributes, and capacities of PWUD. A strengths-based approach engenders client affirmation and improves their capacity to reduce drug use-related harms by leveraging existing capabilities. Exploring this paradigm, we conducted and analyzed interviews with 46 PWUD who were clients at syringe services programs in New York City and rural southern Illinois, two areas with elevated rates of opioid-related morbidity and mortality, to assess respondents' perceived strengths. We located two primary thematic modalities in which strengths-based ethos is expressed: individuals (1) being and advocate and resource for harm reduction knowledge and practices and (2) engaging in acts of continuous self-actualization. These dynamics demonstrate PWUD strengths populating and manifesting in complex ways that both affirm and challenge humanist and biomedical notions of individual agency, as PWUD refract enacted, anticipated, and perceived stigmas. In conclusion, programs that blend evidence-based, systems-level interventions on drug use stigma and disenfranchisement with meso and micro-level strengths-based interventions that affirm and leverage personal identity, decision-making capacity, and endemic knowledge may help disrupt health promotion cleavages among PWUD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social networks play a crucial role in mediating the risk environments of individuals, especially minoritized groups such as people who use opioids or who inject drugs (PWUD). However, conventional understandings of social networks may not fully account for how social networks manifest in contemporary and often fluid socio-relational contexts Furthermore, little is known about PWUD's networks from an empirical perspective that considers these contextual dynamics and associated risk environments. We conducted semi-structured interviews with PWUD in New York City, New York and rural southern Illinois, two opioid-related overdose hotspots, to contextualize the nature, scale, and potential outcomes/implications of PWUD's social relationships. A total of 46 individuals were interviewed. The mean age of participants was 38 years old, and most were men (56.5%). Most participants were White (84.5%) or Black (8.7%). Respondents described three primary social network types: family members, friends who were PWUD, and romantic/sexual partners. In general, both urban and rural PWUD described their family relationships as limited and tenuous, this largely attributable to them feeling stigmatized and outcast due to their drug use. Respondents described their friend networks as small, typically consisting of other PWUD, and indicated that they had limited trust for these individuals, contributing to social closure. Respondents further framed relationships with romantic/sexual partners, also typically PWUD, as often tumultuous, fragmented, and ambiguous in terms of partners' drug use and sexual behaviors. In contrast, syringe services programs were viewed as highly useful in making PWUD feel socially affirmed. Urban and rural PWUD described their social networks in similar ways, highlighting limited or fluid connectivity/depth in familial, friend, and romantic/sexual relationships. Equity and relationship-building paradigms that focus on cultural humility and restorative justice may be impactful in cultivating, mending, and sustaining healthy PWUD networks. Collectively, these dynamics call attention to a need to orient social network research towards contextualization and measurement of tie meaning, purpose, and value , metrics that we conceptualize and discuss here. • Tie meaning , purpose , and value are vital for fully understanding networks. • PWUD described their family relationships as limited and fragile. • PWUD's friends were mostly PWUD and deemed transactional/untrustworthy. • PWUD's domestic/sexual relationships were volatile and ambiguous. • Cultural humility and restorative justice may help build and restore PWUD supports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a steep rise in overdoses and mortality among people who use opioids or who inject drugs (PWUD), including in North America, the United Kingdom, and parts of Eastern Europe, with some of the sharpest increases amassing in rural communities. Currently, the literature lacks a comparative focus on the views and experiences of rural PWUD and professionals who regularly work and interface with them, in terms of their understandings of the rural drug use initiation/relapse trajectory. Considering a renewed sociology of emotions and empathy and the constructs of direct experience (e.g., of personal drug use) versus role‐playing (e.g., envisioning oneself in another's position), we used a modified constant comparison method to analyze interviews conducted with PWUD and professional stakeholders in rural southern Illinois, an opioid overdose hotspot. Findings suggest that rural opioid use is adopted in service of an intricate interplay of sensory, relational, somatic, and psychosocial benefits, with a sharp divergence between PWUD, who express considerable agency in their drug use behaviors, and professionals, who fail to successful role‐play in emphasizing PWUD's limited willpower and "deviant" sociocultural predilection. These dynamics illuminate challenges to advancing nuanced, culturally humble programming to advance public health goals related to the opioid and drug injection epidemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Hepatitis C virus (HCV) infection rates have increased among younger, rural persons nationally. We report on a preliminary sample of a study examining HCV acquisition risk factors among rural persons who inject drugs (PWID) or person who use opioids (PWUO) non-medically. Methods We used respondent-driven sampling (RDS) to recruit PWID/PWUO in southern, rural Illinois as part of a larger study on infectious disease rates among social networks of PWID and illicit opioid users. Participants were surveyed regarding drug and sexual risk behavior, healthcare access, stigma, and social networks, and underwent rapid screening for HCV (OraQuickÒ HCV Rapid Antibody Test) and other infections. Using R software, we generated descriptive statistics to characterize HCV prevalence. Results Between July 2018 and April 2019,135 current PWID/PWUO were recruited, screened, and surveyed (58.5% male; 82.2% white; mean age 40.1 years). HCV rapid tests detected antibodies (HCV+) among 53 of 112 screened (47.3%). HCV+ participants were more likely to be white (96.2% vs. 83.1%, P = 0.006) than HCV antibody negative (HCV-) participants and showed a bimodal age distribution with peaks in the 25–30 and 45–50 age ranges. Reported injection drug use and heroin use in the past 30 days was significantly more common among HCV+ participants (96.2% vs. 72.9%, P = 0.001, and 12.9 vs. 7.9 days, P = 0.024) While HCV+ participants less frequently used methamphetamine compared with HCV -participants, the use of that drug was still high in both groups (11.9 vs. 18.4 days of use in the past 30 days, P = 0.01). HCV+ participants reported fewer social network members than HCV- participants (2.2 vs. 3.0, P = 0.048). Conclusion In this analysis of a preliminary sample, HCV exposure was high; with those positive for HCV antibody showing a bimodal age distribution, high frequency of multiple drug use, and smaller social network size compared with HCV negative counterparts. Upon RDS-based enrollment completion and pending analysis we will further examine HIV RNA status as well as the specific associations between network size and other risk factors that may inform disease screening and treatment interventions. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Although opioid prescribing has decreased since 2010, overdose deaths involving illicit opioids have continued to rise. This study explores prescribing patterns before fatal overdose of decedents who died of prescription and illicit opioid overdoses.Methods: This retrospective cohort study was conducted in 2019 and included all 1,893 Illinois residents who died of an opioid-related overdose in 2016. Each decedent was linked to any existing Prescription Monitoring Program records, calculating weekly morphine milligram equivalents for 52 weeks before overdose.Results: Among the 1,893 fatal opioid overdoses, 309 involved any prescription opioid and 1,461 involved illicit opioids without the involvement of prescription opioids. The death rate because of illicit opioids was 23/100,000 among black residents versus 10.5/100,000 among whites. During the last year of life, 76% of prescription opioid decedents filled any opioid prescription totaling 10.7 prescriptions per decedent, compared with 36% of illicit opioid decedents totaling 2.6 prescriptions per decedent. During the last week of life, 33% of prescription opioid decedents filled an opioid prescription totaling 0.42 prescriptions per decedent, compared with 4% of illicit opioid decedents totaling 0.05 prescriptions per decedent.Conclusions: Prescribing patterns alone may not be sufficient to identify patients who are at high risk for opioid overdose, especially for those using illicit opioids. Interventions aimed at reducing opioid overdoses should take into account different patterns of opioid prescribing associated with illicit and prescription opioid overdose deaths and be designed around the local characteristics of the opioid overdose epidemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Methamphetamine use is common among persons with opioid use disorder. This study evaluated associations between methamphetamine use and treatment with agonist medications for opioid use disorder (MOUD, specifically buprenorphine, and/or methadone) in U.S. rural communities. The Rural Opioid Initiative (ROI) is a consortium spanning 10 states and 65 rural counties that included persons who reported past 30-day use of opioids and/or injection drug use between 1/2018 and 3/2020. Analyses were restricted to participants who had ever used opioids and had data on past 30-day methamphetamine use. Multivariable models examined the relationship between methamphetamine use and utilization of agonist MOUD. Among 2899 participants, 2179 (75.2%) also reported recent methamphetamine use. Persons with methamphetamine use compared to those without were younger, more likely to have injected drugs, be unhoused, criminal justice involved, and less likely to have health insurance. Adjusted for age, sex, race, and study site, recent methamphetamine use was associated with lower relative odds of past 30-day methadone treatment (aOR=0.66; 95% CI: 0.45–0.99) and fewer methadone treatment days (aIRR=0.76; 0.57–0.99), but not past 30-day buprenorphine receipt (aOR=0.90; 0.67–1.20), buprenorphine treatment days in past 6 months: aIRR=0.88; 0.69–1.12) or perceived inability to access buprenorphine (aOR=1.12; 0.87–1.44) or methadone (aOR=1.06; 0.76–1.48). Methamphetamine use is common among persons who use opioids in rural U.S. areas and negatively associated with current treatment and retention on methadone but not buprenorphine. Future studies should examine reasons for this disparity and reduce barriers to methadone for persons who use opioids and methamphetamine. • Among rural persons, methamphetamine use was negatively associated with methadone. • Methamphetamine use was also associated with fewer days on methadone, but not buprenorphine, treatment. • Individuals did not perceive reduced access to either buprenorphine or methadone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stigma is a known barrier to treating substance use disorders and dramatically diminishes the quality of life of people who use drugs (PWUD) nonmedically. Stigma against PWUD may be especially pronounced in rural areas due to their decreased anonymity and residents' limited access, or resistance, to "neutralizing" information on factors associated with drug use. Stigma often manifests in the attitudes of professionals whom stigmatized individuals regularly interact with and often materially impact. We analyzed interviews conducted between July 2018 and February 2019 with professional stakeholders in rural southern Illinois who interact with PWUD, specifically those who use opioids nonmedically or who inject drugs (n = 30). We further analyzed interview data from a complementary PWUD sample (n = 22). Interviews addressed perspectives around nonmedical drug use and treatment/harm reduction, with analysis centered around the Framework Integrating Normative Influences on Stigma and its focus on micro, meso and macro level stigmatization processes. Stakeholder participants included professionals from local law enforcement, courts, healthcare organizations, emergency management services, and faith-based and social services organizations. Most stakeholders, particularly law enforcement, negatively perceived PWUD and nonmedical drug use in general, questioned the character, agency and extrinsic value of PWUD, and used labels (e.g. "addict," "abuser," etc.) that may be regarded as stigmatizing. Further, most respondents, including PWUD, characterized their communities as largely unaware or dismissive of the bio-medical and sociocultural explanations for opioid use, drug injection and towards harm reduction services (e.g., syringe exchanges) and naloxone, which were frequently framed as undeserved usages of taxpayer funds. In conclusion, rural stigma against PWUD manifested and was framed as a substantial issue, notably activating at micro, meso and macro levels. Stigma prevention efforts in these communities should aim to improve public knowledge on the intricate factors contributing to opioid use and drug injection and harm reduction programming's moral and fiscal value. • Antagonism for treatment and prevention arises from perceived taxpayer cost burden. • Stakeholders often contest the character and agency of PWUD. • Stakeholders commonly use potentially stigmatizing terms on drug use/user milieu. • Perceived class traits—e.g., appearance/behavior—may activate negative PWUD views. • Rural public viewed as unaware of/unsympathetic to PWUD general challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]