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Background: Sleep problems are common among chronic pain patients who take opioids. There are documented effects of opioids on sleep architecture; however, the long-term effects of opioids on sleep remain unknown. This study examined whether opioid-naïve participants have better sleep quality than current and previous chronic users of opioids. We also explored whether sleep differed between methadone and buprenorphine users, and whether amount of time since abstaining from opioids was associated with sleep quality., Method: Participants were 120 people with chronic pain (84.2% Caucasian, M age  = 42.0 years, SD = 11.44). They were in one of four groups of 30 participants each: (1) current users of methadone for opioid use disorder (OUD); (2) current users of buprenorphine for OUD; (3) a history of medication-assisted therapy for OUD but currently opioid-abstinent for at least 6 months; (4) those who have less than one month of cumulative lifetime opioids (opioid-naïve group). Only participants in group 1 and group 2 were taking opioids during the time of the study. Participants completed the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index and the SF-36., Results: A MANCOVA revealed that all three groups with current or previous opioid use (i.e., groups 1-3) differed significantly from the opioid-naïve group (group 4) on sleep quality, sleep duration, sleep disturbances, and daytime dysfunction after controlling for sleep medications (all p < .05). For group 1 (methadone users), 2 (buprenorphine users), and 3 (prolonged abstinence), there were no statistically significant differences between each group. There was also a significant relationship between opioid-abstinent weeks and sleep disturbances in the opioid-abstinent group (r = - 0.604, p < .001)., Discussion: The results of this study suggest that opioids interfere with sleep quality, even after months of abstention. Further research into the long-term effects of opioids is warranted and may contribute further to the importance of addressing sleep problems in this population.

Background: Home parenteral nutrition (HPN) is used to treat intestinal failure. A minority of HPN patients are dependent on opiates and benzodiazepines to control pain and anxiety. The aim of this study was to determine what effects such drug dependence had on patient outcomes., Methods: Ten dependent patients were prospectively compared with 10 well-matched, nondependent HPN patients for the same 12-month period. Episodes of line sepsis and other complications were documented and the cost of treatment estimated. Health status was measured using the SF36 and EuroQol instruments., Results: The dependent group had significantly more episodes of central line sepsis (p = .0007) as well as other complications (p = .0002). This led to significantly longer periods of inpatient care (p = .0004) and therefore higher costs of treatment. Health status was lower in the dependent group; they reported more pain (p = .04) and less energy (p = .04)., Conclusions: The complication rate and increased cost of treatment for opiate- and sedative-dependent patients receiving HPN significantly detract from the overall outcome of this therapy.

On the basis of structured interview data concerning their life-styles, behaviors, circumstances, and activities during their most recent periods of addiction, 460 male narcotic addicts (230 Black and 230 White) were empirically classified, or "typed," using factor and cluster analytic techniques in a multistage process. Mean factor score profiles for each of the eight types derived are presented, along with provisional labels and verbal descriptions. It is believed that this classification is descriptive of the major addict types to be encountered in a large urban population.

In an effort to provide timely information concerning the criminal activities of narcotic addicts in three different metropolitan areas, male narcotic addicts attending methadone maintenance/detoxification centers in Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York City participated in extensive, confidential interviews conducted between May 1983 and April 1984. The information obtained focused on the amounts and types of crimes committed during the addict's longest period of active addiction to opiates, their derivatives and synthetics, as well as his first period of nonaddiction. Crimes committed were placed in one of five categories as follows: Theft, Violence, Drug Sales, Deception/Forgery, and Other. Several different measures of criminal activity were utilized, all embodying the concept of crime-days per year at risk. Such crime-days measures involve annualizing, i.e., the number of crime-days accumulated by each subject in each category during a specified time at large in the community is expressed as crime-days per year at risk by taking the ratio of crime-days to total days at large and multiplying by 365. Addicts were compared by race/ethnicity (Black, White, and Hispanic) within cities as well as by race/ethnicity across cities using one-way analysis of variance procedures. Addict crime rates were also compared for the period of active addiction and nonaddiction. Several mean differences by race/ethnicity within city, as well as by race across cities, were noted. Moreover, crime rates tended to be higher during the period of active addiction. In this sense, then, drugs may be said to "drive" crime.

Factor analyses of abbreviated clinical and validating scales derived from the MMPI-168 yielded essentially the same solutions reported for full-length versions of the inventory. However, previously derived item-level factor scales did not emerge as distinct factors. Although the factor structures associated with black and white narcotic addict samples (N = 460) were highly similar, significant mean differences between the racial groups on many of the scales suggested the presence of greater psychopathology among white addicts.

MMPI-168 profiles were obtained on 225 male narcotic addicts who were attending methadone maintenance clinics in Baltimore and New York City during 1983 and 1984. Data were collected on Black and White (Anglo, other than Hispanic) addicts in Baltimore and on Black, Hispanic, and White addicts in New York City. In general, the profiles indicated high levels of psychopathology, with particularly high elevations on the F, D, PD, PT, and Sc scales. Consistent across cities and in agreement with earlier findings, profiles of Whites indicated somewhat more maladjustment than those for Blacks, while the profiles of Hispanics displayed essentially the same levels of disturbance as those for Whites. Comparisons by city revealed greater deviance for New York City subjects, a finding more evident among Whites than among Blacks.

Factor analysis of data from a general survey of attitudes and opinions concerning narcotic addiction and its treatment revealed 10 major dimensions, five of which were likely to have significant implications for drug abuse intervention strategies. For these latter dimensions, differences were determined among clients and staff according to type of treatment clinic (three types involving the provision of methadone maintenance in various combinations with other treatments and one involving the use of abstinence only). The most pronounced differences were between the methadone clinics and those offering abstinence only. Both the clients and staff of abstinence clinics were more skeptical concerning treatment effectiveness, were more negative regarding the use of narcotic drugs, and were more disposed to the use of ex-addict counselors and group procedures in treatment.

In an effort to isolate the major dimensions of attitude and expectation regarding narcotic addiction and its treatment and to compare different groups of addict/clients and agency staff on these factors, a comprehensive questionnaire was administered to 900 addict/clients and 237 agency personnel in 25 drug treatment clinics in six states. Results of a factor analysis, which used questionnaire data from all of the 1137 subjects so that direct group comparisons could be made, indicated the presence of 10 major dimensions of attitude and expectation. Results also suggested considerable variation, particularly by status (client vs. staff) and ethnic group, on these dimensions. An additional analysis of staff attitudes and expectations revealed correlations with years of education, ex-addict status, and years of work experience. Such findings suggest the need to consider client/staff characteristics and attitudes in the planning of treatment services for narcotic addicts. An abbreviated (53-item) attitude and expectation questionnaire was developed for this purpose.

This study examines both the status and behavior while addicted of 230 White and 230 Black male narcotic addicts. Following a presentation of antecedent behaviors and characteristics, an addict typology is developed based on illicit income, perception of adequacy of income to meet needs, and employment. The resulting six types are then described in terms of treatment experiences, criminality, social activities, and psychopathology. The discussion includes suggestions of a treatment perspective for each type.

Postaddiction crime rates among narcotic (principally heroin) addicts in five different areas (theft, violence, dealing, confidence games, and other crime) were found to be substantially related to a number of preaddiction characteristics, especially criminal activity and drug and alcohol use prior to addiction to narcotics. Early family influences such as lack of religious training, history of parents' arrest, and use of drugs and alcohol by other family members also appear to play an important role. Early identification of extremely crime-prone individuals followed by intensive intervention efforts might reduce the amounts of crime such persons might otherwise commit.

Recent research conducted by independent investigators concerning the relationship between crime and narcotic (primarily heroin) addiction has revealed a remarkable degree of consistency of findings across studies. The major conclusion supported by the majority of these studies is that narcotic addicts commit a vast amount of crime and that much of this is directly related to the need to purchase drugs. A large proportion of the crimes committed does not consist merely of drug sales or possession, but involves other criminal behaviors including serious crimes. The strongest evidence of a causal relationship between narcotic drug use and crime is derived from longitudinal studies in which the amount of crime committed during periods of active addiction far exceeds that committed during periods of nonaddiction. Much of this crime goes unreported, although addicts, under conditions of strict confidentiality, have provided information that permits realistic estimates of criminal activity. Use of this methodology has permitted the identification of different types of addicts, especially with respect to the amounts and types of crimes in which they are engaged. The implication of these findings is that although addicts as a group commit a great amount of crime, they cannot be regarded as a homogeneous class. Some addicts commit many crimes, regardless of current addiction status, whereas others commit relatively few, and these are obviously related to their need to purchase drugs. There is a discernible impact of treatment on narcotic drug use and criminality. Although the relationships between addict characteristics and treatment response have yet to be fully determined, extensive prior criminal involvement is associated with a negative outcome.

In an effort to update the results of earlier studies concerning the amounts and types of crimes committed by urban, male narcotic addicts, confidential interviews were conducted with addicts attending methadone maintenance clinics in Baltimore and New York. Samples were stratified by ethnic group (black and white in Baltimore; black, white, and Hispanic in New York), and the amounts and types of crimes committed were compared across groups, cities, and narcotic addiction status (actively addicted/not actively addicted) using six different measures all based on the concept of crime-days per year at risk. Consistent with previous findings, addicts were found to engage in a great deal of criminal activity, especially during periods of active addiction to narcotics. Differences in the amounts and types of crimes committed were found among ethnic groups and, to a lesser extent, between cities as well. For the Baltimore sample, comparison of findings with those derived from an earlier (1973-78) data base suggests that the amount of crime committed by addicts has increased in several categories as well as overall. However, minor differences in data collection procedures render this finding suggestive rather than conclusive.