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Government regulators and researchers in Taiwan (Republic of China) express optimism about their country's economic success in its transition from a traditional society to a first world, industrialized nation. But this economic success, as measured by the standards and ideology of globalization, also has a dark side for many ordinary workers, especially Taiwan's 300,000 foreign workers. The promise of growth and future prosperity is conditional upon global economic practices and an adherence to a science-technology ideological perspective that shapes political content. Multiple centers of opposition and critical thinking have no public presence in Taiwan; nor do organizational defiance and resistance by trade unions. Instead, individuals and small human rights groups seek to reveal areas of human degradation and suffering in a response to poverty and the American dream. Meanwhile, the dominant ideological perspective as articulated by globalism seeps into and directs all public policy on the work environment so that it is coherent with the neoliberal political agenda of multinational corporations. This direction is being questioned by students of the work environment and by labor activists in North America, who report the deterioration of working conditions and worsening of government regulatory instruments for protecting workers from physical, mental, and social risk and harm in the workplace.

Women's role in the formation of trade unions and development of collective bargaining, as well as in labor's historical struggle to improve day-to-day working conditions, has been conspicuously underplayed, if not ignored. Yet, when one reviews the history of the reduction of working hours, prohibition of child labor, elimination of homework in tenement slums, reform of factory legislation, and investigations into accidents precipitating early workers' compensation legislation, the literature is rich with women's investigative reports and studies on unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. This was the case from the late 19th century in North America up until the 1950s and the Cold War. The women's movement and political activities requiring factory reforms then seemed to go underground, re-emerging in full force during the 1960s. Women's involvement in the environmental movement, especially in the United States, has been significant in politicizing occupational health as well. Their efforts led to the 1970 passage of the U.S. Occupational Health and Safety Act.

Trade unions and workers in North America have been objectified and instrumentalized by all political regimes, including the social-democratic New Democratic Party in Canada. And it is means-end non-thinking that characterizes government policies. Liberal elites and policy-making have marginalized ordinary workers making them "superfluous" without any vision of an "ethical community" and demonstrating contempt for democratic initiatives. There are oppositionary voices to the dominant social structures that oppress and undermine community and solidarity. However, trade unions and occupational health and safety "activists" have yet to reassess their strategies on workplace health and safety reforms, but are on the defensive in North America. Further, they are complicit with the dominant ideology and the occupational health and safety establishment, including the various and diverse professionals, who shape how we think about work environment matters; and they accommodate government regulators in mediating worker experiences and expectations with employer interests. The author suggests the beginning of a strategy that does not succumb to present-day liberal public policy-making and the atrophy of alternative options. In part, this strategy calls for a rudimentary phenomenology of moral judgment and a reconstruction of labor "tradition".

The experiences of occupational health and safety "activists" in Canada reveal the limits of achieving reform in working conditions by technical efforts in combination with rank-and-file activation. The author argues that the way union "activists" approach occupational health and safety limits workers in dealing with their actual experiences and understanding about workplace hazards and risks, then discusses the condition for the awakening of their critical consciousness as a basis of acting on hazardous working conditions. The first movement in the way the worker apprehends the work environment is a movement of negation and is the prior condition to a critical and disclosive discourse about workplace hazards. It is the positive side of "No!" and the taking seriously of workers' rights. It is this negation of the negative that holds out the greatest hope for solidarity and a liberatory community in workplaces, since legislated workers' rights as the basis of protection have become a facade. Workers can respond with the power of saying "No!" in solidarity with suffering workers, and then work through appropriate principles, ends, or strategies avoiding entrapment by a "telos" in the first instance. By laying out these "ends" or a strategic paradigm, one introduces a "conversation stopper" for workers and atrophies their activation.

The author looks at work environment matters from the perspective of public policy-making and the policy instruments used to deal with workplace health and safety: standard setting; joint health and safety committees; compliance, enforcement, and prosecution; workers' compensation as an economic incentive; and collective bargaining. While regarding all as necessary, the author considers them as separately and collectively, fundamentally flawed and therefore insufficient, because liberal public policy-making itself is problematic. He proposes an alternative way of thinking about this subject from the perspective of the "politics of meaning."

This article analyzes labor policy, especially that of occupational health and safety, initiated by the Saskatchewan New Democratic Party (NDP) from 1971 to 1982. The NDP was perceived by Canadian provincial labor federations and the Canadian Labour Congress as the government most approximating a European labor party. The provincial labor legislation was seen as exemplary, and the occupational health and safety legislation as a "beacon" for the rest of Canada. This article suggests that the advances in occupational health and safety statute and regulations were a direct response to the government's policy to develop uranium mining. In order to pursue a vigorous renewable and nonrenewable resource policy, the government maintained that uranium could be mined "safely." This resulted in "progressive" health and safety legislation and the reinforcement of the colonial status of people of Indian ancestry. This policy of growth and development also resulted in joint venture relationships with multinational corporations and increasing investments in the north for nonrenewable resource development. Prior to the landslide defeat of the NDP in 1982 by the Conservative Party, the richest 5 percent of Saskatchewan people earned as much, in total, as the poorest 50 percent. Meanwhile, ordinary workers experienced declining real wages and increased employment insecurity.

A Work Environment Board was established to deal with all workplace health and safety issues within the Potash Corporation of Saskatchewan from 1978 to 1982. The Board was an experiment, established because of the observed deficiencies of the mandatory joint occupational health and safety committees that were legislated by the province in 1972. The administrators of the occupational health and safety program observed the problems faced by workers on these committees. An experiment was therefore established in one of the province's crown corporations that would transform the joint committee into a Work Environment Board with wider powers to deal with work environment matters within the corporation. In addition, a Work Environment Fund was established to enable the worker members on the Board to do their own research and to get the information they wanted. The Work Environment Board was frustrated by the fact that corporate leaders were not prepared to extend worker rights on the health and safety committees within the respective mines. Rather, they viewed health and safety reforms as part of an overall strategy of quality of work life. The social democratic government was not prepared to extend worker rights and to threaten management prerogatives. Now that there are three New Democratic Party (social democratic) governments in Canada, it appears that these governments are prepared to initiate technical improvements, but not the extension of worker rights in work environment matters.