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Based on the analysis of current legislation, available scientific, journalistic and methodological sources, the article clarifies the content of the system of subjects of administrative and legal support of information security in Ukraine. It is proposed that the system of subjects of administrative and legal support of information security should be understood as a set of legislative, executive and judicial authorities, state, public and other organizations and associations, and citizens who may participate in administrative and legal support of information security in accordance with the legislation regulating relations in the field of information security. It is established that the system of subjects of administrative and legal support of information security includes a wide range of structures of both state and non-state affiliation. The first group (state entities) is represented by the State represented by the President of Ukraine, legislative, executive and judicial bodies, which, having different competencies in the field of administrative and legal support of information security, perform key tasks and functions in it. The second group (non-state actors) can be divided into two subgroups. The first one includes society represented by legal entities, namely, commercial companies and non-governmental organizations (educational institutions, research institutes, research and analytical centers, etc.) The second group includes individuals (citizens) who may be directly involved in ensuring information security, represented by specialists, experts, information security consultants, etc. It is proposed to: include all non-state actors in the mechanism for implementing the goals and objectives of the Information Security Strategy; make the widest possible use of the capabilities of non-state actors in this area, and therefore intensify the involvement of citizens, public associations, organizations, etc. in solving the problem of information security; create an Interagency Commission on Information Security within the structure of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the Twitter/X networks of U.S. ambassadors in Israel, Iraq, and Qatar from 2017 to 2024, aiming to assess how digital diplomacy is conducted through these platforms. Utilizing Sprinklr, we gathered 586,736 mentions involving the ambassadors' Twitter handles, with a focus on evaluating the influence and communication strategies within these networks. We analyzed a random sample of 30,000 tweets from the collected data using network analysis techniques. This approach enabled the examination of centrality metrics within the ambassadors' digital networks, providing insights into the influence patterns and communicative interactions via Gephi. The analysis revealed a significant influence of state actors and established political elites who predominantly engage in unidirectional communication, despite the platforms' capabilities for interactive and reciprocal dialogues. We identified elected officials and specific non-governmental organizations as key actors shaping the diplomatic narratives, highlighting the diverse yet controlled actor interplay in digital diplomacy. This research underscores the need for strategic adjustments in digital diplomacy practices to enhance interaction and inclusivity. Our work provides policymakers with insights into leveraging digital platforms for more effective and dynamic diplomatic exchanges. The study illuminates the role of digital platforms as critical venues for shaping diplomatic narratives by both state and non-state actors. Notably, our findings highlight the use of hashtags in advancing human rights movements and in discussions surrounding the Israel–Palestine conflict, demonstrating hashtags' impact on global and regional advocacy efforts. This research offers a unique perspective on the integration of traditional diplomatic roles with contemporary digital strategies, particularly highlighting the constraints and potentials within Middle Eastern contexts. We suggest ways to enhance the inclusivity and effectiveness of diplomatic engagements through improved social media utilization, thereby contributing to the evolving field of international relations and public diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Besides state actors, non-state actors and particularly private companies target human rights defenders (HRDs) and violate their rights to intimidate and stop them from challenging their interests. Despite the absence of responsibility of non-state actors in international human rights law, the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) set out global standards and acknowledge the role of HRDs in the promotion of human rights, urging corporations to work closely with defenders. Considering the effectiveness of the UNGPs, the article explores the potential for protecting HRDs within the framework and concludes that the UNGPs could be utilised to enhance the protection of defenders in relation to business activities. It also suggests that current efforts of implementation would be strengthened by mandatory human rights due diligence laws at the national and regional levels, and emphasises that a clear inclusion of corporate responsibility to respect defenders is required, as it would be beneficial for both sides, defenders and business enterprises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The institutions of the environmental state are of fundamental importance to addressing environmental problems in the face of growing global crises. Yet limited attention has been given to these institutions outside wealthy, industrialised democracies. This analysis compares how environment ministries in Georgia and Armenia, two critically understudied cases, have changed since independence in 1991. Findings show that despite similar starting points, the two cases diverged significantly over time. In Georgia, the ministry formed early links with NGOs and international organisations, helping it withstand subsequent instability. By contrast, less attention was given to building these relations in Armenia, with the ministry unable to progress reforms. In line with recent advances in comparative environmental politics, these cases highlight the importance of understanding institutions within their broader political context, which as these cases demonstrate, create or restrict opportunities for engagement with non-state actors and drive cycles of reform and restructuring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adoption of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities has brought about extensive education policy reforms towards inclusive education in many countries around the world. At the same time, it has been observed that intergovernmental organisations and non-state actors have been extensively involved in establishing these reforms. To better understand the roles of these actors in this field, we conducted a systematic literature review combined with network visualisation techniques. Specifically, we applied the policy cycle framework to analyse peer-reviewed articles published between 2006 and 2020 on the implementation of inclusive education and the roles of intergovernmental and non-state actors therein. The systematisation of findings from the studies included in our review indicates that inter- and non-governmental organisations are the dominant actor groups, which become involved through the provision of capacity development support and implementation in practice. At the same time, researchers and experts are becoming increasingly involved at different stages of the policy cycle, from policy formulation, to capacity development, to implementation in practice. Overall, our results provide a comprehensive picture of intergovernmental and non-state actor involvement in inclusive education and can contribute to a better understanding of implementation processes in the field of inclusive education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The extant academic literature in the field of regional International Relations has paid little attention to nonstate actors' organizational relations in building region-ness. Yet, the region offers sets of organizational relations outside, alongside, and as part of the formal regional state structures to do with gender, which offer insights into non-state regional relations and thus help to fill the lacunae in the field and facilitate understanding of the regional dynamic of international relations. This article examines how organizational relations of non-state actors in gender security play out in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. It highlights the shortcomings of the inter-governmental approach to international relations pursued by various scholars. Drawing on interviews with representatives of NGOs, governments, the SADC, and annual reports, as well as the academic literature, it argues for a socio-historical approach to understanding regional organization and transnationalism, which considers African agency in building region-ness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship on China at the United Nations (UN) considers whether there has been a discernible shift in power in China's favour. However, existing analyses predominantly focus on state actors and UN entities, whereas non‐state actors, such as non‐governmental organisations (NGOs), are largely neglected. This article examines the participation of Chinese NGOs in the UN, contributing to the analysis of China's evolving position in global politics. Through the contextualised examination of Chinese women's NGOs' engagement with the UN over the past three decades, the argument contends that there are different types of Chinese NGOs operating in hierarchical and shifting political settings. Despite the Chinese state's attempts to co‐opt NGOs to strengthen its multilateral power base, it is oversimplified to perceive the engagement of Chinese NGOs at the UN as merely serving the interests of the state. Instead, Chinese NGOs play multifaceted roles that are shaped by their relationship with the state, as they deploy different strategies to navigate political space both at the UN and domestically. Although the Chinese government continues to dominate state‐NGO relations, at the UN and elsewhere, there are a few instances where UN fora have provided Chinese NGOs with precarious but increased room for manoeuvre vis‐à‐vis the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has emphasized the importance of multi-sectoral collaboration to respond effectively to public health emergencies. This study aims to generate evidence on the extent to which multi-sectoral collaborations have been employed in the macro-level responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in nine selected countries of the Eastern Mediterranean region (EMR). Methods: The study employed in-depth analytical research design and was conducted in two phases. In the first phase, data were collected using a comprehensive documentation review. In the second phase, key informant interviews were conducted to validate findings from the first phase and gain additional insights into key barriers and facilitators. We analysed the macro-level pandemic responses across the following seven components of the analytical framework for multi-sectoral collaborations: (1) context and trigger; (2) leadership, institutional mechanisms and processes; (3) actors; (4) administration, funding and evaluation; (5) degree of multi-sectoral engagement; (6) impact; and (7) enabling factors. Results: Governments in the EMR have responded differently to the pandemic, with variations in reaction speed and strictness of implementation. While inter-ministerial committees were identified as the primary mechanism through which multi-sectoral action was established and implemented in the selected countries, there was a lack of clarity on how they functioned, particularly regarding the closeness of the cooperation and the working methods. Coordination structures lacked a clear mandate, joint costed action plan, sufficient resources and regular reporting on commitments. Furthermore, there was no evidence of robust communication planning both internally, focused on promoting internal consensual decision-making and managing power dynamics, and externally, concerning communication with the public. Across the selected countries, there was strong representation of different ministries in the pandemic response. Conversely, the contribution of non-state actors, including non-governmental organizations, civil society organizations, the private sector, the media and citizens, was relatively modest. Their involvement was more ad hoc, fragmented and largely self-initiated, particularly within the selected middle- and low income- countries of the EMR. Moreover, none of the countries incorporated explicit accountability framework or included anti-corruption and counter-fraud measures as integral components of their multi-sectoral plans and coordination mechanisms. Key enablers for the adoption of multi-sectoral collaborations have been identified, paving the way for more efficient responses in the future. Discussion: Mirroring global efforts, this study demonstrates that the selected countries in the EMR are making efforts to integrate multi-sectoral action into their pandemic responses. Nevertheless, persistent challenges and gaps remain, presenting untapped opportunities that governments can leverage to enhance the efficiency of future public health emergency responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intensification of efforts by state and nonstate actors to address issues affecting global health has produced a patchwork of transnational regulatory governance. Within this field, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are expected to perform authoritative roles in holding business actors to account and enhance the democratic legitimacy of institutions via their participation in governance processes. While there exists a large body of conceptual and empirical research on global business regulation and private authority, we surprisingly know little about the governance functions of NGOs engaged in influencing the practices of corporations that produce health-harming commodities. This knowledge gap is especially pronounced in the issue area of noncommunicable diseases. This article begins to address this gap by mapping the networks of NGOs that engage in regulatory activities (rule-setting, monitoring, and enforcement) related to the (ultra)processed food and alcohol industries. We identify the networks of NGOs involved in global policy making across health, regulatory standards, and multistakeholder initiatives using nonstate actor submissions to consultations held by World Health Organization, UN Codex Alimentarius Commission (Codex), and the UN Global Compact. This paper examines NGO governance functions and their patterns of engagement and participation across institutional spheres. Overall, the article makes a twofold contribution to existing debates. First, we identify the governance functions through which NGOs attempt to hold corporations to account, contrasting their "watchdog" function with other governance functions. Second, we examine the representation of NGOs, highlighting asymmetries in participation of NGOs in the Global North and South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of concerns over the transparency, accountability, and democracy of international organizations has contributed to an increase in accountability mechanisms to hold global governors to account, by both state and non-state actors. Much of the scholarly focus on this subject has been on how levers of accountability can improve global governance for Member States and actors seeking to improve decision-making, and thus outputs. This article instead examines how individuals and communities, or neglected publics, are using accountability mechanisms designed to provide them with recourse for environmental and social harm. It probes the use of the grievance mechanisms for the multilateral development banks to examine what kinds of actors use them (e.g. international nongovernmental organizations, nongovernmental organizations, or project-affected people [PAP]) and to what effect. To explore these questions, we analyze 500 complaints submitted to the grievance mechanisms of the World Bank Group; the Asian, African, and Inter-American Development Banks; and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The results demonstrate that claims for recourse come from a range of primarily local actors, but that PAP in developing countries will more often achieve positive outcomes from the grievance mechanism process if they receive assistance from international and national nongovernmental organizations. These findings therefore demonstrate that transnational activists can fulfill a facilitating role as "accountability enablers" and that domestic representatives are especially effective in problem-solving processes, while international representatives are especially effective in compliance processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies have examined China's authoritarian environmentalism, with a focus on policy-making and implementation. We argue that law enforcement should also be investigated as a crucial stage. Specifically, we examine environmental public interest litigation (EPIL) and analyse a novel dataset of 7010 EPIL court judgements from 2015 to 2020. We find that state prosecutors dominate EPIL activities, while the role of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) is strictly limited. We also show great variations in EPIL lawsuits filed by state prosecutors across provinces, indicating high local discretion over environmental law enforcement. Lastly, we doubt whether the great number of EPIL outputs from state prosecutors will produce significant environmental outcomes, because they tend to target low-hanging fruit, in contrast to the more challenging and environmentally profound EPIL cases initiated by NGOs. We highlight the value of using the authoritarian environmentalism framework to contextualise debates surrounding the development of EPIL in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Which non-state actors gain privileged access to policymakers during global environmental negotiations? This paper offers a first systematic answer to this question. I argue that, overall, business non-state actors gain more access to policymakers compared to NGOs. Importantly however, the privileged position of business groups becomes less pronounced – sometimes even disappears – if countries are more developed, less reliant on fossil fuels, more democratic, or the impact of climate change is higher for a country. For the empirical analysis, I first analyzed all business groups and NGOs that participated in country delegations at UN climate conferences between 1997 and 2012 (n = 3,734). To evaluate privileged access, I compare actors which gained access to country delegations (n = 804) with the organizations that participated during the conferences as observers (n = 2,930). The results confirm that business has more privileged access in general but not in all countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization, which gained a new momentum with the end of the Cold War, also made international relations multidimensional and multi-layered. Non-state actors such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs) not only have the opportunity to have more influence in international relations, but also play a role in diversifying the aforementioned dimensions and layers. Many contexts other than "high policy" such as health, education, culture, and sports have become important parts of states' foreign policies. In this respect, the aim of the study is to analyze the situation of NGOs in terms of Turkey's soft power through the example of Eğitim-Bir Sen, by discussing the effects of NGOs in terms of foreign policy with globalization. The main question that the study seeks to answer is: What kind of role do NGOs have on Turkey's soft power, and with what discourse, method and activities does this role emerge? In order to answer this question, first of all, the concept of soft power is evaluated conceptually and theoretically, and the place of soft power in Turkish Foreign Policy is briefly explained. Afterwards, the international activities led or contributed by Eğitim-Bir-Sen union, a Turkey-based NGO working in the field of education, were analyzed with a qualitative-hermeneutic method in the context of Turkey's soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mekong region experienced severe droughts in 2019–20, generating alternative explanations of whether Chinese dams, climate or other drivers are the main causes. Reviewing academic journals, news outlets and online public discussions, we argue that it is important to address these differences in explanations not only between China and downstream countries but also including non-state actors, regional and external non-governmental organizations, media, think tanks, and research institutes to reveal the politics that frame the scientific debate on drought in the region. Data-sharing and collaborative research are needed to shift the discourse on drought towards a more systematic approach rather than focusing on politically expedient causal factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Direito GV is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the influence of non-state actors – particularly non-governmental organisations – on major import companies, investors, and transporters of Sahrawi natural resources, as well as the bodies of the European Union, its member states, the Polisario Front and, additionally, other non-state actors. The aim is to determine whether these actors have had an impact on changing the strategy of the Polisario Front with respect to its demands, reinforcing the movement's focus on safeguarding the natural resources of the territory of Western Sahara, protecting them against exploitation, and ensuring that they benefit the Sahrawi people. To that end, the study analyses the actions of non-state actors, the frames they employ, and the levels where they operate. Thanks to more than 20 interviews conducted with the heads of a variety of non-state actors, new research questions have arisen at the same time that awareness has been raised about the importance of renewable resources as an additional object of the claims made by both the Polisario Front and non-governmental organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does violence during civil war shape citizens' demand for state-provided security, especially in settings where non-state actors compete with the state for citizens' loyalties? This article draws on Hobbesian theory to argue that in post-conflict countries, citizens who were more severely victimized by wartime violence should substitute away from localized authorities and towards centralized ones, especially the state. The author tests the theory by combining two original surveys with existing media and non-governmental organization data on wartime violence in Liberia. The study shows that citizens who were more severely affected by violence during the Liberian civil war are more likely to demand state-provided security, both in absolute terms and relative to non-state alternatives. More sporadic collective violence in the post-conflict period does not reverse this substitution effect. Also consistent with Hobbesian theory, citizens who were more severely victimized are more fearful of threats to peace almost a decade later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can we understand the signing of legislation targeting violence against women in postcommunist countries where women are electorally marginalized? Although women are underrepresented in Kyrgyzstan, the country's parliament has passed bride theft and domestic violence legislation. This article proposes a theory of transactional activism: in postcommunist countries where women are electorally marginalized, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) can instigate legislative change if the state satisfies three necessary conditions permitting lateral links between NGOs working on behalf of women and vertical links between these nonstate actors and critical actors in parliament. The state must (1) establish a regulatory framework for NGO activity permitting the articulation and representation of women's interests; (2) demonstrate a rhetorical commitment to improving women's lives; and (3) facilitate the election to parliament of critical actors sympathetic to women's interests. In other words, women's substantive representation can occur without strong descriptive representation in the formal legislative arena if the state satisfies these conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the engagement of non-state actors (NSAs) in regional migration policy processes in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It identifies four categories of NSAs – non-governmental organisations (NGOs), civil society organisations (CSOs), academia and the media – as the key actors engaged in regional migration governance processes in West Africa. The paper adopts a social constructivist approach and a multilevel perspective, drawing on interviews, surveys and an extensive analysis of ECOWAS policy documents. The paper argues that invented, invited and instrumentalised spaces for engagement between state and non-state actors in ECOWAS manifest in a complex web of regional and national interests contributing to regional migration governance from 'below'. Regional migration governance from below consists of transnational societal networks characterised by the interactions of NSAs across borders to influence policies and practices at the regional level. The analysis reveals that NSA engagement results in reinforcing regional policies, policy diffusion through regional processes and circumventing restrictive national agendas through adopting innovative regional approaches. These results contribute to strengthening the institutional framework for regional migration governance in West Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geopolitical strategies and transnational governance can synergistically interact to meet strategic ambitions and environmental targets. International NGOs and their transnational operations are the heart of these entangled dynamics. This study reveals how geopolitical strategies influence international NGOs and their transnational activities. Drawing on empirical insights from a comparative study of international NGOs (Japanese and Chinese) in Cambodia, we developed two models to elucidate the nature of this relationship. The "tight coupling" model is exemplified by Japanese NGOs that are closely aligned with the Japanese state's geopolitical focus on soft power in Southeast Asia. This alignment results in strong state support in terms of resources and networking capabilities, enabling the NGOs to conduct long-term environmental work and build relationships with Cambodian communities through deep engagement. The "loose coupling" model is exemplified by Chinese NGOs whose alignment with China's dominant geopolitical strategy (the Belt and Road Initiative) is relatively weak. Consequently, these NGOs receive limited state support, which restrict their ability to engage with local communities and achieve a sustainable impact. This study breaks new ground by weaving together the fields of geopolitics and transnational environmental governance, offering new insights regarding how to incorporate geopolitical perspectives in examining the roles of non-state actors in global environmental politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although states continue to work together under the UNFCCC, it is increasingly apparent that not enough is being done, and that a just response to climate change is not being pursued. This paper asks whether non-state actors, such as cities, corporations, and non-governmental organisations might, by contrast, offer hope for such a response to emerge. Using the city of Bristol as an empirical case study, the paper puts forward that non-state actors can not only lower emissions and/or contribute to adaptation efforts, but more importantly have the potential to significantly shift the context of climate change action and create space for systemic change. They therefore offer room for cautious optimism. • Cosmopolitan climate justice centred analysis of non-state actors. • Non-state actors offer hope for a just response to climate change. • Non-state actors can push for systemic change in climate change policy. • City of Bristol, UK, used as an empirical case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a hybrid governance—referring to situations where state and non‐state actors collectively provide key services—perspective to disaster management. It contends that hybridity is often the norm rather than the exception in disaster management, particularly in developing countries where the state is frequently weak and may be unable or unwilling to supply essential services. In these instances, risks are addressed by state and non‐state entities, ranging from citizens and non‐governmental organisations to customary authorities. Given their important role in risk reduction, the disruption of hybrid processes by attempting to bring them within the remit of the state may create rather than diminish risk. To make this argument, the paper first outlines the key tenants of hybridity and their applicability to disasters before illustrating hybridity through three case studies of hybrid risk management in three cities in Africa: Freetown, Sierra Leone; Monrovia, Liberia; and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Silences around drone warfare and similar covert state practices have often been encountered as a hurdle that hinders us from understanding and interrogating government acts. Scholars as well as human rights actors have opposed silences in a struggle for greater transparency and have called on governments to speak. Through the case study of drone warfare, this paper analyses the productive role of silences and the political struggle to oppose it. Analysing 125 non-governmental organisation (NGO) reports, UN documents and policy papers, this article investigates how silences are encountered, interpreted and opposed by Western human rights actors. This shows that silence is not encountered as a discrete unit but as interdependent layers of denial, partial withholding of information, redactions, delays, lack of oversight and so on. Situated within unequal power relations, I show how the battle against the unsaid is itself based on what has (not) been heard in Western constructions of drone warfare and risks further enabling violent practices. Discussing ways of subverting the workings of silence, the paper not only contributes to academic literature on covert warfare and silence but also speaks to the practical dilemmas faced by non-state actors who are advocating for more transparency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how the means by which actors compete for position in the management of international society stratifies international order. Advancing scholarship on hierarchies, it applies a theory of social closure to examine two status groups, The Family of Civilised Nations and the G20, arguing that stratification is reproduced by a dynamic interplay of top-down collectivist exclusion on the part of superiorly positioned actors and bottom-up mimicry performed by those inferiorly positioned. As such, the same means of closure which used the Standard of Civilisation to exclude outsiders from the Family of Civilised Nations in the past stratifies non-state actors today, particularly international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) seeking to play a role in-the G20. This article offers amendments to closure theory in International Relations (IR), demonstrating its utility for analysing contemporary international politics, engaging in trans-historical analysis, and in incorporating non-state actors into enquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2005 the Ankara government has increased its diplomatic engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Along with the improvement of political and economic relations, Turkey has carved out an interesting role in humanitarian assistance and development aid. Taking principles and norms from both, Turkey has elaborated its own way of development which lies between the DAC and non-DAC countries. A feature that makes Turkey's approach toward SSA different from the other extra-regional powers is its unconventional multistakeholder implementation policy on the ground that attributes relevance to the non-state actors (NSAs). These, such as NGOs, trade and businesses associations, have pushed forward the country's economic, cultural and political interests in SSA. Drawing critically on the informal diplomacy literature and on the studies of Turkey-Africa relations, this article aims to show that Turkish rapprochement toward SSA has made Turkey a new relevant player in the region. Further, it aims to contribute to the literature on the interaction between state and NSAs, providing an empirical analysis within North–South interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the deployment of drones by state and non-state actors at the southern maritime European borders. By focusing on the conflation of humanitarian and security rationales in the use of this border technology, the article unfolds around the notion of the multipurpose drone. A notion that encompasses the diverse logics, actors and practices that merge in the development and use of border drones by EU agencies and humanitarian NGOs. The article argues that the character of the multipurpose drone depends on various aspects including the actions taken in response to the data gathered by it. While the data collected by drones can contribute to the better conduct of search and rescue operations, drones can also create further risks for irregular migrants. This article contends, therefore, that the presence of drones at EU borders raises critical questions and moral dilemmas regarding the challenges and opportunities they pose for migrants and refugees. It also analyses the transparency and responsibility aspects associated with drones used in border operations and the blurring of civil and military, public and private in their deployment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether and how the GCM will impact national migration orders depends crucially on whether and how both governments and non-state actors engage with it in practice. This article takes Morocco as a case study and focuses on the role of the government and civil society. It asks how far their practices regarding the GCM support its potential as a soft law instrument to impact national migration orders. To undertake a more fine-grained analysis, the article includes an analysis of the implementation of Objective 15 (provision of basic services) as a test case. The paper draws on government reports, civil society reports and semi-structured interviews with policy makers and members of civil society. It identifies good conditions for the GCM to have an impact, in particular Moroccan claimed leadership in migration affaires in Africa; its engagement with the GCM’s review mechanism, and its reliance on the GCM to legitimise migration policies even if some of those policies, as shown by the test case regarding objective 15, are not fully in conformity with the GCM. As to the role of civil society, its impact on the implementation of the GCM is hampered by the sceptical view of most non-governmental organization regarding the GCM. The majority of civil society considers the GCM’s content very problematic and even if a small number of NGOs is positive about (parts of) it, not all of them invoke the GCM in their daily work. The test case regarding Objective 15 shows that NGOs monitoring access to services do not rely on this Objective. Combined with the lack of formal involvement in the national review process, civil society actors are so far unable (or unwilling) to exploit the political potential of the GCM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Strategic Review / Przeglad Strategiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The second is the relative absence of research on how c I ities i are now practicing international cultural relations and diplomacy among themselves-and they are often doing this via the agency of civil society actors. It highlights the futility of nation state-city, state-civil society binaries in analysing the power geometry of multi-scalar actors involved in the work, efficacy and the potency of cultural networks, institutions and cultural diplomacy. Smith, Levitt and Selch argue that cultural diplomacy has been and still is an aspect of public diplomacy often overlooked. Cultural diplomacy as discourse and practice looms large today in both cultural policy studies and international relations. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the role of non-government organizations (NGO) like Christian faith-based organizations as third-party interveners at the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Other topics include how NGOs can enhance judicial decision-making, public interest intervention, and the effects of judicial rulings on the mobilization of social actors.

This article engages with the centrality that the push–pull theory regained in the context of border deaths in the Mediterranean Sea and particularly as part of the debate against the criminalization of nongovernment organizations (NGOs') rescue missions at sea. The article opens by illustrating the context in which the push–pull theory re-emerged—after having been part of migration studies' history books for over a decade—as part of an effort to defend non-state actors engaged in rescue missions in the Mediterranean Sea against an aggressive campaign of illegalilzation conducted by European states. We then take a step back to trace the history of the push–pull theory and its role as a foil for critical migration studies in the past 20 years. Building on this history, the article then turns to interrogating the epistemic and political outcomes that result from bringing evidence against the NGOs' role as pull factors for migrants. The article closes by advocating for a transformative, rather than evidencing, role of critical knowledge in the current political context where migrants and actors who fight against border deaths are increasingly criminalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Engaging in disaster relief and, more recently, post-disaster reconstruction in developing countries with critical geoeconomic and geopolitical interests has become an increasingly regular and institutionalized component of China's evolving humanitarian diplomacy over the past decade. Drawn upon novel evidence from China's growing disaster-related humanitarian assistance to Nepal and unprecedented engagement in Nepal's long-term post-earthquake rebuild since 2015, this article explores the dynamics behind China's transforming humanitarian diplomacy. The findings of this article suggest that: 1) geopolitical and geoeconomic interests, represented by the Belt-and-Road Initiative, serve as a critical driver for the development of China's bilateral partnership with other countries in the disaster sector; 2) long-term cooperation with underdeveloped countries like Nepal provides China, both government and non-state actors (NSAs), with an effective channel to engage with the international humanitarian community and to internalize humanitarian norms; 3) although humanitarian missions remain contingent and instrumental in China's international relations, they are laying the foundations for a specialized humanitarian policy area with more relevant normative assets, more professional actors, and more sophisticated institutions; 4) NSAs, represented by private foundations and civil NGOs, have played active roles in the state-dominant cooperation in disaster management. This article also suggests that intensified geopolitical confrontations, such as military clashes between India and China along their disputed borders over the past year, would lead to a high degree of politicization of humanitarian missions and partnerships counter-conducive to humanitarian goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This case study focuses on addressing the question, "How do non-state actors address the predicament of the irregular migrants' precarious status?" The study reveals that an unwanted irregular migrant will certainly seek recognition, not necessarily from mainstream society but from peers, networks, and most of the time from compatriots - establishing links, and building contacts - and thus negotiated their status with the host society. This research also generated an alternative hypothesis which states, "As migration control becomes much stricter, more irregular migrants are seeking assistance from non-state actors and the migration industry." This paper finds that the collaborative effort of migrant and non-migrant organizations between Filipino-run and Japaneserun NGOs at the local level (including church and non-church based groups) play an immensely indispensable role in sending a message across national boundaries that transnational migration agency (actors forming as collectivities) inadvertently reshapes a new world order for the global migration process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Role of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the development of cooperation between the BRICS countries is one of the important facets of multilateral partnership among the BRICS Nations however it has not been fully realized and still below its potential. The purpose of this paper is to understand the role of NGOs in each BRICS countries and present a case of their collaboration in developing the economic partnerships between regions, municipalities and other agencies of development in the countries. This paper examines the legal architecture which NGOs operate in each BRICS countries, stress the importance of their role in development of the local communities and present evidence of cooperation between NGOs of BRICS countries on developmental issues. It concludes by recommending the need to create more conductive space, multilateral frameworks, informal collaborations by non-state actors to promote track two diplomacy and strengthened the role of NGOs in promoting the multilateral cooperation between BRICS Nations and improve the lives of its citizens. The paper is based on literature reviews and study of various treaties and statutes from BRICS countries on the role of NGOs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Nonstate actors appear to have increasing power, in part due to new technologies that alter actors' capacities and incentives. Although solar geoengineering is typically conceived of as centralized and state-deployed, we explore highly decentralized solar geoengineering. Done perhaps through numerous small high-altitude balloons, it could be provided by nonstate actors such as environmentally motivated nongovernmental organizations or individuals. Conceivably tolerated or even covertly sponsored by states, highly decentralized solar geoengineering could move presumed action from the state arena to that of direct intervention by nonstate actors, which could in turn, disrupt international politics and pose novel challenges for technology and environmental policy. We conclude that this method appears technically possible, economically feasible, and potentially politically disruptive. Decentralization could, in principle, make control by states difficult, perhaps even rendering such control prohibitively costly and complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines dilemmas of the multistakeholder mechanism of participation in Mexico—situated in the context of the post‐2015 Agenda for Sustainable Development—to rethink the interplay between contemporary diplomacy, global politics, and nongovernmental actors. The central argument is that diplomacy has to open up and function as a collaborative space that includes nongovernmental actors who, in turn, influence the design of contemporary institutions. This, I contend, ultimately leads to a redefinition of relations between governments and societies under a more democratic, inclusive design and code of conduct. The case of the nongovernmental organization campaign "Beyond2015" in Mexico is used in the above context. I evidence, through a qualitative analysis, that the particular multistakeholder mechanism encouraged both at the United Nations level and the Mexican Secretariat of Foreign Affairs, held important limitations for developing an effective inclusive mechanism for certain nongovernmental actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a decade of negotiation, countries adopted a new, legally binding agreement on climate change. Excitement for a new era in the climate regime is palpable among pundits and policy makers alike. But such enthusiasm largely overlooks that most of the Paris Agreement's provisions represent continuity with existing climate policy, not a break with the past. This forum argues that the Paris Agreement is a dangerous form of incrementalism in two ways. First, it repackages existing rules that have already proven inadequate to reduce emissions and improve resilience. Second, state and nonstate actors celebrate the Agreement as a solution, conferring legitimacy on its rules; I suggest that, beyond the strong desire to avoid failure, developing countries and nongovernmental organizations accepted the Paris Agreement to secure the participation of the United States and to uphold previous agreements. Given the reification of existing rules, the ratchet-up mechanism and nonstate actors offer the last remaining hopes in global efforts to catalyze climate action on a scale necessary to safeguard the climate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines why and how European Union agencies involve non-state stakeholders - such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs), business associations or trade unions - via three access instruments: public consultations; stakeholder bodies; and representation in management boards. We assess how the use of these instruments varies across agencies, and how they are linked to different motivations driving the demand for stakeholder participation. We present two alternative sets of hypotheses, first focusing on agencies’ need for information, organizational capacity and reputation, and second, considering stakeholder involvement as an instrument of legislative control. We draw on a new dataset of stakeholder involvement practices of the full population of EU agencies, compiled via document analysis and interviews. Our findings indicate that stakeholder involvement is a double-edged sword, contributing to agency accountability and control, but with an inevitable risk of dependence on the regulated industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the participation and agency of young non-state actors (NSAs) in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). It utilizes the constituency of Youth NGOs: YOUNGO, as a case study to examine the relationship between selection of participatory strategies, power sources (following Nasiritousi et al. in Int Environ Agreem Politics Law Econ 16(1):109-126, 2016), recognition and agency using ego and alter perceptions. It finds that young people’s selection of participatory strategies and power sources is shaped by the level of agency which they perceive to be available to them. When self-perception of agency is high, young participants offer constructive policy amendments which can lead to recognition and agency, though only within certain policy areas and the silos in which they are negotiated. When self-perception of agency is low, youth interpret this as lack of recognition, leading to efforts to assert their relevance and/or to challenge procedural legitimacy: neither of which are well received by decision-makers. In reality, several of the challenges faced by young participants are not structurally unique to their constituency; however, their lack of financial resources does hinder their ability to fully utilize modes of participation which previous studies have found to be beneficial to other NSAs, such as side-events. Financial constraints also restrict the ability of youth participants, many of whom are volunteers, to develop professional relationships with key actors over time, meaning that the level of agency developed by more established, better-resourced NSAs remains largely out of reach. These findings have implications for the understanding of NSA agency, which has previously been treated as homogeneous and raises further questions regarding procedural legitimacy of the UNFCCC and its role in mobilizing and empowering the next generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the origins of public international law and outlines steps toward the recognition of humanitarian organizations and civil society as subjects of international law. Topics discussed include how states became the defining actors in international law and highlights the role of sovereign states in the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, the civil society in the 1859 Battle of Solferino, and nongovernmental (NGO) organizations in the adoption of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.

Whether international humanitarian norms are respected during and after civil conflict depends on the behavior of both governments and nonstate actors (NSAs). However, international conventions on the protection of civilians generally do not address NSAs, as such conventions are open only to the representatives of states. In a pioneering initiative, the nongovernmental organization Geneva Call has started to address this problem by soliciting NSAs to sign “deeds of commitment” to ban particular activities violating humanitarian norms. Focusing on the case of antipersonnel mines, we examine why NSAs would choose to sign conventions that limit their autonomy, and whether such conventions can change the behavior of governments and nonstate armed groups. We propose a game-theoretic model of how the interaction between governments and NSAs shape their incentives to commit to and comply with international humanitarian norms. Our empirical evidence highlights the importance of these interdependencies between governments and NSAs in the realm of humanitarian engagements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to examine the roles and responsibilities of non-state actors (NSAs) in contributing to disaster governance from an international human rights law (IHRL) perspective. In particular, it examines how non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and business enterprises are implicated. Design/methodology/approach - The paper analyzes a range of IHRL instruments, particularly treaties and international soft-law documents, and it utilizes the concepts "human rights-based approaches" (HRBAs) and "direct"/"indirect" human rights obligations to frame and understand how IHRL responsibilities for NSAs arise from these instruments. Findings - IHRL not only includes relevant standards for NSAs in the area of disaster management, but NGOs and businesses also actively engage with IHRL and HRBAs by means of (soft) self-regulatory instruments to further clarify their responsibilities. Research limitations/implications - The findings are of interest to all actors involved in disaster governance, and are instructive for NGOs and businesses seeking to improve the design of disaster management activity. The research addresses only the responsibility of NGOs and private companies, but the framework of analysis set out is equally of interest to other actors' activities. Originality/value - The implications of IHRL for NSAs involved in disaster management are still poorly understood, despite their vast engagement. This study contributes by clarifying the roles and IHRL responsibilities of NGOs and businesses specifically, and articulates how applications of HRBAs may improve the protection of persons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the little explored issue of non-state actor (NSA) participation in the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Despite the fact that NGOs and civil society are shielded from formal access to CSDP, EU staff in both Brussels and the missions engage with them informally. Drawing on interviews with policy-makers and NSA representatives, the article analyses the practices of the EU in its engagement with NSAs, focusing on civilian missions in Georgia and Palestine. It shows that such engagement is more intense during implementation at the level of CSDP missions rather than during policy-making in Brussels. It argues that a combination of rational choice-based (functional needs of policy-makers and intensity of NSA advocacy) and constructivist (organisational and individual cultures) explanations helps us better understand why CSDP structures open up to NSAs. The article contributes to the nascent academic and policy debate on EU–civil society cooperation in CSDP and, more broadly, to the studies of informal governance in the EU and NSA participation in international organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article investigates what happens when governmental actors foster the participation of non-state actors (NSAs) in treaty ratification and implementation decisions. NSAs, being non-governmental organizations, business groups, citizens, or research institutions, among others, represent interests that will be ultimately impacted by policy choices. While governments have long consulted them on an ad hoc basis, a 'deliberative turn' happened in the 2000s to encourage their involvement, for greater legitimacy and transparency through, among others, the use of public consultations. This proactive turn raises questions about public consultations: are such instruments effective? Do they encourage new thinking? Do they matter for final decisions? This article answers these questions by investigating, using lexicometry as main research tool, the public consultation organized by the European Commission in 2011 before the ratification of the Nagoya Protocol on access and benefit sharing by the European Union in 2014. The results are mixed. Although the studied public consultation favoured the expression of small national NSAs, the process remains poorly inclusive. NSAs did not propose any fresh ideas on the access and benefit sharing issue and their final influence on European decision-makers is blurred by the diversity of interests expressed. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sovereign nations have the right to regulate the activities and operations of civil society organizations (CSOs) within their jurisdiction. The nature of official policy controls bears important implications for the breath and health of associational life, to the degree that they are relaxed, restrictive, or intrusive. Since nations in Africa have often been seen to subvert the growth and impact of CSOs, this article traces the policy controls that govern CSOs in Nigeria and Zimbabwe. Within the context of policy change, the article employs the Advocacy Coalition Framework in an effort to trace the policy process in these two countries. It particularly focuses on CSOs-focused policies and on clarifying the role and influence of non-state actors. Although political elites continue to dominate the policy process, non-state actors increasingly permeate the process through various formal and informal strategies, including the use of venues and influencing public opinion. Overall, CSOs-focused policies reflect distorted beliefs originating from the West's preoccupations with a homogeneous, governance-focused African civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]