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Nineteenth-century American expansion has been shown as a type of Anglo-American "settler revolution," but the United States was also connected with France in France's ideas for the imperial development of Algeria. The two countries alike were ambitious empires, their leaders committed to expansion as a means of political and economic regeneration. More than this, the French empire "borrowed" images from its republican cousin to help incorporate Algeria. Writers during the July Monarchy saw American Indians' decline as a forerunner to white settlement's consequences in North Africa, although they rationalized how Algerians might be treated more benevolently. Napoléon III vowed to prevent an American analogue by setting aside Arab tribal land. Liberal reformers during the early Third Republic, however, called for assimilation of Algerians through land privatization, hailing the U.S. Homestead Act for how it could facilitate egalitarian, private land ownership, and thus help establish what Michel Chevalier had earlier imagined as the French "West." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses an 1881 revolt by settler students at the normal school of Algiers to explore issues of settler identity formation, anticlericalism, and racism. It argues that in the early Third Republic, settlers began to see the public school as a key site for creating a distinctly "Algerian" identity, one that excluded both Algerian Muslims and even new arrivals from the metropole. In this effort, settlers sought to implement radical versions of French republicanism and anticlericalism that were in reality highly restrictive, as they combined both metropolitan disdain for Catholicism and colonial scorn towards Islam. The investigations precipitated by the revolt reveal a colony and metropole whose fundamental concepts took shape in circuit between France and Algeria. The version of republicanism that emerged in Algeria served as an important precursor for the exclusive republicanism and its prohibitions on the public expression of faith in the ascendency in France today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses royal heritage and the sale at auction of the crown jewels in France during the early Third Republic. Emphasis is given to topics such as the conservation of historical and artistic objects, the cataloging and bid management for auction items, and the symbolism of the sale in the opposition of art historian Germain Bapst.

The article considers popular opinions in France towards Russia during the fin-de-siècle which helped lead towards the Dual Alliance military treaty between the two countries. Topics explored include the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71, a comparative study of autocratic Tsarist Russia and France's democratic Third Republic, salons by pan-Slavic activists Olga Novikova, Princess Liza Trubetskaia, and Juliette Adam.

This article explores the role of empire and internationalism in French revolutionary socialist thought at the beginning of the Third Republic. Whilst French revolutionary socialists frequently employed colonial examples and operated within wider traditions of either imperialism or anti-colonialism, the concept of ‘empire’ itself remained vague and undefined in their thought. Previous literature on the subject has focused overwhelmingly on the writings of Communards deported to New Caledonia in the 1870s; however, this article argues that the deportees in fact remained theoretically unconcerned with imperial and international questions. Rather, it was those who remained in Europe that produced more clearly elaborated theories on empire and international engagement. Such ideas subsequently served to demarcate the limits and possibilities of universal equality and solidarity, which were central to revolutionary socialist thought during this period. Consequently, it will be suggested that despite their recent rise in popularity, empire, and colonialism are not the best categories of analysis for approaching such themes, for they cannot be isolated from broader concerns with international and transnational thought. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article reexamines the legacy of Wagnerism in France through the lens of cultural and intellectual history. Taking the Revue wagnérienne (1885-88) as its central subject of analysis, it demonstrates that contributors to the Revue developed from Richard Wagner's work several strategies for transcending the Franco-German nationalist conflicts so trenchant in the 1880s. Falling beyond the confines of any one academic discipline or aesthetic category, the Wagnerism presented on the pages of the Revue wagnérienne borrowed from scientific thought, aesthetics, religion, and politics in equal measure. This comingling of approaches expressed by the authors suggests that Wagnerism in the 1880s created an intellectual space for seemingly contradictory perspectives to coexist. Grappling with Wagner's works and ideas, then, provided French intellectuals with an opportunity to imagine alternatives to many of the political, cultural, and ideological polarizations of the early Third Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

D'une façon générale, l'enseignement de l'histoire a acquis une légitimité sociale du fait que l'étude du passé est censée délivrer aux élèves des clés de compréhension du présent, c'est-à-dire du temps où ils vivent. Mais ce topos ne dit rien du sens que donnent à cette expression les historiographies scolaires, inscrites dans des sociétés où l'expérience du passé a configuré le rapport qu'elles entretiennent avec les diverses facettes du temps. On peut donc se demander de quelles significations, selon les contextes et les aires géographiques, est chargée cette généralité, en d'autres termes historiciser la notion même "comprendre le présent". C'est ce questionnement qui a été appliqué à l'enseignement de l'histoire en France, pour la période 1870–1940 – celle de la Troisième République – où il a représenté, sept ans durant, un des piliers de la formation des élèves – masculins – de l'enseignement secondaire. Les républicains, arrivés au pouvoir après la défaite de 1871 contre la Prusse, entendaient en effet dispenser à la jeunesse française, appelée à constituer les futures élites de la nation, de solides connaissances historiques. L'enjeu était de taille: dans un pays affaibli et, de surcroît, divisé politiquement, il s'agissait de rassembler, autour de la nation et des valeurs républicaines, les forces du pays. Quel statut a donc donné au présent cet usage scolaire de l'étude du passé alors que les historiens, dans le contexte de professionnalisation de la discipline historique qui caractérise au 19è siècle les États-nations, posaient les règles de la critique érudite et affirmaient leur volonté d'élaborer une histoire qui ne servît que la "Vérité"? Nous avons ici distingué deux niveaux: d'une part celui des programmes et autres textes officiels complétés par les publications des historiens qui, à la fin du 19è siècle, dominent le paysage historiographique. En effet, Gabriel Monod, un des fondateurs en 1876 de la Revue historique dont l'objectif est de créer en France une école historique, Ernest Lavisse et leur cadet Charles Seignobos s'impliquent tous également dans la renaissance des études historiques savantes et dans l'organisation de l'histoire scolaire; d'autre part, les auteurs ont exploité les articles et rapports des revues pédagogiques, les cahiers d'élèves, les témoignages recueillis spontanément ou non, toutes traces qui, en nous introduisant à la connaissance de l'histoire enseignée, élargissent le spectre des sources de l'histoire de la discipline. Car si la périodisation établie par les programmes fait de l'étude du présent l'aboutissement de la connaissance du passé, il importe de se demander à quelles pratiques du présent a donné lieu ce que Lavisse appelait "la théorie de l'enseignement"? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The seize mai crisis of 1877 was the occasion for last of the three war scares that punctuated Franco–German relations in the 1870s. However, it has not been given the detailed scrutiny it deserves. It was not only important for the amount of influence that Bismarck exerted during a six month period to influence the course of French domestic politics at a critical juncture. This crisis also provides a cipher for understanding the earlier crises of 1873–1874 and 1875 since the German Chancellor pursued his key objective of supporting the establishment of a republic much more openly in 1877 and his tactics are much better documented than in the earlier scares. A closer look at the events of 1877 reveals more continuity in both the means and ends used by Bismarck in his dealings with France during the mid-1870s than was previously thought. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since Emile Zola's "J'accuse," the Dreyfus affair has often been conceptualized as a struggle between truth and raison d'état. In this interpretation, the antidreyfusards voluntarily cede any claim to the concept of truth in favor of arguments based in the exigencies of national security. This article suggests, however, that antidreyfusard rhetoric and imagery also employed a concept of truth: a subjective truth that depended on personal credibility as established through opposition to imagined enemies of France. The caricaturist Caran d'Ache represented this relational truth in scenes of antidreyfusard women identifying and rejecting dreyfusard or Jewish men. These scenes allowed the artist to emphasize the personal and conditional nature of this sort of truth by showing ambiguous sexualized or aggressive women acquiring credibility through their hostile interactions with dreyfusard or Jewish adversaries, thereby permitting the representation of a truth based on human interaction and relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to a familiar assimilation model whereby peasants were "transformed into Frenchmen," this study of Limousin migrant masons illustrates how occupational specialization, rural-based social networking, and circular migration strategies encouraged residential concentration in Paris in the second half of the nineteenth century. After addressing circular migration and the characteristics of the building trades that promoted social networking, this study draws on census and electoral records to map the boundaries of Limousin solidarity in Paris during the Third Republic (1871-1914). Rather than constituting a "colony," Limousin migrant masons established "microcommunities" based on familial and village-based social ties. The article concludes with an analysis detailing the functions of residential concentration by considering how collective living arrangements in hôtels garnis (boardinghouses) enabled the procurement of work, maintained the cohesion of the work team, and promoted links connecting Paris to the Departments of the Haute-Vienne and the Creuse in central France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has often been noted that Seurat’s early paintings and drawings downplay representation in favour of an increased attention to formal properties. What remains unexplored is how this quality can be understood in relation to the politics of the French Third Republic. This essay argues that Seurat’s early work was haunted by political events (most notably the Paris Commune), and by aspects of the artistic past (specifically the radical associations of naturalism) that many wished in the early 1880s to forget. With reference to the writings of Marx and Zola, each of whom offered perceptive diagnoses of the Third Republic’s uncertain relation to the past, I read Seurat’s depiction of the Tuileries Palace ruins and his series of stonebreaker images as reflections upon this crisis in historical memory. Whilst the repetitive weave of paint and conté crayon from which these images are constituted might seem to predict the emphasis on pictorial structure that characterized later forms of abstraction, it is argued here that in Seurat’s work it operates as a screen that occludes but at the same recalls repressed histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]