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Background: While Ghana is a leader in some health indicators among West African nations, it still struggles with high maternal and neonatal morbidity and mortality rates, especially in the northern areas. The clinical causes of mortality and morbidity are relatively well understood in Ghana, but little is known about the impact of social and cultural factors on maternal and neonatal outcomes. Less still is understood about how such factors may vary by geographic location, and how such variability may inform locally-tailored solutions. Methods/Design: Preventing Maternal And Neonatal Deaths (PREMAND) is a three-year, three-phase project that takes place in four districts in the Upper East, Upper West, and Northern Regions of Ghana. PREMAND will prospectively identify all maternal and neonatal deaths and 'near-misses', or those mothers and babies who survive a life threatening complication, in the project districts. Each event will be followed by either a social autopsy (in the case of deaths) or a sociocultural audit (in the case of near-misses). Geospatial technology will be used to visualize the variability in outcomes as well as the social, cultural, and clinical predictors of those outcomes. Data from PREMAND will be used to generate maps for local leaders, community members and Government of Ghana to identify priority areas for intervention. PREMAND is an effort of the Navrongo Health Research Centre and the University of Michigan Medical School. Discussion: PREMAND uses an innovative, multifaceted approach to better understand and address neonatal and maternal morbidity and mortality in northern Ghana. It will provide unprecedented access to information on the social and cultural factors that contribute to deaths and near-misses in the project regions, and will allow such causal factors to be situated geographically. PREMAND will create the opportunity for local, regional, and national stakeholders to see how these events cluster, and place them relative to traditional healer compounds, health facilities, and other important geographic markers. Finally, PREMAND will enable local communities to generate their own solutions to maternal and neonatal morbidity and mortality, an effort that has great potential for long-term impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: To determine the neonatal mortality rate in the Kassena-Nankana District (KND) of northern Ghana, and to identify the leading causes and timing of neonatal deaths. Methods: The KND falls within the Navrongo Health Research Centre’s Health and Demographic Surveillance System (HDSS), which uses trained field workers to gather and update health and demographic information from community members every four months. We utilized HDSS data from 2003–2009 to examine patterns of neonatal mortality. Results: A total of 17,751 live births between January 2003 and December 2009 were recorded, including 424 neonatal deaths 64.8%(275) of neonatal deaths occurred in the first week of life. The overall neonatal mortality rate was 24 per 1000 live births (95%CI 22 to 26) and early neonatal mortality rate was 16 per 1000 live births (95% CI 14 to 17). Neonatal mortality rates decreased over the period from 26 per 1000 live births in 2003 to 19 per 1000 live births in 2009. In all, 32%(137) of the neonatal deaths were from infections, 21%(88) from birth injury and asphyxia and 18%(76) from prematurity, making these three the leading causes of neonatal deaths in the area. Birth injury and asphyxia (31%) and prematurity (26%) were the leading causes of early neonatal deaths, while infection accounted for 59% of late neonatal deaths. Nearly 46% of all neonatal deaths occurred during the first three postnatal days. In multivariate analysis, multiple births, gestational age <32 weeks and first pregnancies conferred the highest odds of neonatal deaths. Conclusions: Neonatal mortality rates are declining in rural northern Ghana, with majority of deaths occurring within the first week of life. This has major policy, programmatic and research implications. Further research is needed to better understand the social, cultural, and logistical factors that drive high mortality in the early days following delivery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Globally, the COVID-19 pandemic has brought attention to the impact of negative patient outcomes on healthcare providers. In Ghana, obstetric providers regularly face maternal and neonatal mortality, yet limited research has focused on provision of mental health support for these providers. This study sought to understand how obstetric providers viewed seeking mental health support after poor clinical outcomes, with a focus on the role of mental health stigma.Patients and Methods: Participants were 52 obstetric providers (20 obstetrician/gynecologists and 32 midwives) at two tertiary care hospitals in Ghana. Five focus groups, led by a trained facilitator and lasting approximately two hours, were conducted to explore provider experiences and perceptions of support following poor maternal and neonatal outcomes. Discussions were audiotaped and transcribed verbatim, then analyzed qualitatively using grounded theory methodology.Results: Most participants (84.3%, N=43) were finished with training, and 46.2% (N=24) had been in practice more than 10 years. Emerging themes included pervasive stigma associated with seeking mental health care after experiencing poor clinical outcomes, which was derived from two overlapping dimensions. First, societal-level stigma resulted from a cultural norm to keep emotions hidden, and the perception that psychiatry is equated with severe mental illness. Second, provider-level stigma resulted from the belief that healthcare workers should not have mental health problems, a perception that mental health care is acceptable for patients but not for providers, and a fear about lack of confidentiality. Despite many providers acknowledging negative mental health impacts following poor clinical outcomes, these additive layers of stigma limited their willingness to engage in formal mental health care.Conclusion: This study demonstrates that stigma creates significant barriers to acceptance of mental health support among obstetric providers. Interventions to support providers will need to respect provider concerns without reinforcing the stigma associated with seeking mental health care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Social, cultural, and behavioral factors are often potent upstream contributors to maternal, neonatal, and child mortality, especially in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Social autopsy is one method of identifying the impact of such factors, yet it is unclear how social autopsy methods are being used in LMICs. Objective:This study aimed to identify the most common social autopsy instruments, describe overarching findings across populations and geography, and identify gaps in the existing social autopsy literature. Methods: A systematic search of the peer-reviewed literature from 2005 to 2016 was conducted. Studies were included if they were conducted in an LMIC, focused on maternal/neonatal/infant/child health, reported on the results of original research, and explicitly mentioned the use of a social autopsy tool. Results: Sixteen articles out of 1950 citations were included, representing research conducted in 11 countries. Five different tools were described, with two primary conceptual frameworks used to guide analysis: Pathway to Survival and Three Delays models. Studies varied in methods for identifying deaths, and recall periods for respondents ranged from 6 weeks to 5+ years. Across studies, recognition of danger signs appeared to be high, while subsequent care-seeking was inconsistent. Cost, distance to facility, and transportation issues were frequently cited barriers to care-seeking, however, additional barriers were reported that varied by location. Gaps in the social autopsy literature include the lack of: harmonized tools and analytical methods that allow for cross-study comparisons, discussion of complexity of decision making for care seeking, qualitative narratives that address inconsistencies in responses, and the explicit inclusion of perspectives from husbands and fathers. Conclusion: Despite the nascence of the field, research across 11 countries has included social autopsy methods, using a variety of tools, sampling methods, and analytical frameworks to determine how social factors impact maternal, neonatal, and child health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Neonatal mortality is one of the leading causes of under-five mortality globally, with the majority of these deaths occurring in low- and middle-income countries. In Ghana, there is a belief in an array of newborn conditions, called Asram, that are thought to have a spiritual, rather than physical, cause. These conditions are predominantly managed by traditional healers as they are considered unable to be treated by allopathic medical providers. Through a series of semi-structured qualitative interviews of medical providers in Kumasi, Ghana, conducted in July–August 2018, this study sought to elucidate perspectives of allopathic medical providers about Asram, including the perceived implications of traditional newborn care patterns on newborn health and higher-level neonatal care. Twenty health care providers participated and represented a tertiary care hospital and a district hospital. Medical providers were universally aware of Asram but varied on the latitude they gave this belief system within the arena of newborn care. Some providers rationalized the existence of Asram in the backdrop of high neonatal mortality rates and long-standing belief systems. Others highlighted their frustration with Asram, citing delays in care and complications due to traditional medical treatments. Providers utilized varying approaches to bridge culture gaps with families in their care and emphasized the importance of open communication with the shared goal of improved newborn health and survival. This study describes the importance of providers being aware of socio-cultural constructs within which pregnant women operate and suggests a focus on the shared goal of timely and effective newborn care in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While overall neonatal mortality rates are improving in Ghana, the Ashanti Region has the highest mortality rate in the country. The clinical causes of newborn deaths are well known, yet local beliefs about illness aetiology, cause of death and care-seeking are less well understood. This exploratory qualitative study sought to understand how community members perceive and respond to neonatal illness. Researchers worked with public health nurses, community health nurses and opinion leaders in the Ashanti Region of Ghana to identify women who had lost a baby, either during pregnancy or after delivery. In-depth interviews and focus group discussions were conducted about knowledge, attitudes and beliefs regarding neonatal mortality. The transcripts were coded and analysed using NVivo 10.0. A total of 100 participants were interviewed: 24% reported a previous stillbirth; 37% reported a previous miscarriage; and 45% reported losing a baby who was born alive. Nine per cent experienced more than one type of loss. The local illness of asram - an illness with supernatural causes - was cited as a leading cause of death of newborns. Every participant reported hearing of, knowing someone, or having a child who had become ill with asram. While women gave varying information on symptoms, method of contraction and treatment, all participants agreed that asram was common and often fatal. Four overarching themes emerged: 1) asram is not a hospital sickness; 2) there is both a fear of traditional healers as a source of asram, as well as a reliance upon them to cure asram; 3) there are rural/urban differences in perceptions of asram; and 4) asram may serve as a mechanism of social control for pregnant women and new mothers. Local beliefs and practices must be better understood and incorporated into health education campaigns if neonatal mortality is to be reduced in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The Three Delays Model outlines, three common delays that lead to poor newborn outcomes: (i) recognising symptoms and deciding to seek care; (ii) getting to care and; (iii) receiving timely, high‐quality care. We gathered data for all newborn deaths within four districts in Ghana to explore how well the Three Delays Model explains outcomes. Methods: In this cross‐sectional, observational study, trained field workers conducted verbal and social autopsies with the closest surviving relative (typically mothers) of all neonatal deaths across four districts in northern Ghana from September 2015 until April 2017. Data were collected using Survey CTO and analysed using StataSE 15.0. Frequencies and descriptive statistics were calculated for key variables. Results: 247 newborn deaths were identified. Nearly 77% (190) of newborns who died were born at a health facility, and 48.9% (93) of those who died before discharge. Of the 149 newborns who were discharged or born at home, 71.8% (107) sought care at a facility for illness, and 72.9% (N = 78) of those did so within the same day of illness recognition. Of the 83 respondents who arranged for transportation, 82% (68) did so within 1 h. Newborns received prompt care but insufficient interventions – 25% or fewer received IV fluids, oral medications, antibiotics or oxygen. Conclusions: These data suggest that women are following recommendations for safe delivery and prompt care‐seeking. In rural northern Ghana, behaviour change interventions focused on mothers and families may not be as pressing as interventions focused on the Third Delay – obtaining timely, high‐quality care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has described the evil eye as a source of illness for pregnant women and their newborns. This study sought to explore the perceptions of the evil eye among mothers whose newborns had experienced a life-threatening complication across three regions of Ghana. As part of a larger, quantitative study, trained research assistants identified pregnant and newly delivered women (and their newborns) who had survived a life-threatening complication at three tertiary care hospitals in southern Ghana to participate in open-ended, qualitative interviews about their experiences in March-August 2015. All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim into English and analysis using the constant comparative method of theme generation. A total of 37 mothers were interviewed, 20 about neonatal illnesses and 17 about maternal illnesses. Six of the 20 mothers interviewed about their newborn's illnesses spoke at length about the evil eye being a potential cause of newborn illness. The evil eye was described in a variety of terms, but commonalities included a person looking at a pregnant woman, her newborn baby, the baby's clothes and even the mother's food, causing harm, even unintentionally. Prevention required mothers covering themselves while pregnant and keeping the baby away from others until it was old enough to ward off the evil eye. Treatment required traditional medicine, yet some indicated that allopathic medicine could help. The evil eye appears to serve a social control mechanism, encouraging pregnant women to dress modestly, stay indoors as much as possible and behave appropriately. The evil eye is a pervasive, universally understood phenomenon across three regions of Ghana, even amongst a hospitalized population receiving allopathic health care for life-threatening complications of childbirth. Understanding the role of the evil eye in newborn illness attribution is important for clinicians, researchers and programmatic staff to effectively address barriers to care seeking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neonatal mortality is a significant problem in many low-resource countries, yet for every death there are many more newborns who suffer a life-threatening complication but survive. These “near-misses” are not well defined, nor are they well understood. This study sought to explore how health care providers at three tertiary care centers in Ghana (each with neonatal intensive care units (NICUs)) understand the term “near-miss.” Eighteen providers from the NICUs at three teaching hospitals in Ghana (Korle Bu Teaching Hospital in Accra, Komfo Anokye Teaching Hospital in Kumasi, and Cape Coast Teaching Hospital in Cape Coast) were interviewed in depth regarding their perceptions of neonatal morbidity, mortality, and survival. Near the end of the interview, they were specifically asked what they understood the term “near-miss” to mean. Participants included nurses and physicians at various levels and with varying years of practice (mean years of practice = 9.33, mean years in NICU = 3.66). Results indicate that the concept of “near-misses” is not universally understood, and providers differ on whether a baby is a near-miss or not. Providers disagreed on the utility of a near-miss classification for clinical practice, with some suggesting it would be helpful to draw their attention to those at highest risk of dying, with others suggesting that the acuity of illness in a NICU means any baby could become a ‘near-miss’ at any moment. Further efforts are needed to standardize the definitions of neonatal near-misses, including developing criteria that are able to be assessed in a low-resource setting. In addition, further research is warranted to determine the practical implications of using a near miss tool in the process of providing care in a resource-limited setting and whether it might be best reserved as a retrospective indicator of overall quality of care provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective To calculate perinatal mortality (stillbirth and early neonatal death: END) rates in the Upper East region of Ghana and characterize community-based stillbirths and END in terms of timing, cause of death, and maternal and infant risk factors. Methods Birth outcomes were obtained from the Navrongo Health and Demographic Surveillance System over a 7-year period. Results Twenty thousand four hundred and ninty seven pregnant women were registered in the study. The perinatal mortality rate was 39 deaths/1000 deliveries, stillbirth rate 23/1000 deliveries and END rates 16/1000 live births. Most stillbirths were 31 weeks gestation or less. Prematurity, first-time delivery and multiple gestation all significantly increased the odds of perinatal death. Approximately 70% of END occurred during the first 3 postnatal days, and the most common causes of death were birth asphyxia and injury, infections and prematurity. Conclusion Stillbirths and END remain a significant problem in Navrongo. The main causes of END occur during the first 3 days and may be modifiable with simple targeted perinatal policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]